beyond the tyranny of the new ecpr€¦ · in the wake of broader time diagnoses heralding an...

BEYOND THE TYRANNY OF THE ‘NEW? An explanatory model of styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering

LESLEY HUSTINX Catholic University of Leuven, Department of Sociology

Paper presented at ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops 2004, Uppsala, April 13-18 2004 Workshop 24: Emerging Repertoires of Political Action: Toward a Systematic Study of Post-conventional Forms of Participation

KATHOLIEKE UNIVERSITEIT

LEUVEN

FACULTEIT SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPENDEPARTEMENT SOCIOLOGIE E. Van Evenstraat 2B B-3000 LEUVEN

ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops 2004 – Workshop 24 BEYOND THE TYRANNY OF THE ‘NEW’?

2

BEYOND THE TYRANNY OF THE ‘NEW’? An explanatory model of styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering.

ABSTRACT In the wake of broader time diagnoses heralding an epochal break between an ‘industrial-modern’ and ‘late’- or ‘reflexive’-modern society, the debate on the transforming nature of social participation excels in a straightforward ‘before-and-after theorizing’ (Heelas et al., 1996). With the greatest ease, distinctions between ‘traditional’ and ‘new’ action repertoires are drawn. In this paper, we seek to critically evaluate the eager emphasis on the ‘new’ by means of empirical data derived from a face-to-face survey of 652 Flemish Red Cross volunteers (Hustinx, 2003). On the basis of a multidimensional assessment of attitudinal and behavioral volunteer features, five ‘styles of volunteering’ (Hustinx and Lammertyn, 2003) are identified: (1) episodic contributors, (2) established administrators, (3) reliable co-workers, (4) service-oriented core volunteers and (5) critical key figures. Furthermore, an explanatory model of the observed volunteer diversity is constructed that accounts for both the ‘social embeddedness’ of the volunteers (work, family, and culture) and the particularity of the organizational environment under investigation. Generally speaking, styles of Red Cross volunteering are a matter of four groups of determinants: (1) the objective availability of the volunteers, (2) their particular knowledge and skills, (3) volunteer experiences and career opportunities within the organization, (4) differences in ‘tastes for involvement’. It will be demonstrated that forms of participation and their main correlates are far more complex and inconsistent than a simple distinction between ‘traditional’ and ‘new’ would suggest. On the basis of the analyses conducted, we argue in favor of a coexistence thesis as opposed to a radically periodizing contrast between traditional and (late) modern features (Heelas, 1996). This basic assumption will prevent the researcher from falling into too straightforward conceptualizations and one-sided attempts to dig out the empirical world in search of purely ‘new’ social phenomena.

1. INTRODUCTION Recently, the idea of a gradual transformation of the nature of social and political participation has found increasing support as compared to a major rival thesis in terms of a progressive decline in civic engagement (see, among others, Beck, 1997; Bennett, 1998; Hooghe, 2003; Hooghe & Stolle, 2001; Voyé, 1995; Wuthnow, 1998). Broadly speaking, the idea of a ‘transformation’ refers to two interlocking types of changes: changes in the form of participation on the one hand, and changes in the profile of the participants on the other hand. With regard to the formal dimension of the transformation process, emphasis is mainly put on the transience of contemporary participation on the one hand, and on its de-institutionalization on the other hand. Compared to former patterns of involvement, participation today appears to occur more ‘sporadically’, ‘temporarily’, ‘occasionally’, ‘transitorily’, ‘loosely’, ‘fluidly’, ‘elusively’, et cetera. In addition, voluntary organizations seem to loose their position and meaning as a central venue for participation. Instead of former, membership-based and pre-structured group activities, people increasingly engage in ‘non-bureaucratic’, ‘less, loosely, or


3

self-organized’, ‘informal’, ‘structurally detached’, ‘vicarious’, ‘virtual’, and so on and so forth ways (e.g., Beck, 1997; Bennett, 1998; Brömme & Strasser, 2001; Selle & Stromsnes, 1998, 2001; Meijs & Hoogstad, 2001; Maloney & Jordan, 1997; Wollebaek & Selle, 2002). At the side of the participants, a shift in their subjective disposition is above all announced. In the wake of the widely debated but nevertheless contested individualization process, it is argued that the willingness to participate has become more ‘self-centered’, ‘individualistic’, ‘pragmatic’, ‘calculating’, ‘noncommittal’, ‘client-like’, ‘sensation-seeking’, and so on (see, among others, Olk, 1989; Jakob, 1993; van Daal, 1994; Voyé, 1995; Renooy, 1996; Gaskin, 1998; Klages, 1998; Wuthnow, 1998; Safrit and Merrill, 2000; Hustinx, 2001). Although these characterizations easily evoke the image of a conceited and passively television watching citizen, the apparently changing willingness of the participants should also be put into the broader perspective of a gradual disembedding from formerly standardized or ‘collective’ patterns of living and life courses. Such disruptions in previously stable biographical trajectories, however, are only rarely identified as potential facilitating/inhibiting factors affecting types of participation (Beher et al., 2000; Hacket & Mutz, 2002; Hustinx & Lammertyn, 2003). Although this roughly sketched ‘transformation thesis’ provides a more challenging point of departure than the simple heralding a general ‘decline’ in participation, the discourse in terms of a shift from ‘traditional’ or ‘old’ to ‘modern’ or ‘new’ types of involvement is nonetheless of a highly problematic nature. Apart from the rather unsophisticated nature of this binary periodization1, three more fundamental objections may be formulated. Firstly, in the absence of sound longitudinal, historically comparable data, the idea of a transformation is based on empirically unsubstantiated assumptions (Jakob, 1993: 17-18). As a result, there is a highly speculative and normative thrust in the discourse on the changing face of social participation. It is often rooted in suggestive interpretations that are inspired by cursory time diagnoses and retrospective impressions (compare Rauschenbach, 1999: 72-74; Braun, 2001). The traditional archetype typically savors of ‘Gemeinschaftsschmertz’ or nostalgia to the ‘good’ society (Bellah et al., 1991), whereas the prototypical modern participant appears to be carried along by a stream of individualization optimism as if individual freedom is best enjoyed in a social vacuum (or who is, in more cynical representations, accused of embodying a purely individualistic or self-centered type of involvement). Secondly, the propounded shift from ‘old’ to ‘new’ forms of engagement is based on a self-evident, undifferentiated and uniformizing understanding of the nature of social and political 1 To grasp the singularity of recent transformations, a three-stage periodization of social change would at least be desirable (e.g., Beck, 1992; Wagner, 1994; Crouch, 1999). Furthermore, the distinction ‘old/new’ is not exclusively tied up with any particular stage in history. Langton (1981), for instance, also launched the idea of the ‘new’ voluntarism to refer to the 1970s renaissance of interest in voluntarism as a distinct institutional segment within our society that was substantially different from government and business.


4

participation. One (‘old’) container entity is simply replaced by another (‘new’) one. It follows that a vast stream of literature and research on ‘determinants’ of and ‘trends’ in (sub-dimensions of) participation has been produced in the remarkable absence of a systematic and comprehensive outline of the (interplay between) the various dimensions and characteristics of the empirical reality under investigation. The undifferentiated understanding of participation typically results in the use of a unidimensional dependent variable: one either predicts participation in general (yes/no) as if it were a uniform entity or constructs explanatory models for separate sub-components (pars pro toto). Hence the urgent need for an analytical de-composition of the essence or quality of the volunteer reality in se remains largely unnoticed (compare Rauschenbach, 1999). Thirdly, in order to enhance the drama of the ongoing changes, the debate excels in a radical ‘before-and-after theorizing’ (Heelas, 1996). It is suggested that we are dealing with a general and linear modernization-driven process in which an outdated social reality is being replaced by totally new social practices. Instead of such a forceful thinking in terms of an epochal break, we however are more inclined to agree with Heelas that we should “see our times as a mixture of various trajectories, from the more tradition-informed to the more individualized” (Heelas, 1996: 11) and that “theorizing should concentrate on ‘coexistence’ and ‘interpenetration’ rather than on ‘replacement’ [of tradition with (late) modernity – LH]” (ibid.: 13). At issue in this coexistence thesis is not an epochal replacement of traditional or ‘collective’ forms by fully modern or ‘self-reflexive’ ones, but a characterization of contemporary life in terms of a tension between other-informed and self-informed sources of determination (Heelas, 1996: 4). In the study presented, we seek to overcome these major weaknesses of the eager emphasis on the ‘new’ by following a twofold research strategy. Firstly, endorsing the logic of a coexistence of various trajectories, we leave the binary, historically biased distinction ‘traditional/modern’ behind. Instead, we focus on a comprehensive theoretical and empirical mapping of the fundamentally multifaceted nature of contemporary participation. Secondly, in the absence of sound longitudinal data, we seek to account for the propounded historical transformation – that is, a gradual modernization – of patterns of participation in an indirect way. By examining the way in which differential participation interacts with a number of widely held modernization indicators, we can explore cross-sectionally whether more modern people display discernible patterns of involvement in comparison with their more traditional fellow participants, and whether these associations are in line with the theoretical expectations of a gradual modernization of participation. In addition to a formal assessment of the nature of contemporary participation, we thus search for systematic variations in types of involvement on the basis of the (more or less ‘modern’) profile of the participants. Out of the possible range of types of social participation, we opt to narrow down the scope of our examination to formal volunteering. We opt for a study of formal volunteering because of


5

two important reasons. Firstly, the ongoing discussion on the transforming nature of volunteering clearly echoes the logic of broader time diagnoses in terms of a modernization-driven erosion of the traditional axes and modes of living. Recent (alleged) changes in the nature of volunteering, such as the more intermittent and shifting mode of involvement, or the the rise of volunteer agencies that recruit volunteers for specific tasks, increasingly undermine the conventional understanding of volunteering (i.e., narrowly defined as unpaid activities in a formal context for the benefit of others). Hence we believe that the field of volunteering is a pre-eminent touchstone of the general research matter. Secondly, contrary to a relatively established (political) research tradition on active membership and citizenship, the (sociological) discussion on the (transforming) nature of volunteering is still very new. Furthermore, the concomitant empirical research has not yet gained momentum. Consequently we are particularly challenged by the opportunity to break relatively under-theorized and unexplored research ground. In the remainder of this paper, we will first present a new analytical framework of ‘styles of volunteering’ (the SOV-complex) for studying the (changing) nature of involvement. Next, we will explore empirically the SOV-typology by means of survey data drawn from a representative sample of 652 Flemish Red Cross volunteers. The first part of the analysis will focus on a formal assessment of the nature of Flemish Red Cross volunteering, the second part will seek to explain variations in styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering by means of a number of volunteer- and organization-related predictor variables. 2. THE SOV-COMPLEX: A BASIC OUTLINE Guided by the theoretical perspective of a coexistence of more tradition-informed and the more individualized sources of determination, we have constructed a comprehensive analytical framework of ‘styles of volunteering’ (the ‘SOV-complex’) for understanding and investigating contemporary volunteer reality (for a profound discussion: see Hustinx, 2003; Hustinx and Lammertyn, 2003). Four central principles are identified concerning form and content of present-day volunteering. First, with respect to content, styles of volunteering are qualified as biographically embedded patterns of behavior. Further, three formal criteria are formulated concerning the multilevel, multiform, and multidimensional nature of volunteering. These four characteristic properties provide the key materials for our analytical framework. Inspired by sociological theories and concepts that pronounce the idea of a new, more advanced stage of social evolution within modernity (‘second’, ‘late’ or ‘reflexive’ modernization – for a profound discussion: see, among others, Beck, 1992; Wagner, 1994;


6

Crouch, 1999; Castells, 2000; Giddens, 1990), we firstly argue that recent social transformations fundamentally affect the social bases of volunteer action, and more specifically the biographical frame of reference of the volunteers (compare Eckstein, 2001; Keupp, 2001; Beher et al., 2000). Facing a modernization of the ‘simple-modern’ or ‘classical-modern’ industrial society, we have entered a social stage in which the guiding ideas and core institutional responses of first-stage modernity (e.g. the gender-imbalanced nuclear family, the ideal of standardized full employment, the abundant exploitation of nature in the name of progress) no longer appear self-evident or infallible (Beck, 2001: 23-24). The individual reflection of these changing institutional conditions is typically referred to as an increase in ‘self-reflexivity’, or the, which involves a shift from former heteronomous or collective monitoring of agents to the autonomous, active and permanent self-monitoring of individual life narratives (Lash, 1994: 115-116; Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002: 35). It is hypothesized that this de-standardization of the life course also leads to an intensified and dynamic interaction between individual biographical conditions and the volunteer experience. The notion of a ‘biographical match’ (Olk, 1990; Jakob, 1993) or ‘functional match’2 (Snyder, 1993; Clary et al., 1998) refers to this basic assumption of biographically embedded patterns of involvement: motivation, occasion, and opportunity have to match in a particular biographical stage or situation (compare Kühnlein and Mutz, 1999: 300). We not only assume that this volunteering-related ‘person-situation fit’ (Clary et al., 1998) should be situated at the crossroads between biographical frame of reference and the nature of involvement, but that it also channels the influence of the organizational environment. For one could argue that organizational structures and organizing cultures may possibly mold the nature of volunteering only if (1) the volunteer is objectively available for, and (2) subjectively prepared to collaborate in a particular volunteering setting. As a result, we position this biographical match at an intermediate analytical level, mediating between social embeddedness, organizational framework and styles of volunteering. It consists of both structural and subjective ‘filters’3, and the extent to which they are permeable depends on the ‘collective’ or ‘self-reflexive’ nature of the social embeddedness of the volunteers.

2 Snyder (1993) and Clary et al. (1998) speak of a ‘functional match’ underlying the decision to volunteer. This term refers to a process through which individuals come to see volunteerism in terms of their personal motivations. Continued participation also depends on the ‘person-situation fit’: the ongoing nature of volunteering is relying on the degree in which volunteer roles match the personal motivations of volunteers. We propose to reconsider this functional approach from the broader social context of volunteering. Reflexive modernization theory suggests that motivations are biographically embedded, and thus fundamentally determined by a late modern life course. The individual functions that volunteering may serve should not only be understood in psychological terms of inner motivations, but also in the context of a broader reflexive biography construction. 3 The idea of a kind of ‘subjective filter’ sifting out a particular style of volunteering resembles Bourdieu’s concept of a ‘habitus’, a system of socialized dispositions mediating between structure and practice. In spite of the very valuable idea of the ‘generative capability’ of the habitus (Bourdieu, 1998: 8), emphasis however is predominantly put on its role in explaining the reproduction of underlying structures; that is, the habitus operates as an internalized mechanism generating practice in accordance with the regulating structure (Nash, 2003: 47-49). It is considered a structuring and unifying principle resulting in more or less coherent and systematic


7

In order to adequately assess the concrete nature of volunteer participation, three critical formal criteria moreover need to be taken into account. Firstly, it is crucial to draw a distinction between a more objective-structural and a more subjective-motivational level of analysis when examining the present volunteer reality (Kühnlein, 1998; Beher et al., 2000; Hacket and Mutz, 2002). Current variations in volunteering patterns result from a complex interplay of changes in the constitutive environment of volunteering on the one hand and changes at the level of the volunteer on the other hand. According to Beher et al. (2000: 8-10), the structural context of volunteering consists both of the individual life situation or the “subject-relevant reflection of social structures and relations”, and the institutional or organizational settings in which volunteer action takes place. The propounded restructuring of volunteering thus has to be interpreted in reference to both the individual biographical consequences of broader social-structural transformations and the organizational changes restructuring the volunteer field. The subjective-biographical dimension refers to the (changing) relationship between volunteer and commitment and pays attention to the volunteer’s (changing) motivations, attitudes and cultural value orientations. Furthermore, the SOV-typology should be interpreted as a flexible continuum reflecting a fundamentally pluriform and dynamic volunteer reality. Contrary to the polarization between ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ volunteer types in the prevailing discourse, we start from the assumption of a radical pluralization of contemporary forms of volunteer commitment (Hacket and Mutz, 2002: 41). This multiformity thesis is consistent with the theoretical ambiguity of the current modernization phase: we are not confronting a complete rupture between two historically different social forms, but we increasingly come to live in a social environment that is characterized by a mixture of ‘other’ and ‘self’-informed features. We consequently do not assume that ‘new’ volunteer forms are replacing ‘old’ ones, but that ‘collective’ and ‘reflexive’ ingredients are blended together into a personal volunteer cocktail.4 Finally, it is indispensable to conceptualize the nature of volunteering as a multi-dimensional reality. Research on volunteering usually takes a ‘monolithic’ approach, deploying it as a ‘catch-all’ term, or reducing it to one of its multiple dimensions (Cnaan and Amrofell, 1994; Cnaan et al., 1996). As a consequence, one only scratches the surface of a much more position-takings in diverse fields of practice (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 20-21). This approach contrasts with sociological theory that aims at explaining transformation and which will tend to privilege the “energy of the individual will” over the “force of collective habit” (Nash, 2003: 47-48). From a change perspective, it becomes clear that an understanding of the habitus in terms of unreflected habitual actions fails to explain unexpected trajectories and to recognize that even reproductive practices are not necessarily generated by habit (ibid.: 50). We furthermore believe that objective structural opportunities and constraints can act as an autonomous force passing by socialized habit or self-reflexive ability. For both reasons, we are not fully satisfied with the explanatory power of the ‘habitus’. 4 The exact way(s) in which various SOV-dimensions are intertwined, however should be understood as an empirical question, a hypothesis to be tested in specific organizational contexts and volunteer groups. We therefore do not connect this formal criterion with further conceptual and operational specifications.


8

complex and diverse reality. For a profound understanding of the nature of volunteering, the SOV-complex therefore proposes to take into account at least six different dimensions (compare Jakob, 1993; Kühnlein, 1998; Rommel et al., 1997): (1) the biographical frame of reference, (2) the motivational structure, (3) the course and intensity of commitment, (4) the organizational environment, (5) the choice of (field of) activity, and (6) the relation to paid work(er). A more detailed description of possible style variations within this sixfold classification however is beyond the scope of this paper, but can be found in a theoretical article by Hustinx and Lammertyn (2003). 3. RESEARCH PROCEDURES

3.1. Sample and data collection The data used in this study are drawn from a survey that consisted of 652 personal in-home interviews with a representative sample of volunteers from five different Flemish Red Cross units: the First Aid Unit, the Red Cross Youth, the Social Services Unit, the Training Unit, and the Unit for Psycho-Social Intervention in disasters. In consultation with some key informants within Red Cross Flanders, these specific units were selected out of a wide variety of services in order to ensure a maximum variety of volunteer profiles5. The respondents were selected on the basis of a multi-stage sampling procedure from centrally kept volunteer records. In a first step, the sample was geographically limited by means of a random selection of 50 local branches of Red Cross Flanders (equally spread over the five Flemish provinces). Within these Red Cross chapters, a disproportional sample of volunteers was subsequently subtracted from the five selected units, under-representing units with large numbers of volunteers, and over-representing units with small numbers of volunteers (for a detailed discussion: see Hustinx, 2003: 120-124). All volunteers in the sample were interviewed by means of a standardized face-to-face questionnaire in the spring of 2000. The questions focused on several attitudes and behaviors of Red Cross volunteers, and information was gathered on a number of economic, affective, social and cultural background indicators. By dividing the number of complete interviews by the number of potential respondents, we obtained a response rate of 79.3% among the selected volunteers (AAPOR’s minimum response rate: see AAPOR, 2000: 23). This relatively low response rate mainly results from a large proportion of non-contacts (17.8% of the total

5 According to these key informants, certain Red Cross units could be considered as clearly ‘traditional’ (i.e. long-term and intensive commitments; an older volunteer population; reproducing traditional gender patterns), whereas other units were more likely to correspond to the ‘newer’ volunteer profile (i.e. short-term and rather sporadic; younger age cohorts). A comparison of the different units studied however is beyond the scope of this article (for a discussion: see Hustinx, 2003).


9

number of contacts with potential respondents). Explicit refusals occurred in 2.3% of all contacts with potential respondents. Non-responders did not systematically differ from responders with regard to sex, age, and length of service. We consequently could conclude that the achieved sample was not substantially biased by non-response. The age and gender characteristics of the sample proved to be representative of the volunteer population studied. The length of service of the selected volunteers however appeared to be an inaccurate representation of the real population distribution. The weighting scheme ‘unit*age+length of service’ was deployed to perform an incomplete (i.e., marginal based) and multiplicative (i.e., iterative proportional fitting) population weighting adjustment of our sample (Janssens, 2003). We herewith also accounted for our disproportional sampling design (a further elaboration of these methodological issues is presented in Hustinx, 2003: 101-136).

3.2. Operationalization of key conceptual components Aiming at an empirical assessment of the SOV-complex and it’s hypothesized biographical embedding, we depart from a conceptual model based on three key analytical components: (1) styles of volunteering, (2) the social embeddedness of the volunteers, (2) the organizational framework. Firstly, to measure the nature of volunteer involvement, we take the multilevel nature of styles of volunteering as the main lead for our investigation. A multidimensional set of indicators is developed for measuring the two basic analytical SOV-levels: structural and behavioral volunteering features on the one hand, and motivational and attitudinal aspects of volunteering on the other hand. We define these key SOV-components as ‘patterns of volunteering’ and the ‘culture of the volunteer’. Secondly, with the notion of social embeddedness, we seek to get an empirical impression of the extent in which the volunteer’s biography is (still) marked by the normal, collective categories typical of the first stage of modernity, or on the other hand, the extent to which it reflects the biographical disembedding characteristic of the second modernity. We specifically aim to construct empirical measures that succeed in positioning the volunteers with respect to their ‘objective availability’ (‘structural bonds’) and their ‘subjective readiness’ (‘cultural bonds’). With regard to the ‘structural bonds’ of the volunteers, we are particularly interested to what depth they are still embedded in the institutions of work, family and community. The ‘cultural bonds’ of the volunteer are divided into a cognitive and attitudinal component. Thirdly, to make our empirical evaluation of the hypothesized ‘biographical match’ as robust as possible, we also seek to account for a major rival understanding of volunteering in terms of organizational behavior and experience (Eastis, 1998; Grube and Piliavin, 2000; Pearce, 1993). The organizational environment presumably interferes with the nature of volunteering


10

through the particular way in which the work is structurally organized, as well as through the bearing of certain ‘organizing cultures’. Figure 1 sketches the interrelations between the key components of our conceptual model. The way in which the subdimensions of our core concepts are arranged largely reflects the different types of variables required for assessing empirically the conceptual model. We will now present an overview of the measures used for each core component.

Insert figure 1 about here 3.2.1. THE CULTURE OF THE VOLUNTEER (or the dispositional component of the SOV-complex) On the basis of an exploratory factor analysis, 11 attitudinal and motivational measures (with a Likert-type response format) were generated to assess the cultural dimension of the typology of styles of volunteering. The dispositional measures constructed relate to four attitudinal-motivational subdimensions of the ‘culture of the volunteer’-concept: (1) the subjective readiness of the volunteer (levels of loyalty, devotion, and choosiness; preference for a low level of commitment); (2) the motivational bases of volunteering (satisfaction, recognition, and self-development); (3) the perception of the organizational environment (valuation of the mission of Red Cross Flanders, perception of the level of bureaucracy); and (4) the tolerance towards organizational demands (concerning the intensity of involvement and the level of expertise required). To separate distinct volunteer cultures, this multidimensional set of factor-based dispositional measures was subsequently subjected to an exploratory cluster analysis. Four dispositional groups were identified exhibiting high internal homogeneity and high external heterogeneity. Although these attitudinal volunteer clusters embodied complex multidimensional differences in attitudes towards the organization and the volunteer experience, we have typified them by means of their most distinguishing dispositional characteristic. A comparison of mean scores on the attitudinal measures suggested that we are dealing with an ‘unconditional’ (26.2%), ‘critical’ (21.3%), ‘reliable’ (33.9%), and ‘distant’ (18.6%) culture of the volunteer. This four-fold attitudinal classification will be retained for assessing the coordinating SOV-complex. An overview of the mean scores per cluster is presented in table 1.

Insert table 1 about here Drawing a general picture from these volunteer dispositions, the broader culture of the volunteer measured could broadly be interpreted along the lines of two axes. On the one hand, the clusters can be distinguished according to the strength of the general identification with,


11

or the commitment to the organization and volunteer engagement (indicators are the factors ‘mission’, ‘bureaucracy’, ‘recognition’, ‘satisfaction’, ‘self-development’, ‘loyalty’, and ‘devotion’). On the other hand, the volunteer types differ according to the extent to which they subordinate themselves to organizational demands or put their own needs and preferences first (indicators are the factors ‘choosy’, ‘low commitment’, ‘training’ and ‘intensity’). The ‘unconditional’ volunteer disposition is reflected in a very strong identification with and subordination to the organization and volunteer experience. Compared to the other clusters, the ‘unconditional’ cluster appears to be substantially more loyal, more devoted, and less choosy. These volunteers do not eschew demanding forms of commitment. They are more directed at receiving social recognition, and derive more satisfaction from belonging to a volunteer group. They attach significantly greater value to the organization’s mission and are less critical toward bureaucratic tendencies. Compared to the other clusters, they are also more willing to accept interference in the intensity and term of the commitment. The volunteers of the ‘distant’ cluster largely represent the opposite dispositions. They are characterized by their remarkably weak identification with the volunteer experience and a low subordination to organizational demands and needs. Like the ‘unconditional’ dispositional cluster, the group of ‘critical’ volunteers also displays high levels of devotion and identification with their Red Cross commitment, but the most characteristic property of this cluster is the critical evaluation of the organizational environment. The ‘reliable’ attitudinal cluster, finally, only moderately identifies with the Red Cross involvement, and is not particularly inclined to set aside the individual preferences. However, this does not constrain the volunteers’ level of devotion. We therefore opt to refer to this set of volunteer attitudes as ‘reliable’ – nothing more, but also nothing less. 3.2.2. PATTERNS OF VOLUNTEERING (or the behavioral component of the SOV-complex) Patterns of volunteering refer to the objective form of the volunteer efforts. The various structural and behavioral aspects of volunteering in fact speak for themselves. Our conceptual understanding of patterns of volunteering includes the course and intensity of involvement, the particular field of action, and the types of volunteer activity performed. For the purposes of our analysis, we have selected five variables that are considered key indices of the concept ‘patterns of volunteering’. A first component relates to the intensity of involvement, and includes the frequency of volunteering and the number of monthly hours of volunteering.4 With regard to the frequency of involvement, one third of the respondents (34.2%) reported to serve the Red Cross weekly or more, whereas about one fourth (24.5%) participated only once or several times a year. The time investment of the volunteers varied from less than 4 monthly hours (24.7%) to more than 24 hours per month (25.6%). In order to tap the volunteer’s course of involvement, we also introduce the length of service in the analysis.5, 6 17.3% had


12

served the Red Cross for one or two years, 37.3% between 3 and 5 years. 45.4% had been involved for more than 5 years at the time of the survey. Finally, with regard to the choice of (field of) activity, we have opted to use two variables that gauge the position of the volunteer. In the first place, we count the number of main activities the volunteers reported to perform in different Red Cross units. 25% did not mention any main activity, about half of the respondents (53.1%) counted one main activity, and 21.8% reported more than one main activity. Next, we distinguish between volunteers who hold formal office in a volunteer board (29.2%) and those who do not. On the basis of both variables, we are able to assess the extent to which the volunteers occupy a core position (i.e., being on the board, or performing main activities in at least two different units) or a peripheral position (i.e., one main activity at most and no formal office) within the organization. 3.2.3. THE SOCIAL EMBEDDEDNESS OF THE VOLUNTEERS We aim at explaining SOV-variations according to the differential nature of the biographical frame of reference of the volunteers. As already discussed, we expect this ‘biographical match’ to depend on both the objective (structural) availability and the subjective (cultural) readiness of the volunteers. More specific, we search for indicators of their economic, affective, social and cultural bonds.

ECONOMIC BONDS The empirical assessment of the economic embedding of the volunteers firstly consists of a specification of the respondents’ relation to the labor market in terms of their socio-economic position and class. On the one hand, a distinction is made between the socio-economic positions of the full-time employed (48.4%), part-time employed (10.1%), non-active persons (13.9%), pensioners (7.8%) and students (19.8%). On the other hand, the socio-economic class of the volunteers is measured by means of an abbreviated version of the EGP-classification (Erikson, Goldthorpe and Portocarero, 1979), which does not distinguish between self-employed with or without personnel (for we did not inform about the occupational status of the respondents in such a great detail). The five professional categories are (compare Erikson et al., 1979: 420): professionals (managerial and professional occupations) (22.3%), routine non-manual workers (24.0%), self-employed workers (4.4%), skilled workers and foremen (7.0%), semi- or unskilled workers (20.5%), and persons who never worked or are long-term unemployed (21.8%).6 Furthermore, our questionnaire also included measures of the employment security and the flexibility in the working conditions of the employed respondents. To assess employment

6 We also measured the family income level of the respondents, a variable that is commonly used to measure socio-economic status. Due to a high number of missing values (12.3% among the working respondents, 20.3% for the total sample, we will not take this variable into account, as we suspect it to be unreliable.


13

security, we inquired about the type of contract, the number of jobs in the three years preceding the interview, and the number of times the volunteers had been unemployed in the same time period. However, only a small minority of the working volunteers in our sample was subjected to some kind of job insecurity, as a result of which we did not retain these measures in our explanatory measurement model. With regard to the flexibility of the working conditions, we firstly look at the number of working hours to assess the extent to which the volunteers are occupied with their paid work and possibly work overtime. By means of this variable, we distinguish between respondents who do not work (43.9%), who work 20 weekly hours maximum (5.0%), who work between 20 and 40 weekly hours (20.1%), and who work usually overtime, that is, more than 40 hours per week (31.0%). Furthermore, we constructed a variable that combines information about the moments at which the respondents have to work (i.e., daytime, evening, night, weekend), and the time schedule applied (e.g., regular schedules versus shift systems or stand-by contracts). This variable ‘employment conditions’ regroups our sample of Flemish Red Cross volunteers in a category that does not (only) work by day and is subject to irregular time schedules (17.9%), a category that does not (only) work during daytime but follows a regular time schedule (13.8%), a category that (predominantly) works by day according to (ir)regular schedules7 (27.5%), and a remaining category of respondents who do not work(40.8%).

AFFECTIVE BONDS In our sample, very few ‘deviations’ from the ‘traditional’ model of the nuclear family could be traced. Divorced persons (4.2%), single-parent families (2.8%), and unmarried couples (6.7%), for instance, constitute a small minority in our sample. We consequently arrive at a very ‘meager’, rather undifferentiated assessment of the (late modern) affective bonds of the volunteers under investigation. Firstly we include information about the living arrangements of the volunteers, distinguishing between respondents who live with their (married) partner (57.3%), who live on their own (9.3%), and who live with their parents (33.3%). Next, we look at the particular stage of the family life cycle in which the volunteers are situated, a variable that discriminates between: pre-family life (i.e., persons who still live with their parents) (33.1%), couples or singles without children8 (17.9%), couples or singles with young children (i.e., younger than 12 years old) (19.9%), couples or singles with teenage and/or adolescent children (19.9%), and ‘empty nest’ families (9.2%). An indicator that balances between economic and affective bonds is the family source of income. We however assign it to the category of affective bonds because it gives a good impression of the extent to which the family economy still reflects the traditional image of the male breadwinner and the female housewife. A distinction is made between two-income

7 Only 1.96% of the working respondents report to work predominantly during daytime but according to an irregular time schedule. As a result, we do not construct a separate category for this type of employment conditions. 8 This category also includes 9 divorced persons who report to have children who do not live in their household.


14

families (31.5%), one-income families (34.2%), and families with a replacement income or respondents without an income (34.3%).

SOCIAL BONDS As already discussed, an important contemporary ‘trend’ in the social participation of citizens is the propounded shift from traditional associational and church-based networks to rather informal, ‘de-institutionalized’ forms of voluntary action. We obviously are interested in investigating how these different types of social bonds relate to the existing variations in the styles of volunteering under investigation. We will firstly assess the respondents’ strength of integration in ‘classical’ organizations. We look at whether they have any core or active associational memberships (72.5%) or other volunteer commitments outside Red Cross Flanders (59.0%), and at the frequency of their most important membership or volunteer commitment, distinguishing between those who participate weekly or more (25.8%), monthly or more (19.84), and less than monthly or with no other involvements (54.3%). We furthermore look at the church practice of the volunteers, distinguishing between the volunteers who regularly go to church (i.e., on a monthly basis or more frequently) (21.7%), those who irregularly attend church (i.e., at special occasions or rarely) (52.9%), and those who never go to church (25.4%). In addition, we aim at grasping the extent to which the respondents’ broader participation networks are also characterized by ‘new stylish’ modes of engagement. On the other hand, we constructed two measures tapping ‘unconventional’ forms of commitment. The first measure groups a number of organizationally detached protest actions (40.0%), whereas the second represents the extent to which the respondent participates in the ‘vicarious’ checkbook activism (Maloney and Jordan, 1997) (37.8%). Furthermore, we distinguish between the respondents’ involvement in rather ‘classical’ or ‘conventional’ action fields (e.g., caring for the elderly or disabled, working for a church community9) (71.6%) and in ‘new’ or ‘post-materialistic’ action fields (e.g., caring for people with HIV/AIDS, environmental themes, gender issues) 10 (45.9%).

CULTURAL BONDS Conceptually, we have divided the cultural bonds of the volunteers into a cognitive and an attitudinal component. The cognitive component obviously includes the educational attainment of the volunteers. A division is made between respondents with no, primary or 9 It should be noted that voluntary involvement in a church community does not by definition represent a ‘traditional’ form of participation. Wuthnow (1988) demonstrates how American organized religion has kept its vitality by successfully adapting to a changing social environment, for instance through the proliferation of (‘late modern’) faith-based special interest groups. In the Flemish context, however, church-based involvements are still associated with the traditional church institution. 10 It should be noted that, rather than a mere ‘quantification’ of the social participation on the basis of a count of the number of associational memberships or the frequency of social participation, the suggested division between ‘traditional’ and ‘new’ social affiliations leans more toward a ‘qualitative’ interpretation of the indicators of social participation. Besides measuring the extent or intensity of associational and other involvements, we also put a cultural meaning on the variables at issue. As such, the boundary drawn between ‘social’ and ‘cultural’ bonds might seem rather ambiguous.


15

lower secondary education (29.3%), respondents who completed their higher secondary education (37.9%), and respondents who have received some form of higher (university) education (32.8%). The cognitive abilities of the respondents however are also influenced by their age. But rather than examining the effects of age and education from a methodological survey perspective (e.g., Verbelen, 2002), we consider both variables as the key proxy indicators for the central theoretical assumption of an individualized or ‘self-reflexive’ monitoring of the individual life course characteristic of the late modern era. The age variable is divided into three categories: respondents aged between 16 and 30 years (42.1%), between 31 and 50 years (38.9%), and older than 50 years (20.0%). Other indicators of the propounded cultural individualization are related to processes of ‘secularization’.11 In addition to church practice, the religious belief of the volunteers provides an indication of secularization. A distinction is made between respondents who embrace a religion (66.8%) and respondents who do not (33.2%). We furthermore look for gender effects on the different types of volunteering, assuming that the more ‘reflexive’ a style of volunteering is, the less likely traditional gender differences will leave a mark on its nature. Of the respondents, 50.6% are male and 49.4% are female. Additionally, we aim to account for the strength of communal orientations of the volunteers. All variables are dichotomized between those who fully embrace these dispositions and those who share a less strong view. We firstly include a factor-based attitudinal scale that stands for strong feelings of solidarity (42.6%). Next, we rely on responses on a number of traditional motives for volunteering that were dropped from the aforementioned factor analysis: the importance attached to helping others through volunteering (73.7%), acting from a moral or religious conviction (22.8%), and the desire to contribute to the local community (27.3%). Theoretically closely related to the strength of the ‘collective’ orientations of the volunteers, is the question whether the decision to become a Red Cross volunteer was other- or self-induced12. We therefore introduced some additional indicators that shed light on the particular channels of recruitment. These measures are again derived from statements that could not be represented by an underlying factor. We assume that following the example of family or friends (37.1%) and being convinced by a volunteer or paid staff of Red Cross Flanders (36.0%) will cohere with more ‘collective’ volunteer dispositions, whereas volunteer

11 We also included a measure for ‘de-ideologization’. The ideological affiliation of the volunteers was measured by counting the number of ‘pillarized’ memberships (i.e., memberships of associations, trade unions, and health insurance memberships – compare Billiet, 1995; Hooghe, 2002). Because 93.9% of the respondents reported at least one pillarized membership, and the overall majority of ‘pillarized’ memberships could be classified under the Catholic pillar, we did not deem this measure of interest for our analysis. 12 It is interesting to note that only 7.5% of the respondents reported that they had gathered information about different volunteer organizations before deciding to become a Red Cross volunteer. This item regarding the choice of organization was included in the questionnaire as the most ‘reflexive’ indicator of the way in which one enters the volunteer field.


16

involvement through participation in courses (61.9%) and activities organized by Red Cross Flanders (61.0%) will correspond to more individualized volunteer attitudes. Respondents are divided between those who (fully) agree with these expressions and those who take a less affirmative stance.13 3.2.4. THE ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENT Although we have restricted our research design to a study of one single volunteer organization, we allowed for a minimum organization-internal variation by including five different Red Cross units in our sample frame (see above). In this manner, we sought to obtain a maximum variety in existing styles of Red Cross volunteering, assuming that they represent distinct organizational environments with a different bearing on the observed styles of volunteering. It therefore is obvious that we include this variable in our explanatory model of styles of volunteering. We opt to use 5 separate dummy variables indicating whether or not the volunteer reports to perform a main activity in that particular Red Cross unit (First Aid Unit: 48.7%, Training Unit: 12.9%, Social Assistance Unit: 9.8%, Red Cross Youth: 7.6%, Urgent Social Intervention: 3.2%). Next, we account for two additional organizational features of which we assume that they are indicative for differential organizational experiences. Firstly, we construct a variable that informs us about the organizational level at which the volunteer participates. We divide between volunteers who are exclusively involved at the local level (63.5%) versus those who also partake in the activities of the intermediate and central organizational levels (36.5%). Secondly, we will also assess the impact of the size of the local chapter by means of the number of registered volunteers. A variable with three categories is constructed, distinguishing between local chapters with maximum 25 volunteers (9.6%), 26 to 50 volunteers (36.8%), and more than 50 volunteers (53.6%). 4. RESULTS

4.1. An empirical assessment of styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering Our first empirical purpose in this paper is to investigate whether the attitudinal volunteer clusters and behavioral volunteer measures may be considered as components of a common and underlying SOV-complex. This implies that we aim to construct a single behavioral-dispositional measure for the general SOV-construct, tapping the interplay between both its 13 We interpret these items in cultural terms, for they far from represent a thorough assessment of the (structural and cultural) impact of social networks and the strength of social ties (for an exemplary operationalization: see Passy and Giugni, 2001).


17

cultural and structural substrata. Because we are mainly dealing with categorical (manifest and latent) variables, we rely on latent class analysis (LCA) as a method for data reduction (McCutcheon, 1987, 2002; Hagenaars, 1993; Vermunt and Magidson, 2003). In order to derive a latent class model from the observed measures we utilized the LEM program, which is a general system for the analysis of nominal, ordinal, and interval level categorical data (Vermunt, 1997). Our latent class model is based on a cross-tabulation of the five patterns variables and the clustered attitudinal measure mentioned above, resulting in a contingency table with 288 possible response patterns. The test statistics in table 2 indicate that we must reject the complete independence model at the .05 significance level, as well as the models T = 2 up to T = 4. The fifth model provides an acceptable fit. In the sequel of this article, we will thus restrict ourselves to a discussion of the exploratory LCA solution with five latent classes, or types of respondents.

Insert table 2 about here For a thorough interpretation of the characteristic features of each of the five obtained styles of volunteering, table 3 reports the distribution of these volunteer types across an extended set of key indicators of patterns of volunteering after they were assigned to a particular class on the basis of their highest joint conditional probability (ABCDE). Apart from the variables that were used in the exploratory latent class analysis, the different types of volunteer activities are additionally included.14

Insert table 3 about here A first glance at the set of proportional distributions makes clear that we are dealing with a much more complex volunteer reality than widely held (dichotomous or continuous) distinctions between ‘traditional’ and ‘new’, or between ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ (Pearce, 1993) suggest. Instead, multifaceted interactions between the attitudinal and pattern variables emerge from the exploratory latent class model. This is in keeping with the theoretical hypothesis of the essentially multiform nature of contemporary styles of volunteering. The first style of volunteering primarily represents a very sporadic and little time-consuming form of commitment. That the estimated time investment of one fifth of the volunteers in the first class could be converted into 5 to 12 monthly hours however suggests that this style of volunteering is likely to represent episodic project-like work. These volunteers clearly operate

14 Whereas the latent class analysis was based on conditional probabilities, we now examine proportional distributions. It must be emphasized that we are dealing with a small error margin in the actual assignment of observations to their modal class (E=0.082, λ =0.88).


18

at the fringes of the Red Cross volunteer action. Although they are largely engaged in providing assistance, they score remarkably low on all sorts of activities. They do not hold office in a volunteer board, and report maximum one main activity. Despite their remote volunteership, the volunteers in the first category are most likely of all volunteer classes to adopt a ‘reliable’ disposition towards the volunteer experience. Nevertheless, a substantially large proportion of volunteers also participate in a very ‘distant’ manner. The first class consequently includes the least ‘unconditional’ and ‘critical’ volunteers. It is striking that the overall majority of these ‘sporadic volunteers’ have been involved for more than two years. More than one third has served Red Cross Flanders for even more than five years. This contrasts with the prevailing image of the ‘new’, noncommittal, and ‘shopping’ volunteer generation. Intermittent forms of participation are not necessarily synonymous with short-term or ‘drop in’-involvements. On the basis of the dominant characteristics of the first style of volunteering, we decide to typify this group of volunteers as ‘episodic contributors’, who irregularly contribute (little to average) time and effort to Red Cross Flanders, but do not strongly identify or affiliate with their volunteer commitment. The second and third styles of volunteering occupy a rather intermediate position, but both types of involvement are of a completely different nature. The second category of volunteers is almost equally divided between volunteers who participate very infrequently and those who volunteer on a regular basis (i.e., at least once a month).9 But in both the occasional and habitual cases, a low to average amount of time is invested in the volunteer activities. Most characteristic of this style of volunteering is the very focused type of participation: nearly all volunteers in the second class are member of an executive volunteer board, and participation in meetings and decision-making is their most important volunteer activity. Compared to the other groups, they are also relatively often endowed with the organization of activities, administrative tasks, and educational activities. On the other hand, they are substantially less involved in the provision of assistance. Apart from participating in a volunteer committee, these volunteers are most likely to report no other main activities. Apart from their typically focused and formalized participation, the volunteers in the second category equilibrate between ‘critical’ and ‘distant’ attitudes. Like the episodic contributors, the second class represents a remarkably low fraction of ‘unconditionally’ involved volunteers. In spite of their remote to critical subjective involvement, the vast majority of the volunteers in this category participate on a long-term basis. In fact, almost half of the volunteers have served Red Cross Flanders for more than ten years. Although it has become clear that we are not dealing with a totally uniform volunteer category, on the basis of the main features identified, we will refer to the second style of volunteering as the ‘established administrators’. Their contribution to the Red Cross remains typically limited to formal officerships with specialized job responsibilities, and they have


19

clearly established their position in Red Cross Flanders. It is important to emphasize that their administrative contribution to the organization typically coheres with a more formalized, distant to critical volunteer disposition. The third, also intermediately positioned, style of volunteering is most notable for its moderation. The majority of this group of volunteers participates on a regular and fairly time-consuming basis, but they do not participate in very intensive involvements (i.e., at least weekly and more than 12 monthly hours). They also have an average longevity of service, which can be mainly situated between two and ten years. Furthermore, none of the volunteers in the third category are committee members, but nearly half of them report to participate in meetings and decision-making processes. These volunteers are mainly concerned with assisting tasks. However, they are significantly underrepresented in the organization of activities, administrative tasks, and in training and lecturing. In general, their pattern of participation may best be described as a moderately intensive and supporting one. Furthermore, their volunteer attitudes can also be chiefly characterized as ‘reliable’. In addition, the third class accommodates a substantial group of ‘unconditional’ volunteers. ‘Critical’ and ‘distant’ volunteer dispositions are rather rare for this style of volunteering. On the basis of these descriptions, we decide to define the third type of volunteering as the ‘reliable co-workers’. We consider these volunteers as reliable, firstly because they are involved on a fairly stable, regular and time-consuming basis, and secondly, because they moderately to strongly identify with their volunteer involvement. By characterizing them as co-workers, we aim at emphasizing their supporting, or rather ancillary role as a Red Cross volunteer. They remain underrepresented in more vital volunteer activities such as running the volunteer organization, organizing activities or providing educational activities. With the fourth and fifth styles of volunteering, we shift to the centre of Red Cross Flanders. Although the volunteers in these two categories occupy a core position in the organization, they display a completely different volunteer profile. The fourth class of volunteers participates on a very regular basis, ranging from once a month to weekly or more frequently, and they spent a significant amount of time on their Red Cross activities. Like the ‘reliable co-workers’, the fourth category of volunteers is also mainly concerned with the actual Red Cross service provision. They clearly stand out in assisting and caring activities. But compared to the merely assisting role of the third volunteer category, they are also substantially more involved in administrative tasks, training and lecturing, funding activities and small jobs. Although there is a small chance that the volunteers of this category are members of a volunteer committee, they remain underrepresented in executive functions and the organization of activities. The fourth type of volunteer performs a main activity in at least one Red Cross unit.


20

The fourth category furthermore consists of the highest proportion of ‘unconditional’ volunteers. It also accommodates a large group of volunteers with a ‘reliable’ disposition. It is striking that, given their prominent presence in the Red Cross volunteer action, this volunteer category consists of the largest proportion of relatively new volunteers, who have been involved for two years at most. Only one third has served Red Cross Flanders for more than five years. Again in contrast with the ‘new’, noncommittal volunteer image, our volunteer classification seems to suggest that very demanding commitments by no means are the pre-eminent or exclusive privilege of the older, established volunteer generation. Based on this inspection of the characteristics features of the fourth style of volunteering, we opt to identify this group as the ‘service-oriented core volunteers’. We herewith first like to emphasize that they form the vanguard when it comes to the actual assistance and service provision. Furthermore, they occupy a central position in the volunteer action, as they participate in a very frequent and time-consuming way. Their core involvement is also reflected in their strong identification and concern with the organization and the volunteer work. Compared to the ‘reliable co-workers’, they participate in a much more closely associated and devoted way. The fifth style of volunteering embodies the backbone of Red Cross Flanders. Nearly all of the volunteers in this category participate on a weekly to daily basis, and six out of ten report to devote more than 24 monthly hours to their Red Cross involvement. Moreover, just about each volunteer in this class bears office in a volunteer board. In addition, these volunteers are the ‘jacks-of-all-trades’, excelling in almost every type of volunteer activity. It is striking that, in combination with their all-embracing and total devotion, they also take the most ‘critical’ stance towards the volunteer organization. However, within this fifth category, the lowest fraction of ‘reliable’ and ‘distant’ volunteer dispositions can be found. Of all volunteer categories, the fifth group has the longest term of involvement. More than 80 per cent has been a Red Cross volunteer for more than five years; one out of two even has served Red Cross Flanders for more than ten years. In this respect, the fifth style of volunteering typically reflects the prototypical absorbing and lifelong ‘traditional’ volunteering. On the basis of the main characteristics of the fifth style of volunteering, we decided to term this group of volunteers as the ‘critical key figures’. They are critical in two different ways. Firstly, they adopt the most ‘critical’ attitude towards the organization. As already discussed, this however does not prevent them from being very committed volunteers. Secondly, they are of critical importance for the making or breaking of the volunteer organization. They are the key figures of Red Cross Flanders, since they are occupied intensely with the daily ins and outs of the organization, and play a pivotal role in almost every type of activity. They are charged with a number of vital tasks (i.e., decision-making, the organization of activities,


21

administrative work, and fundraising) that need to be done to guarantee the continued existence of the organization. The empirically uncovered multifarious volunteer reality in fact represents an unanticipated ‘accumulation of inconsistencies’: the culture of the volunteer, the intensity of participation, the longevity of service, and the position and role of the volunteer are combined in multiple, intricate, and sometimes intuitively contradictory ways. In order to grasp the complex interplay between the multiple dimensions, levels and forms of styles of volunteering, we may speak about varying contents and cultures at varying levels of participation. Similar levels of participation (i.e., courses of involvement, intensity of participation) can cohere with highly diverging volunteer dispositions or volunteer roles, and vice versa. The most striking example may be the completely different profile of the two groups of committee members: the ‘established administrators’ and the ‘critical key figures’. Compared to the other volunteer groups, both groups are significantly more involved in a number of vital volunteer activities (i.e., meeting and decision-making, organization of activities, administrative tasks, training and lecturing). At the same time, despite their comparable job responsibilities, they differ greatly in their pace of involvement and their attitudes towards the organization and the volunteer experience. For the group of ‘established administrators’, the involvement seems to be a rather formal matter, mainly focusing on meetings and decision-making, and requiring a relatively low to moderate time investment. These volunteers also take the most ‘distant’ stance towards the volunteer experience. The formal office of the ‘critical key figures’, on the other hand, is embedded in an extremely versatile set of activities and a quasi-permanent dedication. This unrestricted commitment however most likely coheres with a ‘critical’ disposition, but compared to the ‘established administrators’, the proportion of ‘distant’ volunteers is remarkably low, and the ratio of ‘unconditional’ volunteers is rather high. Illustrative are also the surprising associations with the length of service of the volunteers. Our data indicate that intermittent forms of participation are not by definition synonymous with short-term or one-off volunteer efforts. On the contrary, even episodic volunteers appear to commit themselves to a particular organization for a longer period of time. Furthermore, core involvements are not an exclusive asset of an ‘established’ volunteer generation, for some of the most active volunteers have joined the Red Cross very recently. Conversely, long-term members are not automatically the most active ones. It however becomes clear that a long-term volunteer service systematically intertwines with formal board positions. Our understanding of styles of volunteering in terms of varying contents and cultures at varying levels of participation thus opens up a new perspective beyond taken-for-granted discursive images or self-evidently made conceptual distinctions. Even the most typical ‘new’ volunteer characteristics that are usually named in one and the same breath do not necessarily cohere in a systematic or logical way. From the empirically derived styles of volunteering we may conclude that it is not by definition true that ‘sporadic’ equals ‘short-term’ equals


22

‘detached’ equals ‘noncommittal’ equals ‘focused’ equals ‘self-centered’ and so forth. Conversely, the ‘traditional’ volunteer virtues such as ‘long-term commitment’, ‘core involvement’, ‘loyalty’, ‘permanent availability’, ‘total devotion’, and so on are not automatically well matched. Among the Red Cross volunteers studied, the propounded tension between ‘classical’ and ‘new’ types of volunteering does not hold. Our findings suggest that the popular discourse on ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ volunteerism rests upon an enlargement of certain volunteer characteristics and their effortless allocation to two clear-cut volunteer composites. In practice, such a straightforward discursive division seems out of the question.

4.2. Styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering: a biographically matched volunteer reality? The second major purpose of our analysis involves developing an explanatory model for the observed variation in styles of volunteering among the Flemish Red Cross volunteers under investigation. Dealing with a nominal dependent variable with more than two unordered categories, we have to rely on a multinomial or generalized logit analysis in order to estimate the effects of the explanatory variables on the five styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering (see, among others, Allison, 1999; Long, 1997; Pampel, 2000; Stokes et al., 1995). The CATMOD procedure of SAS was deployed to build a multinomial logits model for our dependent variable.15 Unlike the binary logit, multinomial logit coefficients must always be interpreted as effects on contrasts between pairs of categories, never on the probability of being in a particular category (Allison, 1999: 131). As a result, the parameters are difficult to interpret since the variable that has to be explained is not the likelihood of belonging to a particular dispositional cluster, but the probability ratio of belonging to a particular cluster versus belonging to one of the other three clusters. We therefore relied on a procedure for transforming the effect-parameters into deviations from the mean percentage of a particular category of the polytomous dependent variable (Swyngedouw, 1989; compare Billiet et al., 2001; Billiet, 2002).16 In table 4, we start with a general overview of the magnitude of the net effects of the predictor variables on the empirically revealed styles of Red Cross volunteering. The strength of the

15 By default, the CATMOD procedure uses effect coding, which implies that the coefficients can be thought of as a deviation from the ‘average’ outcome rather than as a contrast with some specific category (as is the case with dummy coding) (Allison, 1999: 129). The different coding scheme (i.e., dummy versus effect coding) affects the way the information is captured – the manner in which group differences are arrayed – but it does not effect the overall picture because the underlying structure of group differences remains unchanged (Hardy, 1993: 67). 16 I am extremely grateful to Jaak Billiet for sharing his expertise on this matter and for the provision of the auxiliary statistical tools for transforming the logit parameters into readily interpretable deviations from the mean percentage per category.


23

general effect of each explanatory variable can be deduced from the fraction L²/df. The larger this number is, the stronger the global net effect of the variable. Although we could retain indicators of both the social embeddedness of the volunteers and the organizational environment, the coefficients in the ‘L²/df’-column indicate that it might be most appropriate to conceive of styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering in terms of an ‘organizational match’ in the first place, be it in combination with a severely reduced version of the theoretically propounded ‘biographical fit’.

Insert table 4 about here Although the size of the effects in table 4 already gives a fine impression of the major and minor correlates of the observed style variations, we subsequently have to look at the direction of the effects on the various categories of the SOV-construct in order to provide a more substantive interpretation of the causal mechanism at work. The converted effect-parameters in table 5 indicate that, in order to explain styles of Red Cross volunteering, we clearly cannot apply an ‘either/or’-scheme (i.e., ‘traditional/modern’). The interactions are far more complex and mixed than such a simple binary distinction puts forward. In general, styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering appear to be a matter of five types of effects:

1. Different ‘tastes for involvement’ (‘subjective readiness’) 2. Sufficient time resources (‘objective availability’) 3. Class-based knowledge and skills 4. Volunteering-related career-like dynamics 5. Different ‘organizing cultures’

In what follows, these are considered in turn. Although in general, organizational features overrule the indicators of social embeddedness in the magnitude of effect, the interpretation of these five strands of effects suggests that styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering may best be understood as organizational behavior that is induced by a specific biographical match. Both structural and cultural features of this biographical match appear to operate as a limiting condition for the bearing of the organizational environment. Whereas the first mechanism mainly refers to differences in cultural dispositions between the volunteers, the next three types of effects clearly indicate how particular biographical preconditions have to be met in order to cope with the obligations and requirements involved in particular volunteer roles. On the one hand, these effects are intertwined with the basic principle by means of which Red Cross Flanders organizes its volunteer action: in order to guarantee a high quality service provision, a ‘Code of Honor’ has been established, stating that the volunteer has the right to set boundaries to his or her involvement in terms of time and energy, but that accepting a task, official function or mandate implies accepting the concomitant responsibilities and


24

obligations. On the other hand, given the highly professionalized, service-oriented organizational setting under investigation, they point at a number of structural imparities implied in the application of a ‘workplace template’ in a volunteering context (see, for instance, Ilsey, 1990; Chambré, 1992). The fifth point, finally, groups a number of directly measured organization-related structural and cultural influences.

Insert table 5 about here 4.2.1. SUBJECTIVE READINESS: DIFFERENT ‘TASTES FOR INVOLVEMENT’ Firstly, and most consistently with the popular discourse on ‘traditional/old’ and ‘modern/new’ types of commitment, a number of effects point to a particular ‘cultural match’ between the volunteers and their type of participation. The significant associations between the strength of communal orientations, participation in ‘classical’ fields of activity, ‘chequebook activism’, and styles of volunteering seem to point at the existence of different ‘tastes for involvement’ – or modes of participation that quite consistently cohere with the rather stereotypical contrast between the strongly ‘other-oriented’ ‘traditional’ care for the elderly, sick, or disabled, and the subjectively detached ‘ersatz’ commitment by means of a periodical financial contribution to a good cause. More concretely, not participating in ‘classical’ action fields, regularly paying financial contributions to a good cause, and expressing moderate to weak communal orientations increases the likelihood of being an ‘episodic contributor’ with 13.72 percentage points above average, whereas the opposite pattern of responses enhances the probability of doing the ‘service-oriented core work’ with 13.61 percentage points above the mean percentage in that category. The direction of the effects on belonging to the ‘established administrators’ or the ‘reliable co-workers’ is similar to those of the ‘episodic contributors’, except for the trivial effect of communal orientations. In the category of ‘critical key figures’, on the other hand, the influence of communal orientations is comparable with that of the ‘service-oriented core volunteers’, whereas the effects of types of participation are negligible. It thus appears that core styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering are typically embedded in a broader ‘collective’ frame with a particular interest for more ‘classical’ target groups, whereas more distant and episodic volunteer contributions to the Flemish Red Cross cohere with less ‘collectively’ or ‘classically’ oriented and more ‘vicarious’ forms of commitment. Nevertheless, the story becomes more complex if we look at the additional effects in our explanatory model.


25

4.2.2. OBJECTIVE AVAILABILITY: SUFFICIENT TIME RESOURCES Given the existence of different ‘tastes for involvement’, our explanatory model indicates that volunteers also need to dispose of sufficient time resources to facilitate a particular style of participation. Examining the more structural economic (dis)embeddedness of the volunteers, it appears that flexible working conditions, in particular in combination with full-time work, push the volunteer to the periphery of the organization. If we add the information about age and socio-economic class, it appears that young professionals who work full-time and do not have a regular nine-to-five job have a chance of 15.97 to 21.35 percentage points above average to be a member of this SOV-category. The less volunteers are inhibited by irregular and time-absorbing employment conditions (and most favorably: if they are not working at all), the higher the probability that they shift to a more central type of involvement.17 In the category of ‘critical key figures’, full-time work however also exerts a strong positive effect (+7.21), particularly in addition to working at irregular moments but according to a regular time schedule (+2.99). Since no positive effect of any type of working conditions on the probability of representing a ‘service-oriented core volunteer’ can be observed, we may assume that core styles of volunteering need to bear an executive set of responsibilities to be appealing enough to volunteers who are subjected to some form of flexibility in working conditions. The direction of the effects furthermore seem to support our suggestion that a limited objective availability coheres with a more distant or conditional volunteer position, whereas less objective constraints allow for a (quasi-)total devotion. Because we measure volunteer orientations in interaction with patterns of volunteering, we at best may assume that the objective availability, understood in terms of the socio-economic position and employment conditions of the volunteers, is co-responsible for the observed variation in volunteer dispositions. 4.2.3. KNOWLEDGE AND SKILLS: THE PROFESSIONAL RESOURCES OF THE VOLUNTEER The explanatory analysis furthermore reveals that the knowledge and skill levels of the volunteers have a significant bearing on variations in styles of Red Cross volunteering. Focusing on the effects of the actual socio-economic classes, the most important observation that may be made is that styles of volunteering are likely to represent a prolongation of the (former) type of paid work the volunteers perform, and in particular of their specific class-

17 It is interesting to note that time constraints are not influenced by the family obligations of the volunteers. This presumably can be explained by the predominant profile of the Red Cross volunteer population under investigation: we recorded an overrepresentation of young people in the pre-family stage of the life cycle (see Hustinx, 2003: 179-188). In a more qualitative empirical sidetrack on reasons for quitting volunteering conducted among a control group of 99 ex-volunteers of the Flemish Red Cross, it however appeared that family bonds do impose a significant time pressure on the volunteers (ibid.: 317-330).


26

related skills. This is reflected in the time and nature specialized contributions of the professional class on the one hand, and the apparent reproduction of the division between manual and non-manual work in the identified administrative and service-oriented styles of volunteering on the other hand. Professionals are most likely to be among the ‘episodic contributors’ (+7.84), and to a lesser degree among the ‘established administrators’ (+2.90). Being a professional on the other hand substantially decreases the probability of performing the ‘rank and file’ roles of ‘reliable co-worker’ (-3.81) or ‘service-oriented core volunteer’ (-5.95). That the class of professionals also has a (minor) negative effect on the all-embracing responsibilities of the ‘critical key figures’ suggest that the volunteer involvement of professionals typically remains restricted to a focused contribution, both in time and nature of activities. They seem to represent a group that is periodically involved on the basis of their (highly) specialized expertise or skills, whereas the more permanent supporting and executive work is mainly performed by less professionally specialized classes18. With regard to the other socio-economic classes, the division between manual and non-manual work is reflected in the probabilities of performing administrative and service-oriented styles of volunteering. The category of routine non-manual work predicts the largest proportional increase in the group of ‘established administrators’ of all socio-economic classes (+5.61). On the other hand, routine non-manual work decreases the likelihood of being among the ‘service-oriented core volunteers’ with 6.95 percentage points below average. The positive effects on the other SOV-categories are negligible. Since civil servants typically populate this socio-economic class, their style of volunteering clearly represents a kind of extension of their (former) paid work. On the other hand, the ‘service-oriented core work’ clearly is the privilege of the workers (+21.57). The effects of this class on belonging to any of the other SOV-groups are negative or rather insignificant. This further corroborates our observation that the identified styles of volunteering are a continuation of the volunteers’ type of (former) paid work, in this case between being a manual worker and providing services as a volunteer.

18 This sheds a different light on the general observation that the economically, socially, and culturally more resourceful classes are more likely to (be asked to) volunteer (see, for instance, Smith, 1994; Wilson and Musick, 1997). On the basis of the empirically identified styles of Flemish Red Cross volunteering, we would more specifically state that professionals (and higher educated persons, if we look at patterns of volunteering while controlling for volunteer attitudes) might be most likely to be asked to contribute, but that is presumably concerns a very specific question that is answered with a very specific response. That is, professionals are most likely asked to pay a very specific contribution on the basis of their specialized knowledge and skills. They however are very unlikely to do the (service-oriented) core work in the organization. We nevertheless should be very cautious about a possible generalization of this assertion, since our research findings are based on a survey of volunteers of a very particular service provision organization. Although a much broader research consequently is called for to give a more decisive answer to this provisional conjecture, it however produces additional evidence of how misleading it is to speak about ‘volunteering’ in general terms, that is, as if it would embody a ‘monolithic’ reality.


27

It is important to note that this strong emphasis on the competences and skills of the volunteer presumably is typical for a contemporary service provision organization. In this respect, the threshold for participation is indeed lower for professionally resourceful volunteers. Since they already dispose of the required skills, they can easily ‘drop in’ and contribute in intermittent and relatively noncommittal ways, whereas less skillful classes have to go through an extensive training round before being even allowed to play a substantial role on the volunteer scene. Given that they already had to put in a great effort to enter the actual volunteering ground, their substantially higher probability to represent a core type of volunteer is quite obvious. 4.2.4. VOLUNTEER EXPERIENCE: CAREER-LIKE DYNAMICS In addition, our model indicates that the volunteers also have to be very experienced in their trade in order to advance to a key position in the organizational structure. In this respect, Red Cross volunteering typically represents a type of ‘career’ volunteering (Stebbins, 1996) in which volunteers, in the course of their involvement, need to deliver sufficient proof of their competences to rise upon the volunteer career ladder. This is clearly reflected in the observed age bias in the nature of participation, suggesting particular career-like dynamics between the various SOV-classes. In the Flemish Red Cross setting under investigation, the youngest age category typically performs the more supporting roles of the relatively short-term involved ‘episodic contributors’ (+2.69), ‘reliable co-workers’ (+1.66) or ‘service-oriented core volunteers’ (+8.88). The middle and older aged volunteers with a long-term service, on the other hand, are most likely to secure an executive position as ‘established administrator’ (respectively +4.43 and +1.40) or ‘critical key figure’ (+1.73 and +14.22). It thus appears that young age is a serious barrier to the more managerial work in Red Cross Flanders. The interplay between age, length of service, and the nature of the volunteer work indicates that young people usually do not yet have acquired enough experience to meet the manifold requirements of the executive functions and mandates characteristic of this type of service delivery organization (for a discussion: see Hustinx, 2003: 156-178). Due to their young age (and presumably relatively short course of involvement), they do not only fail in accumulating the mandatory training certificates, but they also lack the desired personal qualities characteristic of a richer volunteer and life experience: leadership qualities, social and communication skills, being immune to stress, analytical and organizational insights, being able to motivate fellow volunteers, and so forth. In this highly professionalized volunteering context, young age should rather be considered as a structural obstacle instead of a cultural emancipator.


28

4.2.5. ORGANIZATION-SPECIFIC FEATURES As already emphasized, the bearing of the social embeddedness of the volunteers has to be put into perspective, for the nature of the organizational environment plays a more prominent role in explaining the observed SOV-variation. In addition to the rather indirect interplay between the aforementioned social background features and the highly professionalized, ‘work-like’ nature of the Red Cross volunteering, the explanatory model reveals an additional and direct molding effect of certain organization-related structural features, such as the service units in which the volunteers perform a main activity, the size of the volunteer group in which they are involved, and whether they (also) participate at intermediate and higher organizational levels. The types of effects seem to point at both the influence of structural differences in the organization of the work and a differential organizational socialization. Regarding the more structural organizational features, the size of the local chapter for instance appears to have a baleful influence on the ‘service-oriented core work’ (-22.07). When the number of volunteers drops below 25, the probability of coming across a ‘reliable co-worker’ (+9.81) or ‘episodic contributor’ (+7.59) shows a substantial increase above average. This seems to suggest that small chapters, in order to ensure the performance of their basic set of activities, are likely to operate by means of a form of ‘outsourcing’, in which they episodically involve volunteers if needed for a particular activity. An additional indication that small chapters are mainly kept simmering, is that volunteers holding a formal office are most likely to be among the ‘established administrators’. It appears that a small group of volunteers is a serious impediment to an extensive or vibrant local volunteer action, since no substantial effects on the more coordinative all-round involvements of the ‘critical key figures’ can be observed. Furthermore, the merely supporting (core) volunteer roles are most likely observed in large chapters. This indicates that in a large group of volunteers, it is structurally determined that each individual volunteer has a smaller chance to perform an executive function. The observed interaction between the size of the volunteer group and styles of volunteering furthermore suggest that depending on the number of volunteers, different volunteer cultures exist. In addition to varying structural opportunities and constraints, we may interpret the direction of the effects in terms of a differential organizational socialization. In a (larger) group dominated by unconditionally involved core volunteers, paying a distant and noncommittal contribution is less tolerable than in a (smaller) group of volunteers who at best adopt a reliable disposition. We however must emphasize that we are presumably dealing with an intermediating effect of patterns of involvement. The different nature of the primary activities of the various Red Cross units under investigation also appears to be a source of variations in styles of volunteering. Again, presumably both differences in the structural organization of the volunteer work, as well as diverging volunteer cultures within these units play a role. The rather ‘exceptional’ nature of


29

interventions in disaster circumstances may for instance explain that a main activity in the Urgent Social Intervention strongly increases the chance of belonging to the group of ‘reliable co-workers’ with 28.13 percentage points above average, while inhibiting the probability of a core involvement. Also, the ‘project-like’ way of working in the Training unit (i.e., the organization of various courses) and the Red Cross Youth (i.e., the organization of youth activities) typically requires a more managerial ‘jack of all trade’-type of core involvement, in this case in the shape of a ‘critical key figure’. A main activity in the First Aid Unit, on the other hand, is most closely intertwined with the ‘service-oriented’ core work. Culturally, the nature of the volunteer work in the First Aid unit and the Training unit appear to leave no room for moderate-minded volunteer orientations. Whatever preventive intervention, the volunteers of the First Aid Unit have to be prepared for the worst-case scenario, which requires no less than an absolute readiness. The same might be true for the instructors of the Training Unit, who have to uphold the reputation of Red Cross Flanders in front of a variety of inquisitive audiences. Examining the direction of effects of the organizational level of participation, finally, the intermediate and central organizational levels are clearly a more familiar ground for the two core volunteer groups than for the intermediate and peripheral styles of involvement. Participation at other organizational levels than (solely) the local one particularly increases the likelihood of being a ‘critical key figure’ (+4.88), and we also observe a smaller effect on ‘service-oriented core’ (+3.26). Participation at higher organizational levels thus seems to imply some form of core. Nonetheless, one can rightly doubt about the assumed causality between both variables. Core volunteers presumably are more likely to interact and cooperate with higher organizational levels, but on the other hand, participation at the intermediate or central organizational levels may equally likely result in a stronger involvement. The core volunteer types identified have most probably evolved from the interaction between both mechanisms In spite of these strong direct effects, it again is crucial to note that it is the biographical availability of the volunteer that filters the extent to which these organizational features get a grip on the styles of volunteering. It is only when the volunteer shifts to the core of the volunteer action, that these organizational variables have a strong bearing on styles of volunteering. As such, we may conclude that the volunteer organization will reap what it has sown with one limiting condition: that it first finds a receptive ground. 5. CONCLUSION Our empirical exploration of contemporary styles of volunteering and their main correlates has lead us far away from straightforward explanatory schemes in terms of a modernization-


30

driven, linear transformation from ‘traditional/old’ to ‘modern/new’ forms of participation. This line of reasoning is shattered by at least two fundamental empirical observations. It firstly has become clear that styles of (Red Cross) volunteering can neither be understood as a bifurcated reality, nor as a linear continuum between two prototypical poles. Even within a ‘conventional’ organizational frame, a much broader and more complex volunteer diversity could be observed. It secondly follows that also the (added) net effects of the predictor variables on the empirically revealed SOV-construct are subtler than a simple differentiation between ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ would suggest. The multiform nature of the predictors in the explanatory SOV-model forms a serious obstacle to such an unequivocal interpretation of the social roots of styles of volunteering. The observed ‘biographical match’ represents an uncertain mixture of types of determinants, of which some are group-based (i.e., social class), others are indicative of differentiated biographical patterns (i.e., flexible working conditions) or varying subjective dispositions (i.e., ‘tastes for involvement’), and a third group are simply situational in terms of volunteer experiences and career opportunities within the organization. It follows that, against the background of the presented research materials, we are apt to support the coexistence thesis as opposed to the idea of a replacement or transformation. Departing from the basic idea of ‘coexistence’ or ‘interrelatedness’ clearly prevents the researcher from the dangers involved in ‘grandiloquent’ theorizations in terms of, for instance, an ‘epochal break’ or a tyranny of the ‘new’. Instead, a more balanced research approach is stimulated, sharpening the researcher’s sensitivity to the plurality, complexity and ambivalence inherent in (the reconfiguration of) social practices. In this paper, we have sought to grasp conceptually and empirically the multifarious nature of volunteer participation. We were able to avoid ending up in rigid or simplistic categorizations by advancing an analytical framework of styles of volunteering (i.e., the ‘SOV-complex’) that is fundamentally built on three formal criteria: the multidimensional, multilevel, and multiform nature of volunteering. This has lead us beyond the usual quantifying and unidimensional approach to volunteering in survey research, and prevented us from adopting too straightforward, consistent, or logical ways of thinking. On the contrary, the empirically derived SOV-typology has been interpreted in terms of differential mechanisms, an accumulation of inconsistencies, and a conflation of theoretically ‘ill-assorted’ effects. We deem the realization of such a complex insight into the social reality under investigation as one of the main strengths of our approach. Our research however also has a major weakness. By focusing our research endeavor on a pre-eminent ‘conventional’ channel of participation, we cannot rule out the possible existence of (stereo)typical ‘new’ types of involvement in less structured settings. As such, our research efforts provide a necessary, but nonetheless unsatisfactory answer to the general debate. A more general approach is called for, with an emphasis on the interrelations between different (conventional/unconventional) forms of


31

participation. We nonetheless hope that the theoretical and empirical tools provided could better inform a continued research into the nature of present-day involvement. REFERENCE LIST AAPOR. (2000). Standard definitions: Final dispositions of case codes and outcome rates for

survey. Lenexa: The American Association for Public Opinion Research. Allison, P.D. (1999). Logistic Regression Using the SAS System. Theory and Application.

Cary, NC: SAS Institute Inc. Beck, U. (1992). Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage. Beck, U. (1997). Kinder der Freiheit: Wider das Lamento über den Werteverfall. In Beck, U.

(Ed.). Kinder der Freiheit. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, p.9-33. Beck, U. (2001). The Brave New World of Work. Cambridge: Polity Press. Beck, U. and Beck-Gernsheim, E. (2002). Individualization. London: SAGE Publications. Beher, K., Liebig, R. and Rauschenbach, T. (2000). Strukturwandel des Ehrenamtes.

Gemeinwohlorientierung im Modernisierungsprozess. München: Weinheim. Bellah, R.N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W.M., Swidler, A. and Tipton, S.M. (1991). The Good

Society. New York: Vintage Books. Bennett, W.L. (1998). The uncivic culture: communication, identity, and the rise of lifestyle

politics. Political Science and Politics, 31(4):741-61. Billiet, J.B. (1995). Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag. Res

Publica, 37(1):11-29. Billiet, J.B. (2002). De Kiezers van de CVP in de Jaren Negentig. ISPO-Bulletin 2002/47.

Leuven: Departement Sociologie K.U.Leuven. Billiet, J.B.; Swyngedouw, M., Depickere, A., and Meersseman, E. (2001). Structurele

determinanten van het stemgedrag en culturele kenmerken van de kiezerskorpsen in Vlaanderen. De verkiezingen van 1999. ISPO-bulletin 2001/41. Leuven: Departement Sociologie.

Bourdieu, P. (1998). Practical Reason. On the Theory of Action. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.

Bourdieu, P. and Wacquant, L.J.D. (1992). Réponses. Pour une Anthropologie Reflexive. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

Braun, S. (2001). Bürgerschaftliches Engagement - Konjunkture und Ambivalenz einer gesellschaftspolitischen Debatte. Leviathan. Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, 29(1):83-111.

Brömme, N.and Strasser, H. (2001). Gespaltene Bürgergesellschaft? Die ungleichen Folgen des Strukturwandels von Engagement und Participation. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 25-26:6-14.

Castells, M. (2000). Materials for an exploratory theory of the network society. British Journal of Sociology, 51(1):5-24.


32

Chambré, S.M. (1992). Limits of the workplace analogy: are volunteers unpaid staff? Nonprofit Management and Leadership, 2(3):303-309.

Clary, E.G., Snyder, M., Ridge, R.D., Copeland. J., Stukas, A.A., Haugen, J. and Miene, P. (1998). Understanding and assessing the motivations of volunteers: a functional approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74(6):1516-1530.

Cnaan, R.A. and Amrofell, L. (1994). Mapping volunteer activity. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 23(4):335-351.

Cnaan, R.A., Handy, F. and Wadsworth, M. (1996). Defining who is a volunteer: Conceptual and empirical considerations. Nonprofit and Voluntary Action Quarterly, 25(3):364-383.

Crouch, C. (1999). Social Change in Western Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Eastis, C.M. (1998). Organizational diversity and the production of social capital. American

Behavioral Scientist, 42(1):66-78. Eckstein, S. (2001). Community as gift-giving: collectivistic roots of volunteerism. American

Sociological Review, 66(6):829-851. Erikson, R., Goldthorpe, J.H. and Portocarero, L. (1979). Intergenerational class mobility in

three Western European societies: England, France and Sweden. British Journal of Sociology, 30(4):415-441.

Gaskin, K. (1998). Vanishing volunteers: Are young people losing interest in volunteering? Voluntary Action, 1(1):33-43.

Giddens, A. (1990). The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford California: Stanford. Grube, J.A. and Piliavin, J.A. (2000). Role identity, organizational experiences, and volunteer

performance. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26(9):1108-1119. Hacket, A. and Mutz, G. (2002). Empirische Befunde zum bürgerschaftlichen Engagement.

Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B9:39-46. Hagenaars, J.A. (1993). Loglinear Models with Latent Variables. Newbury Park, California:

SAGE Publications. Hardy, M.A. (1993). Regression with Dummy Variables. Newbury Park: SAGE Publications

Ltd. Heelas, P. (1996). Introduction: Detraditionalization and its rivals. In: Heelas, P., Lash, S. and

Morris, P. (Eds.). Detraditionalization. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers Inc., p.1-20. Hooghe, M. (2002). Sociaal Kapitaal in Vlaanderen: Een Onderzoek naar de Relatie tussen

Verenigingsleven en Democratische Politieke Cultuur. Rotterdam: Erasmus Universiteit (diss. doct.).

Hooghe, M. (2003). Why should we be bowling alone? Results from a Belgian survey on civic participation. Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 14(1): 41-59.

Hooghe, M. and Stolle, D. (2001). Different Equals Less? The Effect of Quantitative and Qualitative Changes in Political Action Repertoire of Western Populations. Paper presented at the First General Conference of the European Consortium for Political Research (ECRP), Canterbury (UK), 6-8 September 2001.


33

Hustinx, L. (2001). Individualisation and new styles of youth volunteering: an empirical exploration. Voluntary Action, 3(2): 57-76.

Hustinx, L. (2003). Reflexive Modernity and Styles of Volunteering. The Case of the Flemish Red Cross Volunteers. Leuven: K.U.Leuven, Faculteit Sociale Wetenschappen (Diss. Doct. – http://www.bib.kuleuven.ac.be/sbib/doctoraten/doct9995223_e.html)

Hustinx, L. and Lammertyn, F. (2003). Collective and reflexive styles of volunteering: A sociological modernization perspective. Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 14(2):167-187.

Ilsley, P.J. (1990). Enhancing the Volunteer Experience. New Insights on Strengthening Volunteer Participation, Learning, and Commitment. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

Jakob, G. (1993). Zwischen Dienst und Zelbstbezug. Opladen: Leske + Budrich. Janssens, M. (2003). Weights: From Sample to Weighted Sample. Brussel/Leuven:

K.U.Brussel/Leuven. Keupp, H. (2001). Bürgerschafliches Engagement: Ein Motor posttraditionaler

Ligaturenbildung? In: Heinze, R.G. and Olk, T. (Eds.). Bürgerengagement in Deutschland. Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, p.69-92.

Klages, H. (1998). Engagement und Engagementpotential in Deutschland. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B38(98):29-38.

Kühnlein, I. (1998). Motivlagen, Sinnquellen und Identitätsrelevanz erwerbsarbeitsunabhängiger sozialer Tätigkeiten. Teil der Expertise von R.G. Heinze and H. Keupp, Gesellschaftliche Bedeutung von Tätigkeiten ausserhalb der Erwerbsarbeit. In: Kommission für Zukunftfragen der Freistaaten Bayern und Massnahmen, Erwerbstätigkeit und Arbeitslosigkeit in Deutschland - Entwicklung, Ursachen und Massnahmen. Gutachten im Auftrag der Kommission für Zukunftsfragen, Bonn: Kommission für Zukunftfragen der Freistaaten Bayern und Massnahmen, p.107-241.

Kühnlein, I. and Mutz, G. (1999). Individualisierung und bürgerschaftliches Engagement in der Tätigkeitsgesellschaft. In: Kistler, E., Noll, H-H. and Priller, E. (Eds.). Perspektiven gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalts. Empirische Befunde, Praxiserfahrungen, Messkonzepte. Berlin: Sigma, p.291-306.

Langton, S. (1981). The new voluntarism. Journal of Voluntary Action Research, 10(1):7-20. Lash, S. (1994). Reflexivity and its doubles: structure, aesthetics, community. In: Beck, U.,

Giddens, A. and Lash, S. (Eds.). Reflexive modernization. Politics, tradition and aesthetics in the modern social order Cambridge: Polity Press, p.110-173.

Long, J.S. (1997). Regression Models for Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications.

Maloney, W.A. and Jordan, G. (1997). The rise of protest business in Britain. In: van Deth, J.(Ed.). Private groups and public life. Social participation, voluntary associations and political involvement in representative democracies. London: Routledge, p.107-124.


34

McCutcheon, A.L. (1987). Latent Class Analysis. SAGE Publications, Inc., California. McCutcheon, A.L. (2002). Basic concepts and procedures in single- and multiple-group latent

class analysis. In: Hagenaars, J.A. and McCutcheon, A.L. (Eds.). Applied latent class analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p.56-88.

Meijs, L.C.P.M. and Hoogstad, E. (2001). New ways of managing volunteers: Combining membership management and programme management. Voluntary Action, 3(3):41-61.

Nash, R. (2003). Social explanation and socialization: On Bourdieu and the structure, disposition, practice scheme. Sociological Review, 51 (1):43-62.

Olk, T. (1989). Vom 'alten' zum 'neuen' Ehrenamt. Ehrenamtliches soziales Engagement ausserhalb etablierter Träger. Blätter der Wohlfahrtspflege, 136(1):7-10

Olk, T. (1990). Förderung und Unterstützung freiwilliger socialer Tätigkeiten - eine neue Aufgabe für den Socialstaat. In: Heinze, R. and Offe, C. (Eds.). Formen der Eigenarbeit. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, p.224-265.

Passy, F. and Giugni, M. (2001). Social networks and individual perceptions: Explaining differential participation in social movements. Sociological Forum, 16(1):123-153.

Pearce, J.L. (1993). Volunteers: The Organizational Behavior of Unpaid Workers. London: Routledge.

Rauschenbach, T. (1999). "Ehrenamt" - eine Bekannte mit (zu) vielen Unbekannten. Randnotizen zu den Defiziten der Ehrenamtsforschung. In: Kistler, E., Noll, H-H., and Priller, E. (Eds.). Perspektiven Gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalts. Empirische Befunde, Praxiserfahrungen, Messkonzepte. Berlin: Sigma, p.67-76.

Renooy, P. (1996). De wonderbaarlijke continuiteit van het vrijwillig initiatief binnen de verzorgingsstaat. In: Bovens, M. and Hemelrijck, A.(Eds.). Het verhaal van de moraal. Een empirisch onderzoek naar de sociale inbedding van morele bindingen. Amsterdam/ Meppel: Boom, p.72-90.

Rommel, W., Opdebeeck S., Lammertyn, F. and Bouverne-De Bie, M. (1997). Vrijwillige Inzet in Vlaanderen. Een Exploratie. Leuven: LUCAS.

Safrit, R.D. and Merrill, M. (2000). Management implications of contemporary trends in voluntarism in the United States and Canada. Voluntary Action, 3(1):73-88.

Selle, P. and Stromsnes, K. (2001). Membership and democracy. In:. Dekker, P. and Uslaner, E.M. (eds.). Social capital and participation in everyday life. London / New York: Routledge, p.134-147.

Selle, P. and Stromsnes, K. (1998). Organized environmentalists: Democracy as a key value? Voluntas, 9(4):319-343.

Smith, D.H. (1994). Determinants of voluntary association participation and volunteering: A literature review. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 23(3):243-263.

Snyder, M. (1993). Basic research and practical problems: The promise of a 'functional' personality and social psychology. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 19(3):251-264.

Stebbins, R.A. (1996). Volunteering: a serious leisure perspective. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 25(2):211-224.


35

Stokes, M.E., Davis, C.S. and Koch, G.G. (1995). Categorical Data Analysis Using the SAS System. Cary, NC: SAS Institute Inc.

Swyngedouw, M. (1989). De Keuze van de Kiezer. Naar een Verbetering van de Schattingen van Verschuivingen en Partijvoorkeur bij Opeenvolgende Verkiezingen en Peilingen. Leuven: Departement Sociologie, Sociologische Onderzoeksinstituut.

van Daal, H.J. (1994). Hedendaags vrijwilligerswerk: Gedaanten, identiteit en aantrekkingskracht. In: Dekker, P. (Ed.). Civil society: Verkenningen van een perspectief op vrijwilligerswerk. Rijswijk: Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, p.201-220.

Verbelen, J. (2002). Data quality and bipolar scales: Response behavior related to age and education. Paper presented at theWorld Association for Public Opinion Research fourth seminar on 'Quality Criteria in Survey Research', Cadenabbia, Italy, June 27-29, 2002.

Vermunt, J. (1997). LEM: A General Program for the Analysis of Categorical Data. Tilburg: Tilburg University.

Vermunt, J.K. and Magidson, J. (2003). Latent class analysis. In: Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods, SAGE (in press).

Voyé, L. (1995). Pour revisiter le bénévolat. Propos hétérodoxes. Swiss Sociological Review, 21(2):317-340.

Wagner, P. (1994). A Sociology of Modernity: Liberty and Discipline. London: Routledge. Wilson, J. and Musick, M. (1997). Who cares? Toward an integrated theory of volunteer

work. American Sociological Review, 62(October 1997):694-713. Wollebaek, D. and Selle, P. (2002). Women's power under threat? Voluntary organizations in

transition 1980-2000. Paper presented at the ECPR conference, Torino, 23-27 March, 2002.

Wuthnow, R. (1998). Loose Connections. Joining Together in America's Fragmented Communities. Cambridge, Massachusetts / London, England: Harvard University Press.


36

Figure 1.: Delineation of key analytical components of the conceptual model

CULTURAL BONDS Cognitive Attitudinal

STRUCTURAL BONDS Economic Affective Social PATTERNS OF

VOLUNTEERING

CULTURE OF THE VOLUNTEER

ORGANIZATIONAL FRAMEWORK Organization

volunteer work Organizing cultures

SOV-CONSTRUCT

SOCIAL EMBEDDEDNESS


37

Table 1. Ordering of the clusters according to mean scores on the factor-based scales Cluster

1 Cluster

2 Cluster

3 Cluster

4 R²* General

mean Min-max range

Perception organization environment

Mission organization 3.66 ++

3.47 ++

2.98 --

2.92 --

.11 3.24 1-5

Perceived level of bureaucracy 2.41 --

4.12 ++

2.86 + -

3.78 +

.41 3.17 1-7

Motives for volunteering

Recognition 3.52 ++

2.90 + -

2.46 --

2.50 --

.26 2.83 1-5

Satisfaction 4.51 ++

4.10 +

3.83 + -

3.60 --

.25 4.01 1-5

Self-development 4.05 ++

3.88 ++

3.47 --

3.33 --

.14 3.66 1-5

Commitment to organization and volunteer work

Loyalty 4.24 ++

3.75 +

3.39 --

3.21 --

.26 3.65 1-5

Devotion 6.53 ++

5.93 + -

5.85 + -

4.25 --

.52 5.78 1-7

Choosiness 2.72 --

3.11 + -

3.29 + -

3.52 ++

.13 3.15 1-5

Preference for low level of commitment

3.29 --

3.48 --

3.95 ++

3.86 ++

.10 3.67 1-7

Tolerance towards organizational demands

Professional demands 4.58 ++

4.44 --

4.37 --

4.25 --

.03 4.40 1-5

Intensity commitment 2.33 ++

2.05 --

1.98 --

2.30 ++

.03 2.13 1-5

Over-all R² .23 % of total (N = 622) 25.96 21.68 34.81 17.55 (++/+/+ -/-/--) Tukey’s Studentized Range (HDS) test for pair-wise differences in mean scores: different signs point to significant differences between the specific clusters at a .05 significance level. Rankings are based on relative comparisons between the clusters, and not on the clusters’ mean positions on the scales. * All ANOVA-tests are significant at the .001-level.


38

Table 2. Model fit tests for exploratory latent class models of styles of volunteering (N=652) L² χ² DF Probability* Decision at .05

significance level

Complete independence 939.41 1356.89 277 0.0000 Reject Two-class model 409.46 417.80 266 0.0000 Reject Three-class model 333.93 350.56 255 0.0006 Reject Four-class model 288.93 292.99 244 0.0255 Reject Five-class model 251.17 257.99 233 0.1972 Accept Six-class model 224.07 234.08 222 0.4485 Accept

* p-value for L²-statistic


39

Table 3. Styles of volunteering according to key volunteer attributes Styles of volunteering*

I II III IV V Total

N=139 N=58 N=126 N=231 N=98 N=652 21.32% 8.91% 19.39% 35.37% 15.01% 100.00%Length of service***

0-2 years 17.99 4.66 18.76 25.47 2.93 17.34 3-5 years 45.07 28.22 45.35 39.91 14.86 37.26 6-10 years 13.75 19.90 21.17 15.93 28.01 18.65 > 10 years 23.19 47.22 14.72 18.69 54.21 26.75

Frequency*** Once or several times a year 94.26 46.94 38.48 9.56 0.00 24.51 Once or several times a month 0.00 25.76 61.52 45.65 2.00 41.28 Weekly or more 5.74 27.30 0.00 44.79 98.00 34.21

Monthly hours of volunteering*** ≤ 4 hours per month 78.88 30.62 26.44 0.00 0.00 24.67 5-12 hours per month 21.12 69.38 73.56 0.00 0.00 24.95 13-24 hours per month 0.00 0.00 0.00 53.77 38.28 24.76 > 24 hours per month 0.00 0.00 0.00 46.23 61.72 25.62

Member of volunteer board*** % member 0.00 96.57 0.00 17.40 96.31 29.22

Type of volunteer activities % Meetings and decision-making***

22.33 75.82 48.16 49.50 88.22 50.94

% Organization of activities*** 8.98 37.87 22.59 25.92 72.37 29.44 % Assistance*** 79.50 64.48 83.14 93.70 84.35 82.27 % Administrative tasks*** 6.83 40.95 8.33 18.91 76.25 24.65 % Training and lectures* 17.63 30.78 16.61 24.01 34.39 22.86 % Funding activities*** 31.67 47.66 46.65 54.93 79.83 50.52 % Chores*** 8.67 28.94 21.72 36.31 60.80 30.35

Number of main activities*** None 46.36 46.18 26.69 11.00 13.65 25.12 One 45.47 37.36 55.21 64.28 44.15 53.09 More than one 8.17 16.46 18.11 24.72 42.20 21.80

Dispositional clusters*** Unconditional 8.55 16.20 27.49 35.92 32.74 26.22 Critical 9.49 28.49 17.08 17.94 47.48 21.35 Reliable 54.12 24.55 42.19 28.89 11.69 33.80 Distant 27.84 30.75 13.24 17.26 8.09 18.56

* I = Episodic contributors, II = Established administrators, III = Reliable co-workers, IV = Service-oriented core volunteers, V = Critical key figures χ²-statistic: * p < .01 ** p < .001 *** < .0001


40

Table 4. Maximum likelihood analysis of variance of the fitted multinomial logistic regression models for volunteer attitudes, patterns of volunteering, and styles of volunteering among the Flemish Red Cross volunteers (N = 652) Styles of volunteering L² df p L²/df Intercept 15.90 4 0.0032 - SOCIAL EMBEDDEDNESS Sex - - ns - Age 30.01 8 0.0002 3.75 Education - - ns - Affective bonds Living arrangements - - ns - Family life cycle - - ns - Family source of income - - ns - Economic bonds Socio-economic position 14.65 4 0.0055 3.66 Socio-economic class 43.75 16 0.0002 2.73 Weekly working hours - - ns - Employment conditions 27.13 12 0.0074 2.26 Social bonds Church practice - - ns - Social participation - - ns - Frequency participation - - ns - ‘Classical’ action fields 9.50 4 0.0497 2.37 ‘New’ action fields - - ns - Protest action - - ns - Chequebook activism 11.52 4 0.0213 2.88 Cultural bonds Solidarism 10.51 4 0.0327 2.63 Local community - - ns - Helping others - - ns - Moral/religious duty - - ns - Belief - - ns - Ideological affiliation - - ns - Recruitment channels - - ns - ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENT Unit of main activity

First Aid 53.35 4 <.0001 13.34 Red Cross Youth 14.99 4 0.0047 3.75 Social Assistance - - ns - Training 18.26 4 0.0011 4.56 Urgent Social Intervention 11.60 4 0.0206 2.90

Organizational level of participation 13.55 4 0.0089 3.39 Size local chapter 33.28 8 <.0001 4.16 Number of population profiles=544, L²=1438.64, df=1E3,

p=1.0000


41

Table 5. Net effects of biographical and organizational indicators on volunteer attitudes, patterns of volunteering, and styles of volunteering among the Flemish Red Cross volunteers (N = 652): Fitted logit model in which the odds ratio’s are expresses as deviations from the general mean per category Styles of volunteering* SOV1 SOV2 SOV3 SOV4 SOV5 GENERAL MEAN 21.32 8.91 19.39 35.37 15.01 Age

16-30 2.69 -4.95 1.63 8.88 -8.24 31-50 2.02 4.43 -1.66 -6.53 1.73 50+ -10.07 1.40 -0.05 -5.50 14.22

Socio-economic position Full-time working 1.88 2.14 -6.73 -4.51 7.21 Other -1.75 -2.00 6.28 4.20 -6.74

Socio-economic class Professional 7.84 2.90 -3.81 -5.95 -0.98 Routine non-manual 0.98 5.61 0.17 -6.95 0.18 Self-employed -2.27 0.28 -0.48 14.26 -11.78 Workers -12.19 -4.26 -4.48 21.57 -0.65 Never worked 6.74 -3.83 9.47 -16.40 4.03

Working conditions Irregular moments + irregular schedules 3.56 6.25 -2.60 -1.94 -5.26 Irregular moments + regular schedules 8.94 -0.80 10.93 -22.06 2.99 Regular working conditions -3.10 0.17 10.63 -5.92 -1.78 Not working -2.49 -2.57 -9.73 12.29 2.50

Participation in classical action fields No 5.89 3.79 1.68 -10.20 -1.16 Yes -2.34 -1.50 -0.67 4.05 0.47

Checkbook activism Not or very rarely -1.96 -1.74 -2.26 6.54 -0.58 Every now and then to often 2.94 2.61 3.39 -9.82 0.88

Solidarism Moderate to weak 4.89 -0.69 0.16 -2.25 -2.11 Strong -6.58 0.93 -0.22 3.02 2.85

Size local chapter Up to 25 volunteers 7.59 4.10 9.81 -22.07 0.57 25-50 volunteers -0.88 6.04 -5.93 -1.74 2.52 More than 50 volunteers -0.76 -4.88 2.31 5.15 -1.83

Organizational level of participation Solely local chapter -0.11 2.23 2.56 -1.88 -2.80 Also intermediate and central levels 0.20 -3.87 -4.47 3.26 4.88

Units of main activity First Aid Unit

No main activity 10.06 5.03 1.24 -11.34 -4.99 Main activity -10.57 -5.28 -1.30 11.91 5.25

Training Unit No main activity 1.44 0.10 0.84 -0.26 -2.12 Main activity -9.65 -0.68 -5.64 1.72 14.24

Urgent Social Intervention Unit No main activity 0.28 0.10 -0.94 0.44 0.12 Main activity -8.27 -3.00 28.13 -13.40 -3.47

Red Cross Youth No main activity 1.20 -0.23 -0.36 0.29 -0.90 Main activity -14.66 2.85 4.37 -3.62 11.06

*SOV1 = ‘Episodic contributors’, SOV2 = ‘Established administrators’, SOV3 = ‘Reliable co-workers’, SOV4 = ‘Service-oriented core volunteers’, SOV5 = ‘Critical key figures’

beyond the tyranny of the new ecpr€¦ · in the wake of broader time diagnoses heralding an...

Documents