Benjamin T. Randall

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Bible-study: 2018/09/30 (St. Matthew’s Episcopal Church, McMinnville) – James: Week 5 - 5:13-20 And so here we come to our last week looking at James: [Ask for a volunteer to read the passage.] ‘Are any among you suffering?’ [v.13] One could disparage this question as a banal one, hopelessly broad and open-ended: “Well, of course!” is the only right answer. “Isn’t somebody always suffering somewhere? In some way?” But actually, it is a more revealing query than you might first realize: We noted before that this letter, as it says in chapter 1, verse 1, was written ‘[t]o the twelve tribes in the Dispersion’, that is, to first-generation ethnically-Jewish Christians attending the synagogues of the provinces of the Roman Empire beyond the borders of the “Holy Land.”1 And I observed that this was a ‘unique’ and brief moment,2 sometime around A. D. 44.3 At this time, the Mediterranean “world” was, largely, thanks to the brutal efforts of the mighty Italian legions, ‘stable and… prosperous’.4 Indeed, ‘remarkably’ so.5 For whilst Rome was, essentially, a parasitical ‘war-machine’;6 she maintained a ‘sophisticated [and] professional’ bureaucracy that ran her domains very

1 McKnight, Scot (2011), The Letter of James (The New International Commentary on the New Testament), Grand Rapids, M. I.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 66-67. See also: Robertson, A. T. (1915), Studies in the Epistle of James, New York: George H. Doran Company, 111.

2 Adamson, James B. (1989), James: The Man and His Message, Grand Rapids, M. I.: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 260.

3 MacArthur, John F. (2005), The MacArthur Bible Commentary, Nashville, T. N.: Thomas Nelson, 1879.

4 Goldsworthy, Adrian (2016), Pax Romana: War, Peace and Conquest in the Roman World, New Haven. C. T.: Yale University Press, 2.

5 Ibid.

6 Bang, Peter Fibinger (2012), ‘Predation’, in Scheidel, Walter (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 197-217, 199.

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Benjamin T. Randall

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‘smoothly’.7 Thus, despite being ‘surrounded’ by rapacious, nomadic enemies on almost every side,8 her markets were ‘buoyant’,9 and her subjects like the Jews of the Diaspora – mostly middle-class, ‘petty traders’ and members of what one scholar calls ‘the bazaar proletariat’ but also ‘well-to-do’10– led quiet, predictable lives. James’ enquiry about suffering, therefore, was probably not prompted by some acute anxiety for the condition of his brethren overseas – which, more-or-less, then, didn’t warrant it, but, rather, more probably, was brought to mind by his own situation: I haven’t mentioned this until now, but this “letter” we’re examining was originally a sermon11 – a sermon preached by James in Jerusalem where he was bishop, and then distributed by couriers throughout the early Church; and, as such, ‘it will’, you should expect - and this is a quotation – ‘reflect the Sitz im Leben’ – that’s the German term theologians use for “context” – ‘of its place of publication.’12 And that “place” – Palestine – was, in this period, dreadful: There was a severe, protracted famine, which affected the whole region, and saw people starving to death in the streets.13 (Luke even mentions this in his book, Acts [11:27-30].) And, in addition, “law and order” was undergoing a severe ‘breakdown’:14

7 Ermatinger, James W. (2018), The Roman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia, Santa Barbara, C. A.: ABC-CLIO, LLC, 60.

8 Williams, Derek (1998), Romans and Barbarians: Four Views from the Empire's Edge, 1st Century A.D., New York, N. Y.: St. Martin's Press, 26.

9 Duncan-Jones, Richard (1982), Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies, Second Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 346.

10 Applebaum, S. (1987), ‘The Social and Economic Status of the Jews in the Diaspora’, in Safrai, Shemuel; Stern, M.; Flusser, D. & van Unnik, W. C. (Eds.), The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions: Volume 2, Philadelphia, P. A.: Fortress Press, pp. 701-727, 707 & 722.

11 Witherington, Ben, III (2007), Letters and Homilies for Jewish Christians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on Hebrews, James and Jude, Downers Grove, I. L.: IVP Academic, 386.

12 Williams, Robert Lee (1987), ‘Piety and Poverty in James’, Wesleyan Theological Journal, Volume 22, No. 2, pp. 37-55, 38.

13 Gapp, Kenneth Sperber (October 1935), ‘The Universal Famine under Claudius’, The Harvard Theological Review, Volume 28, No. 4, pp. 258-265, 260.

14 Horsley, Richard A. (1986), ‘High Priests and the Politics of Roman Palestine’, Journal for the Study of Judaism, Volume 17, No. 1, pp. 23-55, 40. See also: Loftus, Francis (October 1977), ‘The Anti-Roman Revolts of the Jews and the Galileans’, The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, Volume 68, No. 2, pp. 78-98.

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In the ‘iron’ grip of Herod the Great, Augustus Caesar’s “puppet,”15 the diverse ethnic and religious elements that resided in this kingdom had been held together in harmonious co-existence by ‘a complex control apparatus’ of secret police, “snitches,” foreign mercenaries, and a network of new fortresses.16 And although, yes, on occasion, he was prone to bouts of ‘murderous’17 paranoia – remember, for example the horrific events in Bethlehem when the Christ Child, by angelic intervention, slipped through Herod’s “net” [Mt. 2:13-16]; he was also ‘a highly focused, authoritarian monarch’18 with ‘outstanding organizational talent’;19 a man of ‘compassion…and generosity’.20 Consequently, his reign was an ‘efficient’ one in which the economy ‘expanded’ and many new jobs were created.21 But when, not long after Jesus’ birth, he died, the country ‘collapsed into violence and turmoil almost immediately.’ – a fragmented ‘kaleidoscope’ of feuding, vindictive sects and petty dynasties;22 which remained trapped in a “gradually” accelerating spiral of crises until their almost complete obliteration by Emperor Titus and his soldiers in the year 70 A. D..23 Most of the way toward that final, terrible climax in this process of ‘savage’ decline,24 James, and the people whom he pastored, would have seen – and experienced themselves – its awful reality: In their very town, the capital city, acts of terrorism occurred with terrifying frequency, as “Sicarii” – rabidly zealous Jews convinced that they were living at the brink of history – attacked and stabbed citizens in broad daylight that they deemed to be collaborators or apostates.25

15 Rocca, Samuel (2008), Herod's Judaea: A Mediterranean State in the Classic World, Eugene, O. R.: Wipf & Stock, 201.

16 Schäfer, Peter (2003), The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World, London: Routledge, 87. See also: Horsley, Richard A. and Hanson, John S. (1985), Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus, Minneapolis, M. N.: Winston Press, 66.

17 Gelb, Norman (2013), Herod the Great, Lanham, M. D.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 106.

18 Ibid., 101.

19 Netzer, Ehud (2006), Architecture of Herod, the Great Builder, Grand Rapids, M. I.: Baker Academic, 306.

20 Gelb (2013), 81.

21 Ibid., 81-82.

22 Crowe, Jerome (1997), From Jerusalem to Antioch: The Gospel Across Cultures, Collegeville, M. N.: Liturgical Press, 10.

23 Schäfer (2003), 170; but for some of my wording see again Gelb (2013), xvii.

24 Kennard, J. Spencer, Jr. (January 1946), ‘Judas of Galilee and His Clan’, The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, Volume 36, No. 3, pp. 281-286, 286.

25 Horsley, Richard A. (October 1985), ‘Menahem in Jerusalem - A Brief Messianic Episode among the Sicarii: Not “Zealot Messianism”’, Novum Testamentum, Volume 27,

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Regular too, were ‘[m]assive demonstrations’ against the Romans, which often deteriorated into looting or a slaughter.26 Because of this, many withdrew into the countryside – sometimes following the lead of ‘various magicians’ – confidence-tricksters;27 where, they found, brigandage had become rife; gangs so large that they didn’t just rob lonely travelers on the highways as burn down whole villages. Lacking clear leadership from the priests, whose authority was considered, by most, to be ‘a sham’,28 Rome sent one of Herod’s grandsons, Agrippa, to take control. A “playboy” steeped in debt, he didn’t especially care for what seemed to him to be an insulting appointment to the ‘boondocks.’29 But in an effort to establish his credentials and curry the favor of the Pharisees in particular, he did martyr two of the Apostles, including Peter: [Acts 12:1-2]. And what does James say in response to all this? Not, “Get angry.” Or, “Write to your senator.” (Although both would have been fully justified.) Not, “Hang out of your window and shout: ‘I'm mad as Hell and I'm not going to take this anymore!’” No. Instead, ‘They should pray.’[v.13a] One of the shortest verses in the Bible. They should pray.’ “You should pray.” James suggests that prayer has a real power to transform – to alleviate; to alter not just the inner universe (of our hearts and minds) but even the physical one around us: ‘The prayer of faith will save the sick’, he says (with ‘no qualification’.30) Just look at Elijah, he offers, by way of an example[1 Kgs. 17:8-9,17-22], a renowned miracle-worker; and be inspired by what that prophet – flesh and blood like us – was able to do ‘in the Name of the LORD.’[v.14] And then have a go yourselves.

No. 4, pp. 334-348, 336. See also: Rudich, Vasily (2015), Religious Dissent in the Roman Empire: Violence in Judaea at the Time of Nero, New York, N. Y.: Routledge, 141.

26 See: Smith, Morton (1999), ‘The Troublemakers’, in Horbury, William; Davies, W. D. & Sturdy, John (Eds.), The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume Three: The Early Roman Period, pp. 501-568, 511.

27 Ibid., 517. See also: Horsley & Hanson (1985), 162.

28 Schäfer (2003), 170.

29 Gelb (2013), 158.

30 Moo, Douglas J. (1985), James (Tyndale New Testament Commentaries), Nottingham, U. K.; Downers Grove, I. L.: InterVarsity Press, 187.

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But do you believe it? Do you believe that your prayers make a difference? [Discussion.] James’ encouragement to us to pray brings us full circle to where we started: to being ‘doers of the Word.’[1:22] ‘[B]e doers of the Word’ because if you don’t, he implies – at the end of our passage this morning, you risk what he might call ‘soul…death’ – verse 20. This is a clear reference to what shall happen at the general resurrection described in detail in Revelation; of the so-called ‘second death’ [see: 2:11; 20:6,14; 21:8] when ‘anyone whose name [i]s not found written in the book of life w[ill be] thrown into the lake of fire.’[20:15] To avoid this, James has argued that our faith must be a ‘practical’ one;31 that, having had our relationship to God restored by a “confession”[ref. v.16] of sin and an invitation to Jesus to be our savior – something he (merely) ‘assumes’ is true for those hearing this sermon32 – he has made it clear that we must ‘work together with [the Holy Sprit]’33 for the ‘maintenance’ of it:34 the verb he used in chapter 2, verse 22 was “συνεργεω” [“soon-erg-eh'-o”]. This isn’t about achieving perfection by our own efforts, which is impossible: remember, we found that James has ‘a realistic and pessimistic anthropology’.35 ‘But what we can say’, in conclusion, ‘with [the utmost] confidence on the basis of James's teaching is that the claim of anyone who is totally unconcerned to lead a life of obedience to God to have [a] saving faith must be questioned.’ 36

31 MacArthur (2005), 1879.

32 Julian, Ron (2000), ‘A Perfect Work: Trials and Sanctification in the Book of James’, Southern Baptist Journal of Theology, Volume 4, No. 3, pp. 40-50, 41.

33 Stewart, Alexander (2010), ‘James, Soteriology, and Synergism’, Tyndale Bulletin, Volume 61, No. 2, pp. 293-310, 294.

34 Bauckham, Richard (1999), James: Wisdom of James, Disciple of Jesus the Sage, London; New York, N. Y.: Routledge, 132. (My emphasis.)

35 Rosner, Brian S. (2018), ‘Son of God at the Centre: Anthropology in Biblical-Theological Perspective’, in Maston, Jason & Reynolds, Benjamin E. (Eds.), Anthropology and New Testament Theology, London; New York, N. Y.: Bloomsbury/T. & T. Clark, pp. 225-242, 226.

36 Moo (1985), 43. (My emphasis.)