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Before Farming 2008/1 article 1 1

Territories among hunter-gatherers & the ritual dimension

of landscapes: the central Patagonian plateau, Argentina

Natalia Carden

Archaeology Division, Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, Universidad Nacional de La Plata- CONICET,

Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Paseo del Bosque s/n, La Plata, Buenos Aires, Argentina

[email protected]

Keywords

Rock art, hunter gatherer territories, ritual landscapes, Patagonia

Abstract

This paper discusses rock art as a form of communication within hunter-gatherer social relationships. The

recognition of what kinds of places were preferentially demarcated is essential to the comprehension of the social

and symbolic dimensions of the landscape. The main argument developed in the article is that rock art played afundamental role in territorial demarcations and that ritual practices were a key element in this process. Thus, one

of the methodological issues that is addressed concerns the identification of sacred places linked to rituals,

which can be understood as part of wider religious systems. In this context, the analysed rock art sites are treated

as singular places which can be integrated as signifying systems deeply immersed within hunter-gatherer

cosmological frameworks. For this objective, five archaeological sites with rock-carvings are compared. They

belong to two archaeological localities from two different sectors (lower and upper course) of the same temporary

basin in a volcanic and semiarid landscape from southern Patagonia, Argentina. The relationships discussed are

framed in the social dynamics that characterise the late Holocene in Patagonia. The main analysed aspects are:

the location of the motifs and their visibility patterns, the relationships of the rock art sites considering their

similarities and differences, the intervisibility between these sites, the animal and human representations and

the rituality of the landscapes.

1 Introduction

The hunter-gatherer occupation of southern

Patagonia, from the late Pleistocene to the late

Holocene, has changed in response to shifts in the

structure of resources. The archaeological record

documents technological innovations during this

period and changes to settlement and mobilitypatterns, all of which have been related to

modifications in social networks and territorial

redefinitions (Gradin et al 1979; Borrero 1994-95;

Aschero 1996, 2000; Gradin & Aguerre 1992; Aguerre

& Gradin 2003; Miotti 2003; Miotti & Salemme 2003).

In this complex evolution, the late Holocene has

been associated with climatic conditions similar to

the present ones, which have configured a semiarid

landscape (Borrero 1994-95; Miotti 1998; Goi et al

2004). As a result of these conditions, the location offresh water sources and fauna - basically camelids

(Lama guanicoe) - became more critical and

unpredictable, since the grazing fields for these

animals had diminished (Aschero 2000). Although

these environmental conditions can be traced to the

early and middle Holocene, they became accentuated

in the late Holocene. One of the social responses

which have been associated with these changes is amore structured mobility in order to maximise the

capture of camelids in the high plateaux during the

summer and in the low canyons during the winter

seasons (Gradin 1976; Gradin & Aguerre 1992;

Aschero 1996; Belardi & Goi 2002). A more intense

use of resources is also manifested in the increment

of a blade technology and in the standardisation of

some lithic instruments (mainly small scrapers),

probably as a consequence of a reduced mobility and

reduced chances of access to raw material sources(Aschero 2000). Another way of obtaining these

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2 Before Farming 2008/1 article 1

Territories among hunter-gatherers & the ritual dimension of landscapes: the central Patagonian plateau: Carden

resources could have been through exchange, which

implies the existence of social networks and alliances

through logistical mobility. The presence of obsidian

(whose sources are located near the Andes

Cordillera) and marine molluscs in the central plateau

has been explained in this way (Miotti 1998, 2003).

Borrero (1994-95) characterises this stage as astable occupation, because although a demographic

increment can be proposed through more continuous

and redundant occupations, human populations

always remained under the carrying capacity of the

environment. But this stable occupation did not

necessarily imply the stability of the social interaction

networks. In the context of a growing demography and

more intense social relationships, the amplification

of such networks could have enhanced the

possibilities of alliances (for the reassurance of

finding mates and access to other territories and their

resources) but could also have increased the

likelihood of conflict through competition (Bender 1978,

Lourandos 1997; Belardi 2004; Fiore 2006; Carden

2007a).

Rock art from the late Holocene in southern

Patagonia can be characterised by a wide variety of

styles, including paintings and rock carvings

(Schobinger & Gradin 1985). In this period some

motifs become more frequently repeated in a larger

number of sites and show wider spatial distributions,a situation which could reflect the amplification of the

social interaction networks and the increase of

logistical mobility (Carden 2007a). In this context, the

question which shall be addressed in this article is

whether rock art could have been used as a means of

expressing territorial affiliations.

2 Rock art, territories and sacred landscapes

To explore the relationships between the visual

demarcations of landscapes and the definition of

territorial rights among hunter-gatherers it is

necessary to revise the connotations of the concept

of territory according to different theoretical

standpoints.

From an ecological framework, Dyson Hudson &

Smith (1978:22) characterise a territory as an area

occupied more or less exclusively by an individual or

group by means of repulsion through overt defence

or some form of communication. The territorial

defence refers to economic resources and from a

cost-benefit model the authors explore the ecologicalconditions under which this behaviour should be

beneficial for human groups.

The idea of a perimetral defence of an area has

been criticised, in the first place, with the argument

that hunter-gatherers tend to regulate the access to

their resources by other groups through the defence

of their social boundaries, as has been proposed for

Australian Aboriginal groups through examples ofgreeting ceremonies (Peterson 1975) and for South

African foragers (Cashdan 1983). This kind of

regulation has been explained as functional because

it keeps individuals informed about the spatial

distribution of the resources and it avoids their

overexploitation, so that social groups remain under

the carrying capacity of the environment. A second

argument against territoriality as a perimetral defence

is that hunter-gatherers territories are not two-

dimensional but zero-dimensional and one-

dimensional, which means that these groups exert

claims of property over resources which are localised

in specific places, and over the pathways that connect

these places (Ingold 1986a:147). In this way, a territory

may be discontinuous and can be interconnected with

other territories (Criado Boado 1999).

Claims of territorial property among hunter

gatherers not only refer to economic resources, but

also to the immaterial and sacred knowledge

concerning the creation of certain places and all the

symbols associated with it: songs, rituals, bodypaintings and rock art (see Blundell 1980; Ingold

1986a; Layton 1986, 1989; Morphy 1995; Taon 1999;

Flood 2004 for examples among Australian Aboriginal

groups). The immaterial knowledge can be tangible

in the natural features of the landscape and intersects

with everyday practices such as mobility and territorial

relationships, as has been expressed by examples

from Australian (Blundell 1980), Siberian (Jordan

2001) and Amazonian groups (Politis 2007). Thus,

cosmologies can be viewed as maps of social order,

preventing people from getting lost in their social

interactions and keeping them in their places

(Blundell 1980:112).

If the maintenance of territories can be

conceptualised as a way in which human groups

preserve their cosmological worlds, and if these

worlds are tangible in the physical world, hunter

gatherer territoriality should not be understood as an

exclusion of others or as a defence of resources but

as a way of preserving resources (both material and

immaterial). Territorial claims are thus deeplyenrooted with senses of belonging and attachment

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to places as a consequence of their long term use

(Ingold 1993; Tilley 1994; Curtoni 1999, 2005; Politis

2007).

Understanding that rock art can be interpreted as

a material correlate of the expression of territorial

affiliations is assuming its complexity, since these

signs could be articulating the material and ecologicalaspects of the places where they are localised, with

their social, political and sacred dimensions.

Therefore, the following indicators are expected for

the rock art panels:

a they should be localised in points of highconcentration of resources

b they should be signall ing mobili ty paths, forexample, through the intervisibility between rockart sites, or between rock art sites andoutstanding topographic features

c certain repeti tion of some moti fs should beobserved if they were associated with territorialaffiliations

d rock art sites could evidence a ritual dimension.

As the appropriation of the landscape can be

expressed through ritual practices, another objective

of this paper is to explore a possible ritual dimension

in the analysed rock art sites. A place can be

considered sacred when it is imbued with religious

significance, and rituals are understood here as part

of wider religious systems (Arsenault 2004; Insoll

2004). Ritual practices are formalised, repetitive and

traditional because they refer to values that are

powerful because of their symbolic efficacy in order to

control time, space and natural processes

(Schechner 1994; Insoll 2004; Maisonneuve 2005;

Politis et al 2005). Thus, the search for the ritual

dimension of the landscape through the analysis of

rock art as a possible material consequence will

include the exploration of the formal, traditional and

symbolic aspects of ritual practices through the

evaluation of patterns, not only respecting theconfiguration of the motifs, but also considering the

spatial organisation of these images in the panels

and the spatial relationships between these panels

and the surrounding topography.

For this purpose, five sites with rock carvings will

be compared. These sites are located in the

northeastern portion of the Central Plateau of Santa

Cruz province (Argentina), and are related to a basin

situated south from the River Deseado, composed

by two temporary creeks (Blanco and Rojo) which

describe a northwest-southeast direction (figure 1).

3 The study area

The climatic conditions of the study area are semiarid

and rainfall is very scarce. As a result, the river courses

and creeks only carry water during the late winter and

the early spring. The main sources of fresh water

come from subterraneous springs which are created

by rain infiltration. The presence of water favours the

development of a shrubby (eg, Junellia tridens,

Berberis sp , and Senecio sp) and herbaceous

vegetation (Stipa sp) and concentrates a wide variety

of mammals, such as camelids (Lama guanicoe),

red foxes (Canis [Pseudalopex] culpaeus), grey foxes

(Canis [Pseudalopex] griseus), pumas (Puma

concolor) and smaller wild cats (Oncifelis geoffroyi,

Lynchailurus pajeros), Patagonian hare (Dolichotis

patagonum) and armadillo (Zaedyus pichiy), as well

as flightless birds (Pterocnemia pennata andEudromia elegans) and waterbirds, mainly swans

(Cygnus melancoryphus and Coscoroba coscoroba),

wild geese (Chloephaga sp) and ducks (Anas, Oxyura,

Merganeta).

Three of the analysed sites, Laguna del Cerro

Bonete (LCB), La Leonera (LL) and Bardas del Doce

(BD), belong to the upper course of the Blanco creek,

while the other two sites, Alero El Galpn (AEG-2) and

Cueva Grande (CG), are located at the lower course

of the Rojo creek (figure 1). Although these sites share

a similar ecology, since all of them are associated

with shallow lagoons and fresh water springs which

allow an important concentration of floristic and faunal

resources, the topographies in which they are

immersed are different. The upper course of the basin

corresponds to the western part of the study area,

which is predominantly formed by plateaux intersected

with canyons. The lower course corresponds to the

eastern sector of the area and is characterised by an

irregular landscape composed of extensive lowlands

alternated with isolated peaks and hills (Panza 2001).As will be discussed below, the particular

geographical location of these two groups of sites

had important consequences in their social use, and

therefore, in the ways in which the respective

landscapes were demarcated through rock art.

4 Analysis of the upper course of the Blanco

creek: Aguada del Cuero and Cerro del

Doce localities

Laguna del Cerro Bonete (LCB) and La Leonera (LL)

from Aguada del Cuero locality, and Bardas del Doce

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Figur

e

1

StudyareaintheCen

tralPatagonianPlate

au

(Argentina)showingthe

siteswithrock-car

ving

s,distributedalongthe

BlancoandRojocreeks

.Upperbasin:1)Lagun

adelCerro

Bonete,2)

LaLeonera,3)Bardas

delDo

ce.Lowerbasin:4)Cue

vaGrande,5)AleroEl

Galpn

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4.1 Location of motifs and visibility patterns

The rock art panels are positioned over basaltic walls

with extensions reaching up to 630 m in LCB, 100 m

in LL and 515 m in BD. Although the designs are

formally similar, motifs are more concentrated and

abundant in LCB (n=196), compared with LL (n=32)

and BD (n=29). Almost all the panels are visible fromshort distances (up to 7 m), although some of them

show a low (up to 3 m) or very low visibility (under 1

m). The low visibility is related to the short distance of

the motifs to the ground and to their position in corners

of the basaltic walls. In some cases, sediment was

partially covering the designs. At LCB, the less visible

motifs are also the most complex ones, showing a

circular and curvilinear design (figure 3). This pattern

contrasts with the location of more simple motifs

(most of them circles), which can be found more

frequently in the most sheltered sectors of the basaltic

wall, reaching heights up to 3 m, in occasions with

the presence of small rock shelters. The largest

concentrations of lithic artefacts have been recorded

in these sectors. From the low visibility of the most

complex designs, it is possible to infer that the

process of production of these motifs was considered

more important than their further visualisation by other

people, or that these images were intentionally made

so as not to be easily seen by others.

4.2 Relationships between the rock art sites

The three sites are similar in the design of the motifs

(figure 4), in the techniques employed, in the position

of the motifs on the basaltic walls and their visibility,

as well as in their topographic and ecological settings,

from which their functionality as hunting loci was

inferred (table 1). Although the designs are

morphologically and technically similar, BD lacks

figurative motifs. However, the figurative motifs at the

other two sites are so low that the tendencies remain

similar. The higher density, diversity and abundance

of motifs at LCB can be interpreted as the result of a

more intense use of the site.

4.3 The animal representations

As was mentioned above, the proportion of figurative

motifs at the upper course of the Blanco creek is low.

Most of them represent bird tracks, except one feline

track at LCB. All these figures were morphologically

compared with the tracks left by the real animals in

nature (Aramayo & Manera 1996; Bang & Dahlstm

2001), not only with the object of identifying possible

referents, but also with the aim of evaluating the degree

of naturalism versus non naturalism that the images

display, and in this way, exploring some symbolicaspects concerning the animal world among these

hunter-gatherer groups. The methodology included

the definition of types, from those that could be

assigned naturalistically to an existing taxon, followed

by morphologically similar designs that could not be

assigned to an existing referent, and ending with those

motifs that in spite of being formally connected to the

other types, could not be classified as figurative

(Carden 2007a).

The bird tracks that could be related naturalistically

with existing referents can be attributed to game birds

that spend their time on the ground, such as rheids

(Pterocnemia pennata) or partridges (Eudromia

elegans), and in one case to waders (probably a

heron: Ardeidae). Although low in proportion, these

images represent animals that normally inhabit the

more humid environments constituted by lagoons and

Figure 3 Photograph (a) and tracing (b) of a complex curvilinear design with low visibility from Laguna Cerro Bonete

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springs. In this way, the images would be making

reference to the places where they are localised,

especially considering the potential of these sites for

animal concentration. The only feline print, found in

LCB, is naturalistic and is associated in the same

panel with two bird tracks that could correspond to

game birds (see bird tracks in figure 4). Since this

composition involves both prey and predator, it may

have had connotations concerning hunting activities

in a hunting locus. In LCB, bird tracks are also closely

associated with the most complex curvilinear designs,

some of which have a low visibility (figure 5).

4.4 The intervisibility between the rock art sites

The three analysed sites are not directly intervisible

but they are easy to locate through the long distance

visibility of some conspicuous topographical features,

constituted by the hills to which they are spatially

associated (figure 6). At present, these hills are

considered as important landmarks and facilitate

spatial orientation for the local inhabitants. If they

functioned in a similar way for past hunter gatherers,

these landmarks would have signalled the pathways

that communicated the rock art sites, where resources

were concentrated. If territoriality among hunter

gatherers (of places and paths sensu Ingold 1986a)is understood as a property claim of resources in

space, the rock carvings could have been demarcating

places and resources, while the hills oriented the

paths leading to them.

4.5 The ritual dimension of the landscape

As discussed, territoriality can be expressed through

the sacredness of places, and rituals can refer to

Figure 4 Similarities in the design of the rock carvings from theupper course of the Blanco creek

Sites (upper course)

Attributes Laguna del Cerro Bonete La Leonera Bardas del Doce

Motive frequency 196 32 29

Abstract vs. f igurative Predominance of abstract Predominance of abstract Exclusive presence of abstract(92%) and few figurative (94%) and few figurative

Design Abundance of circular and Abundance of circular and Abundance of circular andcurvilinear: simple and very curvilinear: simple and very curvilinear: simplecomplex complex

Technique Predominantly superficial Predominantly superficial Superficial percussionpercussion.Some scraping percussion. Some scrapingand incision. and incision.

Patina Predominantly grey Grey Grey. Very eroded.

Superimpositions Low. Part of complex Low: simple incised lines Low. Part of complexcompositions: not over complex motives by compositions: notnecessarily diachronic percussion necessarily diachronic

Position Over basaltic walls: Over basaltic walls: Over basaltic walls:mainly vertical orientation mainly vertical orientation mainly vertical orientation

Visibility Normal and low: abundance Normal and low: motives Normal and low: abundanceof motives less than 1 m 1 m from the ground of motives less than 1 mfrom the ground from the ground

Ecological context Small depression with Spring and damp terrain. Spring, lagoons andlagoon and spring. Concentration of fauna. damp terrain.Concentration of fauna Concentration of fauna.

Inferred functionality Hunting locus Hunting locus Hunting locus

Table 1 Similarities between the rock art sites from the upper course of the basin

Laguna Cerro Bonete La Leonera

Laguna Cerro Bonete Bardas del Doce

10 cm

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sacred values. The similar patterns found in the

topographical location, position, design and technique

of the motifs could be pointing towards the formal

and traditional aspects of the ritual use of these

landscapes, while the symbolic aspects of rituality

could have been expressed by the differential visibility

of the most complex and simple motifs, by theassociation of the most complex designs with bird

tracks, or by the possible connotations inferred for

the animal tracks. The relationships between the rock

Figure 5 Association between a complex curvilinear figure and a bird track at Laguna Cerro Bonete. The figure occupies a vertical (v) andhorizontal (hz) plane on the basaltic wall. The horizontal plane has a short distance to the ground and a very low visibility

carvings and the natural features of the landscape,

such as hills and water sources, can also be

interpreted as symbolic, since these features were

not only functional as landmarks and as resource

concentrators, but were also active agents expressing

the social relationships among hunter gatherers.

5 Analysis of the lower course of the Rojo

creek: Piedra Museo locality

The topographical situation of Alero El Galpn (AEG-

2) and Cueva Grande (CG), at Piedra Museo locality,

is different from the location of the other three sites

(70 km towards the northwest), since these two rock

shelters are placed at a distance of 200 m within the

same sandstone outcrop, facing opposite directions

(figure 7). This situation is remarkable considering

the high density and abundance of motifs which are

concentrated over large boulders in the interior of the

rock shelters (n=84 motifs in AEG-2 and n=231 in

CG). Alero El Galpn is closely connected to a group

of springs and to a large, salty and dry lagoon. Fromthe top of the outcrop it is possible to obtain a wide

vista of the surrounding lowlands, which in this portion

of the area reach up to 200 masl.

The springs favour the concentration of a wide

variety of mammals and birds. This situation, together

with the presence of the outcrop, was interpreted as

strategic for planning the ambush of animals. The

archaeological evidence from the lower units of Alero

El Puesto (AEP-1), spatially contiguous to AEG-2,

confirmed the recurrent functionality of the place as a

killing and primary butchering site, with dates from ca

13,000 to 9000 years BP (Miotti 2003; Miotti et al 1999b;

Miotti & Salemme 2005). The faunal remains

recovered in these units correspond to Hippidion

saldiasi(extinct horse), Mylodon sp (extinct large

sloth), Lama guanicoe (guanaco) Lama gracilis (extinct

camelid), Rhea sp and Pterocnemia pennata (large

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Figure 6 View of Cerro Bonete and Cerro Comisin from Bardas del Doce site. Between these hills, Laguna del Cerro Bonete site can belocalised

flightless birds). The lithic assemblage includes

unifacial and bifacial instruments, such as two

fragments of fishtail projectile points. According to

the interpretation of the evidence from the upper units

ofAEP-1 and AEG-2, during the middle Holocene, ca

7400 years BP, the site was occupied for residential

purposes (Cattneo 2002; Miotti & Salemme 2005).

The stratigraphic information from the late Holocene

is scarce because the upper layer is thin and lacks

radiocarbon dates. The artefactual density is low and

associates with historical remains. However, at a

distance of less than 1 km from the rock shelters,important superficial concentrations of artefacts have

been detected and interpreted as residential bases

associated with the late Holocene (Miotti 2006).

The rock carvings from Piedra Museo are

morphologically similar to those recorded at Aguada

del Cuero and Cerro del Doce localities. Thus, they

can also be associated with the style of tracks

(Menghin 1952, 1957). However, the carvings from

Piedra Museo can be distinguished by an important

density of figurative motifs, which includes a large

quantity of animal tracks (bird, feline, guanaco andhorse) and a few human prints (hands and feet).

Among the recorded techniques, the most abundant

is percussion, although the grooves are deeper in

Piedra Museo. This fact is related to the plasticity of

the sandstone rock compared with the hardness of

the basaltic rocks from the upper course of the basin,

where the carvings are superficial.

The temporal resolution of the rock art from Piedra

Museo is coarse. During the excavations in AEG-2 it

was observed that in one of its borders, the carved

boulder was leaning on unit 1 (the top layer). This unit

lacks radiocarbon dates, but it should be younger than

7400 years BP (the date obtained for the middle

Holocene occupation below). According to the position

of the boulder and to the chronology attributed to the

style of tracks on a regional scale, the rock carvings

can be associated with the end of the middle Holocene

or with the late Holocene (Menghin 1957; Gradin 1976;

Schobinger & Gradin 1985; Belardi & Goi 2002, 2006;

Miotti & Carden 2007). No excavations could be carried

out in the interior of CG (the other site with rock

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carvings) because the sediments that cover it are very

scarce.

5.1 Location of the motifs and visibility patterns

The carvings were made over the horizontal surface

of large boulders in the interior of the rock shelters:

one boulder in AEG-2 and thirteen in CG, among which

seven are archaeological and five show recent graffiti

(figure 8). There are no visual restrictions to the

observation of the motifs. As a result of their horizontalposition, it is possible to circulate around the boulders

and observe the motifs from different angles. The

differences detected in the visibility are related to the

natural illumination of the panels as a result of the

opposite orientations of the rock shelters. As AEG-2

faces towards the southeast, the carved boulder

receives direct sunlight in the early morning (before 8

am in late spring). This situation contrasts with the

natural illumination of CG, since this rock shelter is

oriented towards the northwest and the boulders

receive direct sunlight in the afternoon (according toobservations in late spring, the site is completely

illuminated after 7 pm). As a result of the effects of

sunlight on the perception of the boulders, the carved

grooves look deeper and contrast with the surrounding

rock surfaces, which appear to be more voluminous

(figure 9).

5.2 Relationships between the rock art sites:

similarities and differences

The similarities between the rock carvings from AEG-

2 and CG not only concern the morphology and

technique of the motifs, but are also reflected in the

horizontal position of the images on the boulders, in

the possibilities of free circulation around these blocks

in order to visualise the motifs, in the normal visibility

of the motifs (excepting the differences in the effects

of sunlight) and in the spatial organisation of the motifs

in the boulders. Respecting this last point, although

the motifs can be visualised from different angles,

some of the panels/boulders show a central axis

constituted by lines that divide them in two halves or

by very complex curvilinear signs. The boulders

divided by lines are coincident in a high concentration

of figurative motifs, which are animal tracks in AEG-2

and mostly human tracks in CG (boulder no 1) (figure

10). The motifs from boulder no 2 in CG display a

certain symmetrical organisation around an axis

formed by a complex spiral figure (figure 11).

In spite of their similarities, both rock shelters also

have opposite relationships. One of them is their

differential orientation to sunlight and the other is adifferential distribution of motifs (table 2). Most of the

animal tracks (considering variety and quantity) are

concentrated in one boulder within AEG-2, while CG

is characterised by a more homogeneous distribution

of motifs and by the presence of human hands and

feet that, although numerically low, are qualitatively

important because they are associated with feline

tracks and with complex curvilinear designs that

occupy central positions in the boulders (see figure

11).

The oppositions between both sites concerning

Figure 7 View of Piedra Museo sandstone outcrop. 1) Alero El Galpn site, 2) Cueva Grande site, 3) springs and 4) dry salty lagoon

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the reception of sunlight can be related to the opposi-

tions in the distribution of motifs. According to the

closer position of AEG-2 to the springs, together with

its long term use as a hunting locus and its orienta-

tion to the rising sun, it is possible that the higher

concentration of animal tracks in this site could havebeen representing the idea of the origin and/or re-

newal of animals. The opposition between CG and

AEG-2 according to their reception of direct sunlight

during dawn or dusk connotes a certain circularity,

which is manifested through the continuity of the

course of time. This relationship could also be indi-

cating a symbolism related with life renewal (Carden

2007a, b) . In this context, the central position of the

most complex curvilinear figures is outstanding, since

in a wide variety of ethnographic contexts labyrinths,

concentric circles and spirals have mythological con-

notations related to the renewal of life (Schuster, 1956,

1988; Aschero 1973; Munn 1973, 1986 in Tilley

1994:48-49).

5.3 The animal and human representations

The high concentration of figurative motifs in Piedra

Museo contrasts with the low proportion that these

images represent in the upper course of the basin.

The animal tracks were associated with existing

referents, following the same methodology and criteria

employed for the other sites, which implies evaluat-

ing the degree of naturalism versus non naturalism

that the different represented taxa display.

Considering the analysed groups, the tracks as-

sociated with birds, guanacos and humans are the

most naturalistic. Among these motifs, bird tracks are

the most abundant, also showing the highest diver-

Figure 8 View of Cueva Grande rock shelter. The rock carvings are distributed over the surface of thirteen boulders

Figure 9 Photograph of a labyrinth figure from Cueva Grande

taken at sunset. The grooves look deeper as a result of the sunlighteffects. This motif occupies a central position in boulder no 4

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Figure 10 Tracings of boulders divided by longitudinal lines: a) Alero El Galpn, b) Cueva Grande. The latter tracing was obtained from an oldphotograph (De Aparicio 1935:plate XXXIII), since after this documentation part of the boulder has been intentionally destroyed. After Carden2007a, b

Sites (lower course)

Attributes Alero El Galpn Cueva Grande

Orientation southeast northwestSurface 36 m 128 mNumber of boulders 1 13Number of carvings 84 231% figurative/ abstract motives 70/30 30/70

Human representations absent present

Table 2 Differences between Alero El Galpn and Cueva Grande at Piedra Museo locali ty

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sity in types (Carden 2007a). The associated refer-

ents could correspond to game birds (rheids and/or

partridges). Bird and guanaco tracks are not only natu-

ralistic in their internal morphology, but also in the

way they are organised, since in some panels they

can be representing trails (see naturalistic bird tracks

and guanaco trails in figure 10a). On the contrary, thefeline tracks, which are also numerous and widely

Figure 11 Photograph and tracing of boulder no 2 in Cueva Grande. Two curvilinear motifs with a U shape, as wel l as two hands, a foot andseveral feline tracks, are distributed around a central spiral figure, in some cases showing a certain symmetry. After Carden 2007a, b

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diverse in types, are mainly non naturalistic because

most of them show more or less than four toes (as

the natural prints have) (see figures 10b and 11). As

mentioned above, these motifs are recurrently

associated with human prints (hands and feet) and

complex curvilinear designs.

If the naturalism versus non naturalism of thedifferent animals represented is compared with the

ecological relationships between the referents in

nature, it is possible to observe that all the prey animal

tracks (birds and guanacos) are naturalistic while the

predators are mainly non naturalistic (felines).

Considering that humans and felines share their

predator status in the trophic chain, and given the

naturalism that the human prints display in Piedra

Museo (see figures 10b and 11), their close spatial

connection to the non naturalistic feline tracks in the

rock art panels is significant as a possible way in

which human hunting practices could have acquired

power through their association with other hunters

of high metaphorical value. The symbolic importance

of large carnivores in hunter gatherer cosmologies

has been widely reported in the anthropological and

archaeological literature (see for example Ingold

1986b; Jordan 2001; Polit is & Saunders 2002;

Helskog 2004).

5.4 The ritual dimensions of the landscape

The morphological and technical similarities of the

rock carvings can be interpreted as a result of a

relatively synchronic use of both sites. However, these

indicators are not conclusive in the temporal

resolution of the carving production sequence at

Piedra Museo, especially considering the high density

of motifs and their differential conservation, as well

as the presence of some superimpositions. These

circumstances can also be signalling a certain

diachrony, in which the patterns observed in the rock

carvings could represent the continuity along time ofvisual representation codes shared among the hunter

gatherer groups that frequently visited the locality in

their mobility circuits. The intense use of the rock

shelters evidenced through the density of the rock

carvings, which could be attributed to the middle/late

Holocene, contrasts with the scarcity of other material

remains for that period in the top layer of AEG-2. This

situation is even more remarkable at CG, since this

site almost lacks sediments. The contrast suggests,

together with the similarities and differences of both

rock shelters, that the sites could have been specifi-

cally used for ritual purposes. The morphological and

technical similarities of the motifs, as well as the simi-

lar structures of the compositions, point towards the

formal and traditional aspects of rituality, reflected in

the continuity of visual representation codes. Like-

wise, the connotations proposed for the opposite

spatial orientations of the rock shelters, together withthe differential frequencies and associations of the

animal and human tracks, may be signalling the sym-

bolic aspects of ritual practices (Carden 2007a, b).

6 Discussion

The sites with rock carvings from the study area are

environmentally comparable in their association with

fresh water sources which favour the concentration of

plants and animals. However, fundamental

differences were detected according to their location

in different sectors within the basin of the Blanco and

Rojocreeks, and consequently, to the landscapes in

which they are immersed. Although all the analysed

sites are placed in the interior of depressions, the

extensions of these landforms are smaller in the upper

course of the basin, compared with the large lowland

where Piedra Museo is located. As a result of their

topographic position, the visibility of all the sites is

low. However, LCB, LL and BD, at the upper course of

the basin, are possible to locate through landmarks

constituted by the most conspicuous hills. Thiscircumstance also allows an indirect intervisibility

between these sites. Although there are some

landmarks in the lower course of the basin which

facilitate spatial orientation to find Piedra Museo, the

visibility of this locality is much lower as a result of its

geographic situation in a larger depression (table 3).

On the contrary, the visibility of the surrounding

landscape from the top of the outcrop is higher, since

the extension of the depression allows wide vistas.

The distance between the rock art sites in both

sectors of the basin is also different, being longer at

the upper course. The proximity of the rock shelters of

Piedra Museo is remarkable considering the dense

concentration of rock carvings (table 3). Among the 32

sites with rock art that have been recorded in the area,

CG shows the highest frequency of motifs (Carden

2007a). The concentration of rock art at Piedra Museo

can be partially explained through the more

discontinuous distribution of outcrops in the eastern

sector of the study area, compared with their higher

abundance in the plateau landscape that character-

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ises the western sector (Panza 2001). Although these

circumstances explain the high concentration of rock

art at AEG-2 and CG, they do not account for the abun-

dance of animalistic motifs that characterises Piedra

Museo. The particular repertoire of the locality, as well

as the symbolic connotations that have been pro-

posed for the opposite motif frequencies in both sitesand for the associations of the different motifs, can be

related to the landscape constituted by the springs

and to the opposite orientation of the rock shelters

towards the sunlight. The singularity of this landscape

is linked to its long term use as a hunting locus. Thus,

the deep temporality of Piedra Museo can be inter-

preted as the result of enfolding events that involved

recurrent relationships between people, animals, the

topography and the cyclical course of time (Ingold

1993). From the late Pleistocene, animals have

frequented the water sources, and the natural

topography of the place facilitated their ambush and

capture (Miotti 1996; Miotti et al 1999b; Miotti &

Salemme 2005). In this context, the opposite

orientation of the rock shelters towards the sunlight

could have been perceived and expressed

symbolically through the differential frequencies and

spatial organisations of the motifs (Carden 2007a,

b). This argument can be reinforced considering that

although other rock shelters have been located in the

same outcrop which is 5 km long, only these two sitescontain rock art.

Through relationships of similarity and opposition,

the two groups of rock art sites could be integrated

into possible signifying systems. At the upper course

of the basin, the interpretation of the rock carvings of

LCB, LL and BD as the material correlates of territorial

demarcations went beyond the analysis of singular

sites, considering the intervisibility between the sites

and their spatial relationships with the natural features

of the landscape, such as hills and water sources. At

the lower course, the spatial situation of the rock

carvings from AEG-2 and CG suggest that the

constitution of Piedra Museo as a place (sensuIngold

1993, Tilley 1994) could have depended on the

integration of both rock shelters, their natural

illumination and the water sources into signifyingsystems that included relationships of similarity and

symbolic oppositions.

The differences in the distances between the rock

art sites at the two sectors of the basin are fundamental

in understanding the ways in which these places were

demarcated and integrated into social landscapes. In

this sense, at the upper course, where the distances

are longer, the similarities between the rock carvings

are stronger, while at the lower course, where the

distance is short, the relationships between the motifs

of the two rock shelters are of opposition. In this sense,

LL and BD are located at distances from LCB

(respectively 7 and 13 km) that correspond theoretically

to the scale of a hunter-gatherer mobility, which

according to different ethnoarchaeological models can

reach around 9 km through foraging radius (Binford

1982) or daily foraging trips (Politis 2007). In these

relationships of similarity, it is possible that the three

sites could have functioned alternatively as hunting loci,

although the higher concentration of motifs and lithic

artefacts at LCB may be signalling a more intense useof this site. In this context, the similarities of the motifs

could have integrated the places into the social

landscape of the hunter gatherer groups, or in other

words, into their territories. At the lower course of the

basin, the distance between AEG-2 and CG (200 m) is

shorter than the distances proposed for a differential

use of the landscape through hunter gatherer mobility.

Thus, although the opposite relationships between the

rock carvings are important in the understanding of the

Sectors of the basin

Attributes Upper course Lower course

Number of carved sites 3 2Number of motives 257 315Maximum distancebetween sites 7 to 13 km 200 mFigurative 6% 41%Proportion of abstract 94% 59%Human representation absent presentPosition vertical horizontalSite visibility high: pointed by hills low

Intervisibility yes (indirect) no

Table 3 Differences between the rock art sites from the upper and lower course of the basin

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symbolic construction of Piedra Museo as a place

through the integration of both rock shelters and the

natural topography, the comprehension of the social

construction of the landscape at the lower course also

needs to relate PiedraMuseo to other sites located at

longer distances, especially if a landscape is

considered as a series of named locales, a set ofrelational places linked by paths, movements and

narratives (Tilley 1994:34). To date, AEG-2 and CG are

the only rock art sites that have been located at the

lower course of the basin, probably as a result of the

lower abundance of outcrops in the eastern sector of

the study area. However, the conception of the social

construction of the landscape should not only be based

upon the study of rock art and should incorporate other

kinds of archaeological evidence. In this sense, the

spatial relationships and the intervisibility between

Piedra Museo and Cerro El Sargento site, a late

Holocene human burial located at a distance of 2.28

km south from the rock shelters, have been considered

of high significance for the interpretation of the symbolic

demarcations of sacred landscapes and hunter-

gatherer territories (Miotti 2006).

7 Conclusions

All the analysed sites are located at places with a

high concentration of resources and evidence an

intense human use. The presence of rock art at thesesites is not only signalling the functionality of the

places within the mobility and settlement systems of

the hunter-gatherer groups that occupied the region,

but also points towards the ways in which they were

signified, especially if places are understood as

charged with the meanings that resulted from the

experiences involved in their use and construction

(Ingold 1993; Tilley 1994).

The places and landscapes studied in this article

were interpreted as signifying systems deeply con-

nected with the territorial relationships among hunter-

gatherers during the late Holocene. The symbolism,

formalism and traditionalism manifested through the

rock carvings and their spatial organisation may be

expressing the importance of ritual activities in the

definition of these social relationships.

Although the results presented in this paper posi-

tion rock art as an important indicator for the compre-

hension of the social construction of the landscape,further studies need to be carried out in which these

signs should be integrated with other lines of archaeo-

logical evidences. Thus, the spatial relationships

between the rock art panels and other sites of impor-

tant social value within hunter-gatherers mobility sys-

tems are fundamental for a more complete under-

standing of their communication networks. In these

relationships, the natural topographic features acquire

an essential relevance for interpreting the integration

of humans into their natural, social and symbolic

worlds.

Acknowledgements

I am deeply indebted to many people who assisted in

this research. I am especially grateful for the important

comments on the manuscript made by Laura Miotti,

Dnae Fiore and Mnica Salemme. This research

was possible thanks to a grant from CONICET and

the Natural Science Faculty of La Plata. The fieldwork

carried out in Piedra Museo and Aguada del Cuero

was financially supported by an ANPCYT fund to theresearch project leaded by Laura Miotti in Santa Cruz,

and also thanks to the kind collaboration and logistical

support from the Secretary of Culture from Pico

Truncado and the invaluable hospitality of the Iribarne

family at Aguada del Cuero establishment. The rock

art documentation in the field was carried out with

Laura Miotti, Mnica Salemme and Luca Magnin, and

much of the image processing was undertaken with

the assistance of Bruno Pianzola.

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