baashiqa area based assessment

Returns Working GroupRWG Iraq

JULY 2018

BAASHIQAAREA BASED ASSESSMENT

2

Baashiqa Area Based Assessment

Produced by REACH Initiative with the support of the Iraq Returns Working Group, CCCM and ECHO

About REACH

REACH facilitates the development of information tools and products that enhance the capacity of aid actors to make evidence-based decisions in emergency, recovery and development contexts. All REACH

activities are conducted through inter-agency aid coordination mechanisms.

All our reports, maps and factsheets are available on the REACH resource centre. For more information, visit our website at www.reach-initiative.org, follow us on Twitter: @REACH_info and

Facebook: www.facebook.com/IMPACT.init or write to [email protected]

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contents

4 Introduction

6 Methodology

7 Challenges and Limitations

8 Background and Context

8 Contextual Overview

9 Assessment Findings

9 Demographics

10 Returns

10 Livelihoods

13 Assistance, Top Priority Needs

14 Shelter

14 Protection and Social Cohesion

15 Functionality and Access to Services

15 Overview

16 Healthcare

18 Education

20 Water

22 Solid Waste Disposal

23 Conclusion

24 Endnotes

Appendix one: Baashiqa Maps

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The towns of Baashiqa and Bahzani1 (hereafter referred to as Baashiqa), located in the Ninewa Plains, 13 km northeast of Mosul city2 have historically hosted a diverse set of population groups and a majority of residents are reported to be Yezidi.3 Apart from Yezidis, these groups include Christians, Shia Muslims, Sunni Muslims, and Shabak.4 However, during the territorial advancement of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in the area in 2014, nearly all of Baashiqa’s residents had left the town by August 2014, largely moving to Dahuk, Sulaymaniyah, and Erbil governorates in the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KRI).

Beginning in mid-October 2016, the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) and the Kurdish Forces (KF) began a military offensive to regain control over the city of Mosul and its surroundings, including Baashiqa, from ISIL. By late October 2016, when the KF began an offensive from two fronts with the aim of removing ISIL from Baashiqa,5 KF commanders stated that, according to their intelligence, there were no civilians left in Baashiqa.6 Likewise, participants in mapping exercises and community discussion groups (CDGs) reported that all

households had fled the town – almost entirely in the original waves of displacement in August 2014. As a result of this offensive, ISIL was expelled from Baashiqa in early November 2016.

After the KF established control over Baashiqa, residents were relatively slow to return, beginning from February 2017 onwards. This was largely due to the perceived presence of unexploded ordnances (UXOs) and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) as well as damaged infrastructure.7 As of April 2018, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), around 3,920 families (approximately 23,520 individuals) have returned to Baashiqa8 since February 2017.9 This sets returns at an estimated 47%, as the pre-ISIL population of Baashiqa was estimated at around 50,000 inhabitants.10

In the immediate post-ISIL period, administrative control of the area of Baashiqa was disputed between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GoI)and as a result the town and its surroundings had already officially been classified as a disputed territory between the GoI and the KRG under Article 140

INTRODUCTION

of Iraq’s 2005 Constitution.11 In October 2017, one year after the KRG established control of Baashiqa, the GoI re-established full control over the town following an independence referendum held in the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KRI).12

Based on available sources, REACH Initiative (REACH) identified that, while general information regarding returns and levels of damage within Baashiqa were widely known, there was a lack of publicly available and location-specific data outlining the state of available services and specific needs in Baashiqa. Therefore, in order to inform recovery and stabilisation programming, REACH launched an Area-Based

Assessment (ABA) in Baashiqa. The assessment was coordinated and implemented under the framework of the Iraq Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) cluster and the Returns Working Group (RWG), and aligned with the Multi-Sector Response Framework (MSRF), a guidance document with input from relevant clusters to facilitate coordinated area-based interventions in support of Iraq’s conflict-affected populations. Baashiqa was selected because of the relatively high number of returnees.

In focusing assessments at the settlement level, the ABA seeks to provide a tailored and actionable profile of the assessment area, with

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specific focus on demographics, household-level needs, and access to critical public services. The general objective of the ABA, then, is to inform evidence-based humanitarian programming and service delivery in the short- and long-term at the area-level. Through an area-based approach, humanitarian actors can operate at a more localized level to design a response that is geographically targeted, inclusive of a range of local, international, and governmental actors, and inter-sectoral in its programme delivery.

Baashiqa Town - Neighbourhood Boundaries

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METHODOLOGY

participants. In addition, REACH staff conducted a comprehensive mapping of Baashiqa town in mid-February 2018. This was supplemented with additional participatory mapping exercises in late April 2018, comprising 14 participants from Baashiqa and Bahzani sections.

Specialised Service Provision KIIs: After building a picture of community perceptions and expectations with regards to service delivery, REACH conducted a total of 16 additional interviews with KIs with specialist knowledge of the provision of public services – namely health, education, water, electricity, and solid waste

The ABA employs a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection, including scoping and secondary data review (SDR); semi-structured key informant interviews (KIIs) with community leaders; community group discussions (CGDs) with residents of the area; KIIs with individuals with specialised knowledge of service provision in the area; and a comprehensive household-level needs assessment that is representative of the population living within the area of assessment.

Scoping and SDR: Prior to the launch of the assessment, REACH conducted extensive SDR to determine the base of knowledge related to the area of assessment that was already publicly available, and to build a level of contextual knowledge to inform the data collection plan. In addition, REACH conducted several scoping missions to the area in order to meet with community leaders and pilot assessment tools. In order to avoid duplication, the availability of existing information informed the primary data collections methods utilized.

Community Leader KIIs, CGDs and Participatory Mapping: In the governance

structure of Iraq, individuals known as mukhtars represent the most local level of government representation. These individuals are appointed by local councils and serve as a primary intermediary between residents and government service providers within their area of responsibility. In their position as community representatives, mukhtars are well placed to provide general information on the demographics, needs and access to services within their areas of responsibility. In order to gather preliminary information on the area, REACH conducted KIIs with three mukhtars between 24 - 26 January, 2018. During the same period, REACH conducted CGDs on service provision in the area with 14 female and 10 male

removal within Baashiqa. These individuals were identified both through mukhtars and other INGOs and UN agencies active within the area. Overall, REACH enumerators conducted semi-structured interviews with three education KIs, three healthcare KIs, three electrical KIs, three water KIs, and four solid waste disposal KIs. All interviews were conducted between 30 April and 7 May 2018.

Household-Level Needs Assessment: In order to triangulate findings from qualitative data collection, and to provide a comprehensive overview of needs within the municipality,

Interviewees Number Surveyed

Community Leader KIs: 3 mukhtars

CGDs & Mapping: 38 participants

Specialised Service Provision KIs: 16 KIs

Household Need Assessment: 494 households

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The pilot of the ABA in Baashiqa presented several challenges and limitations:

• As this was a pilot assessment with multiple components conducted within a rapidly shifting context, the overall data collection period for the ABA in Baashiqa was necessarily dynamic in terms of its length. As additional information gaps were identified, additional assessment tools were deployed to address those gaps. As a result, the data collection period for the overall assessment was spread over four months; a period longer than initially anticipated during the research design phase.

• Lack of population density data meant the sample points were generated with the assumption of a uniform population density across all inhabited areas of Baashiqa.

• Given the limitations of qualitative data collection, the information collected through KIIs and CGDs is indicative only and is not generalizable to the entire population.

Challenges and Limitations

REACH also conducted a household-level needs assessment in Baashiqa. As reliable population figures are difficult to identify within the Iraqi context, an infinite population was assumed for the purpose of sampling. In total, 494 household interviews were conducted in Baashiqa, reaching a 97% level of confidence and a 5% margin of error at the town level. To draw the random sample, random GPS points were generated across all populated areas of the city through a grid-based technique. All data was collected between 18 - 30 January 2018.

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BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT

Due to its diversity, Baashiqa has been referred to as ‘the little Iraq’, representing the diverse populations of Iraq although with a majority Yezidi population (70%). In addition, the pre-ISIL Baashiqa community was known for its strong local identity and communal ties. For example, cultural traditions and the spoken dialect were not necessarily affiliated with one particular group but with Baashiqa itself. For many residents, being ‘Baashiqi’ was their primary identity.13

After the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, Baashiqa became a “microcosmic example of the most contentious issues facing the greater nation: federalism, disputed territories, security, energy, and identity politics.”14 During this period, Baashiqa became an officially disputed territory between the KRI and the GoI, as defined by Article 140 of the 2005 Iraqi constitution. The town has links to both the GoI, through its Arabic speaking population and its geographic proximity to Mosul, as well as with the KRI through the Kurdish-speaking Yezidi population and their cultural

ties. Although Baashiqa was included in the KRI independence referendum vote in September 2017,15 the ISF took over administrative control in Baashiqa in October of 2017, resulting in some of the roads connecting Baashiqa with the KRI being closed16

Prior to the displacement of populations from Baashiqa during ISIL advancement in August 2014, Baashiqa experienced an influx of Yezidi internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Sinjar, which had been taken by ISIL earlier that summer.17 Furthermore, Baashiqa suffered significant infrastructural damage during the conflict, such as to the water network and electricity grid, as well as damage and destruction of buildings.18 Following the town being retaken from ISIL, a UNHCR and DRC assessment found a marked difference in the interactions between population groups in the down, as well as a decreased level of trust between those groups.19

Contextual Overview

Baashiqa

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Demographics

ASSESSMENT FINDINGS

Through the household needs component of the assessment, REACH was able to build a statistically representative understanding of the composition of households within Baashiqa. Overall, assessed households consisted of 6 to 7 persons, of whom 3 to 4 were adults and 2 to 3 were children (<18 years old). Of the heads of household, the majority reported being married (87%), and only 12% of heads of households were female. Finally, the average age of heads of household was 47 years old.

Assessed households were found to often be caring for one or more vulnerable persons. In order to identify the prevalence of these vulnerable individuals, the assessment focused on five groups: orphaned children, unaccompanied minors,20 individuals with a chronic illness,21 individuals with a physical or mental disability,22 widows, and pregnant or lactating women. Overall, the most commonly reported vulnerable group were persons with chronic diseases, with 42% of households reporting at least one

chronically ill member. Other reported vulnerable groups were: disabled persons (16%), pregnant or lactating women (13%), and widows (12%). Households with at least one orphaned child (2%) or unaccompanied minor (<1%) were less common.

50=

440=

310=

200=

40=

420=

340=

200=

8%

42%

33%

17%

18 - 59

FemaleMale

6 - 17

0 - 5

Composition of assessed households by gender and age group

9%

43%

34%

14%

60+

Average age of head of household, by gender of head of household

☻45☽48

Proportion of households reporting at least one member being affected by a chronic illness

43+57J43%

Proportion of households reporting at least one member with a physical and/or intellectual disability

16+84J16%

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As all but one of assessed households (493/494) were reported to be returnees, these households were asked about how they informed their decision to return. Most returnee households reported that they were informed about the returns process or the situation in their area of origin before returning (98%). Their main reported sources of information regarding the condition in their area of origin was television (36%), followed by friends and relatives (19%), social media (17%), and the internet (news websites, 15%).23 In general, both adult males and females reportedly played a role in the decision to return, however, ‘fathers’ were reported to have played a role by 83% of

According to data from 2012, 31% of households in Baashiqa lived below the Iraqi national poverty line (105,500 IQD or 88.50 USD25 per capita per month)26, and 34% of males between 16 and 29 years old were unemployed or underemployed, but searching for work.27 For the ABA, 80% of assessed households reported that at least one

member had earned an income in the 30 days preceding data collection, with an average of one household member providing an income per household. Of those 80% of households, 92% reported that the earning member was an adult male, compared to 13% reporting that the earning member was an adult female.28 At the same

Returns Livelihoods

HH member Percent of returnees

Father 83%Mother 47%Oldest male child 23%Oldest female child 6%

Top most reported barriers to employment*

280=

260=

190=

160=

100=

100=

80=

70=

60=

28%

26%

19%

16%

10%

10%

8%

7%

6%

Skilled wage labour (construction, etc)

Government employee / public security official

Skilled service labour (teacher, lawyer, engineer, etc)

Retirement fund

Social support (e.g. disability allowance)

Low skill service industry (janitor, waiter, cook, etc)

Agricultural waged labour

Transportation (taxi driver, truck driver etc)

Practitioner of trade or vocation (carpenter, electrician, plumber, etc)

households, compared to 47% of households that reported the ‘mother’ having played a role. In addition, 23% of assessed households indicated that the oldest male child also played a role in the decision to return (see Table 1).

Table 1. Member of household who played a role in the decision to return24

* Respondents could select multiple options. Therefore, results exceed 100%.

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Livelihoods

time, 11% reported that elderly male household members (60 years and older) were earning an income, compared to 6% that reported elderly female household members.

The most prevalent reported livelihood sources were skilled wage labour (28%), followed by government jobs (26%).

However, 30% of all assessed households reported facing problems with accessing employment. The top reported barriers to employment were the lack of jobs for skilled workers (63%) and for unskilled workers (62%). Overall, this implies a lack of employment opportunities – regardless of whether an unemployed individual was skilled or unskilled.

Approximately two-thirds of households reported being in debt (68%), with the average amount of household debt reported at 5,206,662 IQD (4,374 USD). According to these households, the

main reason for acquiring debt was to support businesses (69%), followed by purchasing food (57%) and healthcare costs (43%). Most of those households with debt reported borrowing this money from friends and relatives (88%), followed by from merchants at the market or bazaar (34%). Relatedly, 39% of assessed households reported that costs of basic needs, such as shelter, health, and food had increased either a little or a lot over the three months preceding data collection.

In order to support themselves, 75% of assessed households reported employing at least one livelihood coping strategy in the 30 days prior to data collection. The most frequently cited coping strategy amongst all households was borrowing money (34%), followed by selling assets (17%), accessing a previous income source (16%), spending savings (16%), and obtaining support from friends and/or relatives (16%).29

Main employment problems households face*

630=

620=

100=

80=

70=

70=

60=

63%

62%

10%

8%

7%

7%

6%

Lack of jobs for skilled workers

Lack of jobs for unskilled workers

Previous job no longer exists

Need documentation to get a job

Job exists but no salary

Lack of local connections

No training courses


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Overall, households reported being able to cook their food at least once a day. Furthermore, adults were reported to eat an average of three meals per day (99%), while for children this was 3 to 4 meals per day (71% three meals per day, 15% four meals per day, 13% more than four meals per day). Moreover, most households reported an “acceptable” food consumption score (96%),30 with the remaining 4% of households reporting a “borderline” score. Although these findings indicate relatively high consumption of and access to food, 80% of households still reported food as a priority need. This possibly reflects the fact that households prioritised food over other needs to ensure the “acceptable” level of consumption. On average, households reported spending a total of 842,546 IQD (706.82 USD) in the month preceding data collection. The largest expenditure was food, at 323,141 IQD (271.10 USD), compared to the following prices:

Food Security

Food 323,141 IQD

Health 140,269 IQD

Rent/utilities 111,186 IQD

NFI 92,455 IQD

Transportation 64,726 IQD

Education 46,372 IQD

Clothing 41,475 IQD

Other 24,445 IQD

Similarly, reported consumption-based coping mechanisms were closely linked to the limited livelihood opportunities reported, and the resulting lower consumption of households. 29% of the assessed households reported resorting to food-related coping strategies during the seven days prior to data collection. Of these households, 84% reported reducing the number of meals for males, 26% reported reducing the number of meals per day, and 25% reported borrowing food.

The Public Distribution System (PDS) in Iraq provides subsidised staple foods and fuel to all Iraqi citizens through a rations card distributed by the government. Of assessed households, only 14% reported having received PDS rations in in the three months prior to data collection. Of these households, the majority (89%) had received PDS food rations in the 30 days prior to data collection.31

Proportion of household reporting having received PDS since October 2016*

39+61J39%

Calculated food consumption score

♳of household have an acceptable food consumption score

96%


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Assistance, Top Priority Needs

Regarding assistance received in Baashiqa, 27% of assessed households reported that they had received assistance since the beginning of October 2016. Overall, 19% of households reported having received food assistance, and 9% reported having received household items (such as jerry cans, blankets, clothes, and kitchen utensils). Other reported types of assistance received were: cash (5%), health (5%), and water (4%).32 The majority of households reported that they did not face difficulties in receiving assistance (85%).

As noted previously, assessed households’ reported top priority need was food (80%). This was followed by other basic services such as medical care (44%), electricity (36%), employment (32%), and water (29%).

Reported household top priority needs*

800=

440=

360=

320=

290=

160=

140=

120=

80=

60=

80%

44%

36%

32%

29%

16%

14%

12%

8%

6%

Food

Medical care

Electricity

Employment

Water

Security

Clothing

Education for children

Shelter support

Psychosocial support

Proportion of households reporting having received assistance

27%

☽☽☽☽Proportion of households reporting barriers to accessing assistance

♱ 86% of household reported no difficulties in accessing assistance


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Shelter Protection and Social Cohesion

In terms of shelter, nearly all assessed households reported residing in houses (99%), with the remainder living in unfinished buildings. In addition, 29% of households reported their shelter being damaged, though the nature and severity of the damage – whether cosmetic or structural – was not specifically assessed. Furthermore, most shelters (90%) were reported to have been cleared of explosive remnants of war (ERW) and UXOs by ISF or Mines Advisory Group (MAG). However, 10% of households reported their shelters not having been formally cleared, although this does not necessarily indicate the presence of ERWs or UXOs in these structures.

The majority of assessed households (75%) reported owning their homes and possessing legal documents that proved ownership. However, 12% of households reported owning their homes without documentation, and a further 7% were squatting with permission, indicating a sizeable minority who may be at a greater risk of eviction. Additionally, of the remaining 7% of

assessed households that reported renting their shelter, 79% did not have a written rental contract, again signalling a higher risk of eviction for these households.

The average size of households’ living space in their shelters was self-reported to be 245 square meters, with three to four rooms in use for sleeping and recreation.

Almost all assessed households (99%) reported no restrictions on their ability to move freely in the area and its surroundings. In addition, 94% reported experiencing no stigmatisation or discrimination. Furthermore, few households (9%) reported missing documents not related to their shelter (i.e. ID cards). For example, 95% of assessed households with children under 5 (approximately 50% of assessed households) had their births registered with the authorities.

The majority of households were not aware of any security incidents in their area (87%) in the three months prior to data collection, with the only prominent figures being 9% reporting robberies and 5% reporting shootings during that time period. Similarly, 94% of households reported feeling safe from harm and violence in Baashiqa, while 86% of households reported utilising the services of official government institutions providing safety, protection, and justice.

Assessed households reported level of access to local community leaders was also quite high, with 85% reporting access. At the same time, 86% of assessed households reported not feeling able to play a role in policy making in their area.

Most commonly reported occupancy status

750=

120=

70=

60=

75%

12%

7%

6%

Property owned with documents

Property owned without documents

Squatting with permission

Renting

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FUNCTIONALITY AND ACCESS TO SERVICESOverview

In areas of Iraq formerly under the control of ISIL, the resumption of basic services has recently been cited as a primary consideration for displaced individuals in determining whether to return to their areas of origin. Amongst IDPs from Ninewa governorate (69%), this was the most frequently cited factor in their decision-making process for returning to their homes.33 Similar trends were identified by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), who reported that the lack of service provision was cited as one of the reasons for the initially low return rates for Baashiqa.34

Damaged Kindergarten in Baashiqa

16

Overall, 82% of assessed households reported having a primary healthcare facility containing doctors within two kilometres of their home, while 35% of households reported that at least one individual in their household suffered from a health event in the two weeks prior to data collection. According to KIs with specialist knowledge of healthcare (health KIs), Baashiqa was reported to have no general hospital, and only one primary public health centre (Health Centre Ninewa, see Baashiqa reference maps in Appendix One), and several private doctor’s offices and private pharmacies. However, the pressure on the health centre was reported to have increased in the post-ISIL period. Health KIs noted that this was due to the fact that surrounding villages had previously hosted smaller health centres located in prefabricated structures. However, these KIs reported that ISIL had looted most of the equipment from these centres, and even some of the pre-fabricated structures themselves.

Furthermore, health KIs reported that for

specialised, maternity, and trauma care, residents needed to travel outside of Baashiqa, as the facilities within the town did not contain sufficient supplies, equipment, or staff for these treatments. Therefore, most residents were reportedly traveling to hospitals in Mosul, which was said to take around 45 minutes driving, as the road to the hospital in Sheikhan to the north was reported to be closed. Additionally, KIs and CGDs participants noted that residents were also travelling to Hamdaniya (40 km to the south) and Duhok (95 km to the northwest) for medical treatment, with some even reported to be traveling to Baghdad (430 km).

The health centre was reported to be housed in two buildings next to a larger partially constructed health centre, the completion of which was interrupted by the arrival of ISIL. According to two KIs with specialist knowledge of healthcare, the functional health centre contained one building for general medical services and another building for emergency cases. Additional space was created

through the installation of five prefabricated structures, constituting 10 rooms, by an INGO in late April 2018. In addition, the UN is currently installing an additional 120m2 of capacity behind the current facilities in the form of five additional prefabricated shelters. This expansion project was reported to be approximately 90% completed at the time of data collection, with the centre not yet able to utilize the space.

Overall, 35% of assessed households reported experiencing barriers to accessing healthcare. Of those households, the main reported barrier was the overall cost of healthcare (71%). Another commonly reported barrier was the lack of medicines available in the health centre (59%). Other difficulties highlighted were a lack of medicines at pharmacies (26%), no access to qualified health staff (25%), the cost of medicines being too high (17%), the lack of treatment for some conditions (15%) and the facility with the relevant treatment being too far away (12%). Similarly, CGD participants and health KIs

reported a shortage of medical staff of all kinds; shortages of physical space and equipment such as x-ray machines and beds; and shortages of medicines, specifically those to treat chronic diseases, inflammation, and allergies. The health centre was reported by several KIs to not have the financial capacity to buy enough oil and fuel monthly to operate their cars and ambulances. One health KI reported that some staff pool portions of their salaries in order to purchase necessary items to operate the facility, such as light bulbs and fuel.

According to CGD participants and health KIs, shortages of all healthcare materials (medicines, equipment, etc.) were worse than in the pre-ISIL period, reportedly because much of these materials had been stolen or damaged by ISIL. In addition, the ISIL occupation of Mosul was reported to have had effects on the availability of medicine in Baashiqa, as most medicines were previously brought from Mosul to stock the Baashiqa health centre. In addition, KIs with specialist knowledge

Healthcare

17

of healthcare reported that many of the medicine storage facilities in Mosul had been damaged by the operation to re-establish control of Mosul city.

In noting the unavailability of medicines, mukhtars, CGD participants, and health KIs indicated that the prices of medicines in pharmacies had not necessarily changed, but that households did not have the financial means to pay for them due to a lack of livelihoods. The medicines reported to be in highest demand were insulin, over-the-counter (OTC) pain relievers, analgesics, flu medicines, and medications for urinary tract infections. The medications most difficult for patients to access, according to health KIs, were insulin, paediatric medicines, pregnancy related medicines, medicines for heart disease and blood pressure, medicines for joint problems, and medicines for other chronic diseases. Overall, the lack of access to medicine was also linked to financial constraints and lack of livelihoods opportunities.

Households reporting experiencing difficulties accessing healthcare

35%

710=

590=

260=

250=

170=

71%

59%

26%

25%

17%

Treatment cost

No medicine available at the hospital

No medicine available at the pharmacy

No qualified staff

Cost of medicine too high

Most commonly reported barriers to accessing healthcare*

☊


18

Education

Overall, Baashiqa was reported to host 14 schools and three kindergartens, of which four were identified as damaged (see reference map in Annex):

• A public high school for girls in Ras al Ain

• A public primary school for girls in Markaz

• A public kindergarten in al Jabal

• A public kindergarten in al Askary

Partly as a result of this damage, schools in Baashiqa were reported by KIs with specialist knowledge of education (education KIs) to be generally overcrowded, with primary schools highlighted as being especially crowded — although this was also said to be the case for several high schools and secondary schools. There was, however, disagreement amongst these KIs as to the level of overcrowding compared to the pre-ISIL period – with some saying schools

were more crowded, and some saying they were less so. In addition to damaged infrastructure, the main identified causes of overcrowding related to the continued displacement of teachers, combined with the return of children who were not yet of school age when they displaced returning to school. The specifically overcrowded schools mentioned by education KIs were (see reference map in Appendix):

• A primary school for boys and girls in Markaz

• A middle school for boys in Markaz

• Baashiqa High School for Girls in al Rabi al Thania

• Bahzani Secondary School for Girls in al Intisar

• Bahzani Ula Primary School for Girls in Old Bahzani

• A primary school for boys and girls and middle school for boys in Markaz

The majority of households (88%) with school-aged children (72.5% of all assessed households) reported sending an average of two children to school (assessed households had an average of 2.5 school-aged children) in the four days preceding data collection. Around 12% of households with school-aged children, however, reported having at least one of their children not attending formal education. Reported instances of school dropout were low, with only 9% of assessed households with school-aged children reporting having had a child that dropped out of school. Boys aged 15-17 were the demographic most frequently reported as never having attended school, with 26% of households with boys aged 15-17 reporting so. Amongst households with girls in this age group, 19% of households reported that at least one girl had never attended and 11% of households with boys aged 6-14. Overall, no significant difference was found between male

and female children within the same age range in not attending formal school.

The main reported barriers to education for residents of Baashiqa, according to education KIs, were financial constraints, especially regarding paying for transportation to access schools that were not located within walking distance. Instead, several KIs indicated that households had prioritised their finances to repair damaged houses, or to support the household given a lack of livelihood opportunities. These barriers were reportedly less prevalent in the pre-ISIL period, though education KIs expressed differing opinions on the change in access to education when compared to the pre-ISIL period. However, the majority of KIs indicated that access to education was better in the pre-ISIL period because there was less damage to educational facilities, and households had greater access to livelihood opportunities.

Furthermore, schools in Baashiqa were reported

19

by education KIs education to generally be lacking teachers, books, desks, and stationery materials such as pens and notebooks – which was in part said to be due to the overcrowding of schools. To cope with the shortage of materials, two or three students were reported to be sharing books and desks meant for one student. Education KIs also noted that teacher salaries remained largely the same when compared to the pre-ISIL period, and indicated that these salaries were being paid regularly. School drop-out rates over time, as reported by households with school-aged children

0246

1 3 5 7 9 11 1 3 5 7 9 11 1 3 5 7 9 11 1 3 5 7 9 112014 2015 2016 2017

# OF C

HILD

REN

DROP OUT

640=230=140=

64%23%14%

770=230=

15-1712-146-11

77%23%0%

FemaleMale

Proportion of households with school-aged children reporting at least one child in the household having dropped out of school (by age group)

20

Water

reported to have carried out some repairs. Despite water from wells and the Salamiyah pump feeding in to the water network, KIs and CGD participants noted that not all neighbourhoods received water from both sources. Specifically, al Rabi al Ula neighbourhood was reported to only have access to water from the public water project in Salamiyah. Overall, areas only receiving water from Salamiyah – and not from the wells – were reported to have reduced access to water overall, as the supply of water from the water project was less consistent and had lower water pressure.

Baashiqa was reported to have 21 water wells (seven on the Bahzani side, and 14 on the Baashiqa side), of which one to two were said to be non-functioning. Almost half of these wells were reported to have been built by INGOs in the post-ISIL period. However, the operation of the water wells was entirely reliant on pumps, which were dependent on a consistent electricity supply, according to water KIs. Given the inconsistency of public electricity (see Electricity section), these

Overall, 92% of assessed households reported receiving their primary source of drinking water from the public water network, while 6% reported purchasing their drinking water. The average cost reported was between 12,000 and 13,000 IQD (10-11 USD) per 1,000 litres. In addition, 91% of households reported having a private water tank available in which they were able to store the water that was irregularly available from the public pipe network. This proportion was similar for water sources for cleaning and washing, for which 98% of households reported using the public network.

According to KIs with specialized knowledge of water provision (water KIs), as well as participants in CGDs and mapping exercises, the public water network sourced its water both from wells on the mountain to the north of Baashiqa, as well as a public water project in Salamiyah (33 km southwest of Baashiqa). However, the pipe network was reported by KIs to be partially damaged due to its age, though INGOs were

pumps were reported to largely rely on generators. However, CGD participants and KIs noted that there was a lack of fuel for these generators, even though INGOs and the UN were reported to have given support in the purchase of fuel. As a result, KIs noted that residents were sometimes pooling funds to buy fuel for these generators. The water supply from the wells was said to vary by season, with less water available in the summer months due to fewer hours of public electricity.

CGD participants and water KIs reported that well water was sometimes treated with chlorine, with well water not treated in any other way. Participatory mapping respondents indicated that they did not know whether water coming from the project in Salamiyah was treated. As such, 49% of assessed households reported that piped water was not acceptable in terms of taste, colour, and smell, indicating problems with the quality of drinking water coming from the communal water network. Participants in CDGs reported skin and kidney health-related problems that

they perceived to be linked to the water quality. While18% of households reported using no water treatment methods, 78% reported filtering the water to treat it, in line with the high percentage of households reporting unacceptable water quality.35 However, the ability to filter water was said to have a financial burden, with households reportedly having to pay 100,000 IQD (around 84 USD) every six months to renew the filter.

21

Electricity

The majority of assessed households reported having around either 9-12 hours (45%) or 13-20 hours (47%) of electricity per day at the time of assessment. The supply of electricity in Baashiqa was said to come from two main sources: the public electricity grid and privately-run communal generators. KIs with specialist knowledge of electricity (electricity KIs) reported that most of the electricity used by households came from communal generators and not from the public grid, which was said to provide an average of only two to six hours of electricity per day.

Public electricity was reported to primarily come from the Taza station in Kirkuk, and distributed by two sub-stations in Baashiqa: Zeitouna Station and Baashiqa Station. Both of these stations were said to have been damaged, therefore decreasing the overall capacity of the electrical grid. This decrease in capacity was also largely attributed to ISIL having looted or destroyed most of the transformers in the town. In addition to the damaged transformers and sub-stations, many

wires were also said to have been cut or stolen as they pulled out of the town.

Households were reported to pay around 13,000-25,000 IQD (around 11-21 USD) per month for public electricity, depending on the season (less in spring and autumn, and more in winter and summer). However, the GoI was said to not be charging residents for electricity at the time of data collection (April/May 2018), instead creating debt tabs for each household.

According to electricity KIs with, most neighbourhoods were able to access power from communal generators, although it was reported by one KI that al Malain neighbourhood was not connected to any communal generators because residents were not able to collectively afford purchasing one from the private company that sold the generators to the neighbourhood. KIs and CGD participants both estimated that households used generator power for around 10-12 hours per day, with generators not functioning during

the night. Generally, communal generators were reported by KIs to be better functioning than in the pre-ISIL period, though they also reported them to be more expensive. Previously, households spent around 6,000-7,000 IQD (5-6 USD) per ampere,36 compared to a reported 8,000-9,000 IQD (7-8 USD) in the post-ISIL period. Households were said to use an average of three amperes per month, though depending on the season this could go up to four or five amperes.

Issues with public electricity provision were also said to have had effects on livelihood opportunities and attracting businesses back to Baashiqa. According to two electricity KIs, there used to be several factories around Baashiqa, but all of them had either stopped working or moved to Erbil because of the current lack of electricity to sustain them.

Generally, KIs and CGD participants indicated that no steps had yet been taken to address the electricity issues in Baashiqa, though one KI with

specialist knowledge of electricity provision noted that there had been a seminar to show residents how to efficiently and effectively use the electricity available. KIs also indicated that, due to the lack of livelihoods and the absence of government electricity, there was a need for the GoI or INGOs to support households to buy three amperes of electricity per month from communal generators – as this was identified as the minimum necessary for a household to run their core appliances. Furthermore, they suggested increasing the number of distribution stations and transformers, and fixing the wires and insulators on electricity poles.

22

Solid Waste Disposal

At the time of assessment, solid waste disposal services were reported to be provided only by the municipality, which was said to be collecting trash several times a week and every day in the town centre. However, KIs with specialist knowledge of solid waste disposal (solid waste KIs) noted that this service was largely insufficient to meet the needs of the population. These KIs, CGD participants, and participants of the mapping exercises indicated that the primary focus of solid waste collection was on main streets, and that for other parts of the town, residents were disposing of solid waste in communal trash collection points within the town or bringing it to informal dumping sites on the periphery of the town. The carrying of waste to periphery areas was noted by some solid waste KIs as a protection concern, as some of these areas were said to not be cleared of ERWs/UXOs. Respondents also raised concerns related to health, especially related to the burning of trash. One solid waste KI specifically noted that residents from surrounding villages were burning trash just outside of Baashiqa in order to sell the

leftover copper. In addition, the main dumping site was reported to be a temporary location close to Baashiqa town – raising more health concerns due to its proximity to the population. However, several KIs also noted that a new dumping site would be opened soon.

Overall, the functionality of solid waste disposal was reported to have been negatively affected by the occupation of the town, as in the pre-ISIL period, the municipality was reported to have had more trucks and staff to service the area. One KI working at the municipality level estimated that the municipality previously operated 21 trucks, but only four remained functional in the post-ISIL period. Furthermore, a decrease in the number of municipal staff was reported by KIs to be related to the ISIL occupation, as some of these staff had been displaced and had not yet returned. Additionally, there were reported to be some staff who had resumed working, but because they did not receive their full salary, they had subsequently refused to continue.

Baashiqa

23

CONCLUSION

In focusing at the settlement level, this assessment seeks to provide a more tailored and actionable profile of Baashiqa town, with specific focus on demographics, household-level needs, and access to critical public services. Through such an area-based approach, humanitarian actors can operate at a more localized level to design a response that is geographically targeted, inclusive of a range of local, international, and governmental actors, and inter-sectoral in its programme delivery.

Although infrastructure and structures have been partially repaired and basic services are available in Baashiqa, respondents throughout data collection reported that these services remained inadequate to meet the needs of residents. For example, 29% of household still reported their shelter as being damaged, and a majority of households reported both a lack of livelihood opportunities and jobs for both skilled and unskilled workers, driving them to take on debt and other livelihood coping strategies.

Though the overall Food Consumption Score for households in Baashiqa was largely acceptable, food was still reported as a priority need. PDS rations were reported to not have been distributed to the majority of the population, and 29% of households reported resorting to food-related coping strategies. Additionally, basic services such as healthcare, education, water provision, electricity services, and solid waste disposal, were said to continue to lack the funding necessary to enhance the availability of services by completing the health centre and restoring its equipment, repairing all damaged schools, improving water provision, repairing Baashiqa’s power distribution stations and increasing their capacity, and sustainably collecting solid waste throughout the town.

Overall, it is critical that the international community – whether non-governmental or governmental, humanitarian or development – continues to support the GoI in the transition from emergency recovery to sustainable redevelopment of the

mechanisms that deliver critical public services to the residents of Baashiqa. This includes ensuring that the GoI has the capacity to train, equip and pay the employees that are ultimately the backbone of service provision within the municipality. In doing so, this capacity building can also help to alleviate other issues identified by this assessment – mainly the lack of livelihoods – by helping public sector employment to fully recover. Finally, this process means working collaboratively with both the GoI and the residents of Baashiqa to ensure transparency of the process, and to allow the communities themselves to play a role in the future of their community.

24

1. Baashiqa and Bahzani were once distinct towns,

but have since merged due to geographic expan-

sion. They are more commonly referred to by the

name of the larger town (Baashiqa).

2. Al Jazeera. ‘Battle for Mosul: Peshmerga push into

ISIL-held Bashiqa’, 8 November 2016.

3. A cultural and religious minority who speak Kurd-

ish, who adhere to an ancient monotheistic religion

that combines aspects of Zoroastrian, Manichaean,

Jewish, Nestorian Christian and Islamic faith.

Yazīd b. Mu‘āwiya (644–83), the second caliph of

the Umayyad dynasty is venerated by Yezidis as a

founding figure of the religion. (Oxford Dictionary,

and Fred Attewil, ‘Background: the Yezidi’. The

Guardian, 15 August 2007.

4. A cultural and religious minority who speak Sha-

baki and whose ancestors were followers of the

Safaviyya order, founded by the Kurdish mystic

Safi-ad-din Ardabili in the early 14th century (Amal

Vinogradov, ‘Ethnicity, cultural discontinuity and

power brokers in northern Iraq: the case of the

Shabak’ 1974).

5. Al Jazeera. ‘Battle for Mosul: Peshmerga target

ISIL-held Bashiqa’, 23 October 2016.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. DTM-IOM. DTM Returnee Master List Data-

set. Bashiqa and Bahzani. 30 April, 2018. http://

iraqdtm.iom.int/ReturneeML.aspx.

9. UNHCR, DRC, and Social Inquiry. ‘Population

Return Trends: Protection, and Social Dynamics in

Northern Ninewa’, March 2018. Page 8.

10. El-Ghobashy, Tamer. ‘Christians and Yezidis see

a bleak future in a proposed independent Kurdish

state’, The Washington Post, 7 October 2017.


Return Trends: Protection, and Social Dynamics

in Northern Ninewa’, March 2018. Page 4 and 13.

And Van den Toorn, Christine, ‘look at ‘little iraq’

shows why iraq is so troubled’, 25 December 2012,

retrieved from niqash.org.




13. Van den Toorn, Christine, ‘look at ‘little iraq’ shows

why iraq is so troubled’, 25 December 2012,

retrieved from niqash.org.

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid. Page 6-7.

16. Ibid. Page 8.

17. OHCHR and UNAMI Human Rights Office, Bagh-

dad, Iraq. Report on the Protection of Civilians in

the Armed Conflict in Iraq: 6 July to 10 September

2014. Page 12.



Northern Ninewa’, March 2018. Page 6-7.

19. Ibid. Page 14.

20. A person who is under the age of eighteen

years, unless, under the law applicable to the

child, majority is attained earlier and who is

“separated from both parents and is not being

cared for by an adult who by law or custom

has responsibility to do so.” (“Refugee Children:

Guidelines on Protection and Care”, op.cit., p.121

in UNHCR ‘Guidelines on Policies and Procedures

in dealing with Unaccompanied Children Seeking

Asylum’, February 1997)

21. Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), also known

as chronic diseases, are not passed from person

to person. They are of long duration and generally

Endnotes

25

slow progression. The four main types of noncom-

municable diseases are cardiovascular diseases

(like heart attacks and stroke), cancers, chronic

respiratory diseases (such as chronic obstructed

pulmonary disease and asthma) and diabetes

(WHO, ‘Noncommunicable diseases Factsheet’,

June 2018).

22. Persons with disabilities include those who have

long-term physical, mental, intellectual or sensory

impairments which in interaction with various barri-

ers may hinder their full and effective participation

in society on an equal basis with others (UN Con-

vention on the rights of persons with disabilities,

December 2006 page 3)

23. Respondents could select multiple response

options.

24. Respondents could select multiple options, there-

fore the percentage does not add up to 100%.

Additionally, figures lower than 3% are not taken

up in this table, these options included: other male

children, other female children, elderly male, and

elderly female.

25. Exchange rate used throughout the report was

1000 IQD = 0.84 USD on 7 June 2018, via XE.com

26. GSDRC, Brigitte Rohwerder. ‘Poverty eradication

in Iraq’, Helpdesk Research Report, 28 August

2015. Page 3.




28. Respondents could select multiple options, there-

fore the percentage does not add up to 100%.

Additionally, figures lower than 3% are not taken

up in this table, these options included: other male

children, other female children, elderly male, and

elderly female.

29. Households could select multiple options, there-

fore the total does not amount up to 100%.

Additionally, several options below 10% were not

included in this report: ‘reduce spending on non-

food expenditures, such as health or education’

(7%), ‘charitable donations’ (1.4%), ‘humanitarian

aid (1.8%), and ‘selling assistance items received’

(0.4%).

30. The food consumption score was calculated

using WFP’s Consolidated Approach to Report-

ing Indicators of Food Security (CARI), and

measures households’ current status of food con-

sumption based on the number of days per week a

household is able to eat items from nine standard

food groups weighted for their nutritional value.

31. This number should only be interpreted as indica-

tive and is not generalizable to the population, as

the response sample was not large enough.

32. Households were able to select up to three priority

needs, therefore, the total amount exceeds 100%.

33. REACH Iraq. ‘Intentions Survey – Round II’. Jan-

uary 2018.




35. The remaining 4% reported using either boiling or

chlorination to treat their drinking water.

36. The number of amperes purchased by households

represents the maximum amount of power they

can draw from the communal generator at any

given time. If they exceed that amount, a fuse on

a communal fuse board will flip, and need to be

reset manually.

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APPENDIX ONE: Baashiqa Mapped Data and Neighbourhood Maps

27

BAASHIQA DAMAGE MAPPING

*Please note that the data was sampled at town level, not neighbourhood level, so the results of the damage mapping are indicative only

BAASHIQA WATER MAPPING

*Please note that the data was sampled at town level, not neighbourhood level, so the results of the water mapping are indicative only

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baashiqa area based assessment

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