ARCHITECTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

S T R U C T U R A M U N D I

ISBN 3-905451-02-6

Copyright: 1994 STRUCTURA MUNDI Editions

49. rue de Bourg. CH - 1003 Lausanne, Switzerland

Translation: Joyce Engel-Cowper

Layout: Martina Weissenbdck

Printed in Switzerland by Presses Centrales Lausanne SA

Nold Egenter

Architectural Anthropology:

SEMANTIC AND .SYMBOLIC ARCHITECTUREAn architectural-ethnological survey into hundred

villages of central Japan

S T R U C T U R A M U N D I

Nold Egenter, Dipl. arch. ETH, ethnologist and architectural anthropologist. Ten years research in Japan (symbolic-semantic architecture of village Shinto in 100 villages ofcentral Japan). Research on nestbuilding behavior of the higher apes (subhuman architecture) and studies related to architectural ethnology (domestic architecture, inparticular Ainu, Japan). Works with numerous publications on the buildup of architectural anthropology and an anthropologically founded architectural theory, Occasionallecturer at the University of Zurich (ethnology). Director of the )Documentation Office for Fundamental Studies in Building TheorycZurich. Researcher at the Departmentof Architecture, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Lausanne. Co-director of the )lndian Rural Settlement Survey Institute, Ahmedabad. India, with Miki and MadhaviDesai.

I, P R E F A C E 7

II. THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES ii

INTRODUCTION 1 1

1. TECTONIC SYMBOLS IN JAPANESE FOLK CULT 12

2 . ETHNOLOGICAL ANALYSES OF THE DESIGN OFJAPANESE CULTIC SYMBOLS 21

3. THE THEORY OF COLUMN EVOLUTION OF ORIENTALARCHAEOLOGY AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE FORRESEARCH INTO CULTURAL HISTORY 2 8

4. SYNTHESIS AND PROSPECTS 3 2

Ill, GENERAL ASPECTS OF THE TRADITIONSSURVEYED 3 5

1. THE REGION INVESTIGATED: DISTRIBUTION OF THECULT OBJECTS STUDIED 3 5

2. RELIGIOUS PRECINCTS. DEITIES AND CULT FESTIVALSNOTES ON METHODS USED 3 5

3. MATERIAL AND BUILDING TECHNOLOGICAL ASPECTS4 0

3.1 Material

3.2 Construct ion

3 .21 Basic principles of construction

3.22 Construct ional types

3 .3 Destruct ion

4. SPATIAL STRUCTURE

5. FORM

5.1 Basic form, general aspects

5.2 Formal parts

5 .21 The cult rope as construction and as centre oforganization

5.22 Dual formal structure

5.3 Variability of the basic form

5.4 Regional distribution of the basic forms

5.5 Accessory variability of the basic form

5.6 Development

6. LOCATION

6.1 Types of location

7 . TERRITORIAL AND SOCIAL REPRESENTATION

8. INTERPRETATION

4 5

4 6

5 2

5 4

6 0

8.1 Reconstruction of the original situation in relation toperiodicity: the cult of one year’s duration

8.2 Meaning in terms of settlement history

9. SYMBOLISM

9.1 General

9.2 Relative symbolism

9.3 Fundamental svmbolic structure

6 2

IV DOCUMENTATION OF FORM TYPES ACCORDINGTO SETTLEMENTS 71

1. TYPES OF REGIONAL DIFFUSION 71

1.1

1.11

1 . 1 2

1.13

1 . 1 4

1 . 1 5

1.2

1 . 2 1

1 . 22

1.221

1 .222

1.223

1 .224

1.225

1.226

1 .227

1 .228

1.229

Hut~like structures with reed and bamboo crow”

The villages around Senseku

Nanatsuya and Shinsaike

Higashigawa

Kurahashibe

Kong@

Hut-like structures with reed roof and bamboocrown (1.21) and tall pillars (1.22) 9 0

The fire festival of the Himurei-Hachiman shrine inthe town of dmihachiman

Festivals of the villages surrounding the town andpolitically subordinate to it

Nakamura

Obayashi (old name, now called HachimanchQ

Kofunaki

KitanoshA

Minamitsuda

Funaki

bfusa

Takagai

utsuro

1.2210 Tsuchida

1.2211 Taga

1 .23 Other villages around the town (non-participants in the

1 .231

1 .232

1.233

1.234

1 .235

1.236

1 .237

1.3

1.31

1 .32

1 .33

1 .34

1 .35

1.4

1.41

1 .42

1 .43

1 .44

1 .45

1 .5

1.51

1 .52

1 .53

1.6

1.61

central festival)

KonoshB

Kitatsuda, Yamaguchi and Shima

Nakakomori

Tanake/JOrinji

Maki

Asakoi

-NishinoshR

Reed columns of one and two tiers

JArakuji and Konaka (Azuchi)

Uchino

TarAbR with Imato. Shuku, Owaki and Miya

Hayashi

Suehiro

Tree forms

Chdk6ji

Goshonai

Tomosada and Noda

Muss

ChBfukuji

Penfold forms

Shimohaneda

Kamihaneda and Nakahaneda

Kashiwagi

Compact hour-glass type

Nukazuka

1 3 3

1 4 4

1 5 5

162

1 .62 Nishioiso

1 .63 Kitasuda and Minamisuda

1 .64 GokashBchB (Obata. Naka, Goide and Yanase)

1 .65 Kinagase with Yamamoto. Shindb. Mitsumata. Oku andShimono

1.66 Kurimidesaike

1 .67 Kurimishinden

1.7 Bamboo columns 187

1 . 7 1 Kawahara

1.72 Sanno with JingB, Chirshbji and Saso

2 TYPES ONLY OCURRING LOCALLY 1 9 2

2 .1

2.2 Maruvama

2.3 Takagai

2.4

2.5

2.6

2 .7

2.8

Oda, JOo,Egashira

Noguchi

Hirata

Yuge

Kamihiraki

2.9 Ishidera/Kayao

2 .10 Higashioiso

2.11 Taikoji

(heap wiih superposed bambootrestle)

(A net spread out on the ground,with a central post)

(Paired anten pillars under theprojecting roof of the shrine)

(Small pillars of old establishedfamilies)

(roll pillars)

(Tetrahedron above a round base)

(Double tetrahedron)

(mobile zoomorphic form andrape-sphere over a round base)

(layered stack]

(a tree built into a mountain shape)

(a bamboo square, clad with rice

mats)

2 .12 NishRrai [Flail)

2 .13 Yamaji (a formerly mobile ship-form)

2 .14 lnoko (cuboid hut]

ANNEXE: BOOKREVIEW 2 3 9

BIBLIOGRAPHY 2 4 1

COMPLETE LIST OF AUTHOR’S TEXTS ANDPUBLICATIONS 1980-1994 2 4 3

CREDITS (Plates 1 - 7) 2 4 9

I, THE REGION INVESTIGATED: DiSTRlBUTlON OF THE CULT The investigated tradition thus stands in a broad context, which hasOBJECTS STUDIED certainly influenced it. An example can be seen in the mixed forms

which use bamboo in their formally relevant parts. The strange dou-Belonging as it does to the old province of Ami. the Amihachiman ble tetrahedron of Yuge has certainly adopted the hut structure ofregion is part 01 Japan’s oldest cultural landscape, as are the great this parallel tradition, but its covering of rape plants is an adaptationplains of Nara and Kyoto. Many archaeological finds indicate that it to the reed-torch tradition. In contrast to this cult-hut tradition ofhas been an area of settlement from time immemorial. Finds from the Little New Year, the tradition of building with reeds is outstan-earliest cultural levels (Jomon) have been made along the old coasts ding in the formal differentiation of its constructional arrangements.line, while others from later periods (Yayoi and Kofun] point to a prop The forms of these cult signs have a distinct character which setsgressive spread of settlements towards the hilly outfiers of the Su- them apart from the other types of the region. Furthermore, theirruka chain. Thus the broad, fertile plains surrounding Lake Biwa names are different : the reed tradition is called TAIMATSU (tor-were probably settled in the Yayoi and Kofun periods by rice far- ches), the cult tradition SAGlCHb (huts). Thus we are forced to themers moving out from Lake Biwa. The River Yodogawa connects conclusion that the two different cult customs belong to differentthe lake directly with the Inland Sea, which played an important part ethnics (in the narrow sense of groups of families of the same ori-in the settlement of central Japan. gin and tradition: Hirschberg 1965). This conclusion is also suppor-

ted by the fact that both types are to be found in the town ofThe religious traditions studied in this work have survived in a more dmihachiman, in two different religious festivals taking place at differor less triangular region lying between the rivers Hinogawa and rent times (the SAGICHG festival falls one month before the TAI-Echigawa. This sharp geographic delimitation is strange. However it MATSU festival). The societies in charge of these festivals are alsomust be added that religious festivals with temporary cult objects different: the SAGICHB festival is celebrated only by the quarters(SAGICHo) are widespread in the whole southheasterly riparian re- (MACHI or CHo) of the town centre.gion. In certain respects these are very similar to the cult torcheswe have studied; in others they are quite distinct. In these festivals But the fact that circumstances and traditions are regarded as eth~too cult signs are built and burnt. usually in front of the village shri- nically different does not explain why the cult objects of the riverinene. These signs are made of handy organic materials and in form triangle are formally so highly developed and why social differen-they are empty or straw~filled huts, expressing the same structural ces have evidently played a part in ii. It is conceivable that the terri-symbolism as those around Gmihachiman. They mainly differ in torial and sacred meaning of the rituals and signs provided politicalrespect of two constants: bamboo is the sole material used in their motives that, for instance in the case of the famous war leader,structure and outward appearance. Reeds are never used. As to Oda Nobunaga, could have been responsible for the preservationtheir timing, they are exclusively associated with the Little New Ye- and development of the reed-building tradition in this sharply delimi-ar. that is, with the old Chinese calendar. Their detailed structure is ted region. It should be remembered that this region was of greatnot so perfect as that of the cult torches. They rarely show any re- importance during Japanese feudal times. It was from this region.laiive symbolism and their social and territorial representative functi- more precisely from his seat, the castle of Aruchi (see Jorakuji).on is hardly differentiated. These cults signs are found in iestivals of that Oda Nobunaga built up the mediaeval feudal state 01 Japan.the UCHIMATSURI type [l village, 1 village shrine, 1 temporary cult object). Paradoxically ii is therefore possible that these essentially nonmhi~

III. GENERAL ASPECTSOF THE TRADITIONSSURVEYED

sioric structures may have played a highly “historical’ part in theestablishment of mediaeval power in old Japan.

2. RELIGIOUS PRECINCTS, DEITIES AND CULT FESTIVALS:NOTES ON METHODS USED

In spite of variations in arrangement, the religious precincts of theregion are very stereotyped. The basic element common to all isthe main shrine (HONDEN). which always stands at the end of anapproach-way. Significantly its doors open on to this path. Beyondthe shrine there is always a wildwood. This is either part of the hillsi-de wood or, if fenced in, it forms the typical ‘island’ in the midst ofthe village or at its edge. The approach to the shrine is always mar-ked by an outwardly visible sign. the symbolic gateway (TORII) orsomething similar, and its last section forms the forecourt of theshrine, which is where the religious ceremonies (MATSURI) are en-acted. Everything else is an extra: the open cult hall (HAIDEN), thefountain (MITARASHI) the bridge (HASHI). the store for cult objects(KURA), mostly used to house the portable shrine (0-MIKOSHI),which is not in use for most of the year), and offices for the admini~siraiion of the shrine (SHAMUSHo). If several shrines are found inone precinct. one of them (HONDEN) is of markedly larger size andbetter quality than the other minor shrines (BESSHA). In such casethe main shrine is that oi the village deity (UJIGAMI) while the minorshrines serve systems of worship that have achieved significancein Japan through historical events of supra-regional importance(Ise, Kasuga. Tsushima. Hachiman, lnari etc). The village shrineusually also serves some supra-regional cult system. This fact isthen expressed in the name of the shrine (e.g. Hachiman-JINJA). inthe mystic sacred symbols such as mirror, and wrapped figures(GO-SHINTAI) and in the so-called litters of the gods (0-MIKOSHI).which are kept there. In contrast to the fixed shrines (HONDEN).these litters are described as ‘movable shrines’. In this case the re-lationship to the gods is of some significance. While the population

Fig . 29: Map of the region around the town 01 Bmihachiman,

The names 01 the settlements in which cult structure traditions were loware marked with an ovai frame and numbered. These numbers cornspend io the list of village names in Japanese characters and their rominized t ranscr ip t ion in the fo l low ing tab le (F ig , 30) . Numbws a l te r names (settlemenls in the documentary par t re fer to th is map and the fo l lowing 115Ueda (No 1, is more strongly ringed and marked with a circle. Its festivalthe subject 01 the case study summed up in Part II. Many of the suiio~rding v i l lages have recent ly been incorpora ted wi th the town. In lhe olficimaps this is shown by the addition of CH6 (urban district] after the nameof these villages. The transcriptions take account of this change whilethe tex t the or ig ina l v i l lage names are used.

Fig 30: Numbered list of names of the investigated settlements with romin,red transcnd,ons.

1234567891 01 11 2131 41 51 61 71 81 920

LB.3 Uedo-ch^o& >s I\ ti -j; Smihachiman-shi+*q lchii-ch6jt%.Jzm Kitonosho-ch679 E @J Toga-chS,$ 9 UI w Minamitsuda-ch6**5 Funaki-ch$A% 3 &so-ch6-lx fic3 + $1 Kofunaki-ch6i@@l Tsuchido-ch68 $4 fi Nakomura-ch6

Jg ta 53/\& @?j

Takogai-ch6

+ 11. ~8% @J

Yagi-ch^oNokakomori-ch2,

tc pL m Ako-ch2

%i$Morio-ch6Jirrinji

@4Jcpiz@l Tanokae-chofS@ JiX-ch6II jK@l Egoshira-chS

Oda-ch6 61 @@fl@? Nakahoneda-ch6Maki-ch6 62 ?: 24 VJ wj Shimohanedo-ch6Sabae-ch2 63 .L 7 & 811 Kamihiraki-chsShima-ch6 64 A&M T&b6Yomaguchi 6 5 ,Tg lmotoKitatsuda-ch6 66Nakanosh%ch6

$G Owaki67 @ -J& $ Yotsutsuji/Miya

Ohoma 68 % ShukuShirao-ch6 69 # @-@ MinomisudaMaruyoma-ch; KitasudaAsakoi-chs

70 -It @. @71 6+ lshidera

Konosh6 72 @gNishinosh&ch6

Kayao73

Kong*oji-ch6$ F~,X x g Kurimidesoike

Osado-ch674 $ E Gff I9 Kurimishinden7 5

Goshonai-ch6ToikSji

76jlhL*tit% Yomaji

Noda-ch6 n;dTomosado-chB

Hayashi7 8 lnoko

Chak^oii-ch6@J

79 9 ImaMuss-ch6 8.Suehiro-cho

4 Tane81 rX.41 Sonno

Hirata-ch6 82 ??fl Jing^oMabuchi-ch6 83 SasoSensBku-ch$

&%8 4 as& ChSsh^oii

Chofukuji-chS 85 ik Morilwakuro 86 Ta5 ShimohiyoshiShinsoike 8 7 k$ ShichiriKurahashibe-ch6 8 8 161s K a m a g o r iHigashigawa-cho 89 2 $3. Y onoseYuge 90 $ NakoJ&akuji 91 $69 GoideNakaya 92 ,I- t# ObataNisharai-chs 9 3 G$h TsukamotoNishioiso 94 ;6 # lshitsukaHigashioiso 95 $ Sk KinogaseUchino 9 6 Shind6Nukatsuko-ch6

$f:$9 7 &-\iic Yamamoto

Noguchi-ch6Kashiwagi-ch6

5% 25% T fl@ Totebeshimono-ch69 9

Komihanedwch6$ Oku

100 II/ H. Kawahara

speaks of UJIGAMI (village deity) or MIYA-SAN (personified ‘hono-able shrine’), meaning the shrine building, according to official Shinsto the obiects of worship are gods with mythical Japanese names.These names are unknown in the villages, except to the priest(GUSHI) who is trained in the central Shinto school. But many villa-ges have no official priest and in that case the inhabitants carry outthe ritual with the help of local dignitaries of social or political stan-ding. There is an interesting difference between the traditional andofficial names for ‘priest’: the traditional name, KANNUSHI (actually.KAMI-NUSHI), means ‘owner of the deity’ while the official name.GUSHI, means ‘master of ceremonies‘. In the cults themselves it isalso possible to observe this phenomenon of superimposition ofsupra-regional elements on an autochthonous tradition. This canbe seen in the cult objects employed and in the orders to whichthey belong. Most of the superimposed festival elements are alsoclearly separated in time from the autochthonous (YOMIYA-HON-SAI. or HONBI): this is one reason for omitting them from this studysince they do not help the process of clarification aimed at here, i.e..representation of a self-contained system of autochthonous. tradi-tional worship in which customary symbolic building forms play acentral role. Superimposed elements have only been recordedwhere they appear in close connection with the customary orderand at the same time provide some evidence.

In the chapter headed ‘Interpretation’ there is a diagram (Fig. 66 E)in which the relalionship of temporary cult objects and permanentwooden shrines is represented as a superimposition: namely a sy~stem of cult marking, which must be annually renewed, is overlaidby one whose cult sign (a shrine built of wood) no longer requiresthis annual renewal. The temporary cult signs are thus to be under-stood as relics of an earlier system of cult marking which nowa-days only appears lemporarily This then provides the basis for anew understanding of the rituals. namely from the structural star&point. If one interprets the rituals as a series of events surroundingobjects of an earlier system of cult marking, which made use of pri-mitive building means and in which earlier cult objects must havebeen as deeply venerated as are the shrine buildings today thenthe present ritual could be explained on the following material basis:if the cult object is to be maintained, it must of necessity be frequ~ently renewed, preferably annually when the ‘building material’ hasgrown again. It is evident that the importation and diffusion of theChinese method of building in wood and the spread of the moredurable wooden shrines within the elite shrine systems (Ise. Kasu-ga, Hachiman etc.) must have led to conflict wilh the autochthonousmarking system. The annual renewal of the sacred system of orderwas. after all, the real content of the local cult. But this lost its sensewith the arrival of durable wooden buildings. By way of compromi-

3 8

se, the earlier ‘layer’ of cull objects was kept, either underneath or and is consequently very various in its forms of expression. On thein front of the wooden shrine; in the second case the two cult ob~ other hand, State Shinto is essentially bound up with history andjects competed for primacy. has therefore attained supraregional importance in canonized, s?e

reotyped forms. In the present study this view is accepted in princi~Therefore the older religious observance was later reduced to a pie. is placed on a systematic basis and raised to the status of atemporary form inasmuch as the explicit destruction of the worn- model for the understanding of lhis type of cult.out cult object and the erection of a new one were projected on toone and ihe same temporary object, the relative time sequence of On this basis it will be impossible to describe the festivals in thethe two procedures being reversed. In any case. from the stands usual manner The observations concern people, places and thingspoint of building criteria this permits a reasonable interpretation of on the one hand, and on the other, the structure of relationshipsevents and also provides an objective explanation of the ritual. connecting them. The essential feature of this procedure is that the

event is shown as a relatively independent, self-contained wholeThis concept is basic to the interpretation of the shrines as preset? that can be recognired on the basis of developmental categoriested in the following documentation. The study interprets the shrines as the result of an evolutionary process. But since the struc&resand festivals, not as an integrated whole, but as an agglomerate of are not of random nature but can be classified into distinct catego-elements from different developmental stages: in a word as an ries (therefore called orders here]. it will be necessary to seek theiraccumulation (Ogburn. 1923). To this extent this documentation is bases. Here too the study may suggest answers to certain quest&not objective in the strict sense of the word: it is idealistic typology ens. Many examples reveal that the orders responsible for the cultThe work picks out those events which appear to be of primary activities of this region also correspond to the principle of parallelityergological importance and, by broad comparison and classificati- between the traditions of object and idea: many cult practiceson. tries to bring the material into a reasonable. coherent system. which seem to us to be utterly irrational clearly reveal their associa-Thus, for instance. the shrines are understood solely as the basic tion with the categorical structure of the cult objects. If the traditionpattern for the spatial arrangement of the cults, not as their histori- is understood on the basis of this pattern, it is possible to distin-ml context. guish between elementary and complex components. Many shrine

complexes conlain only a main shrine (HONDEN). while others hamIf, considering the cult objects. shrine complexes and cult arranges ve several hierarchically graded shrines associated in the GOSHA-merits involved. this type of religious festival is regarded as an ac- KOSHA or OYAGAMI~UJIGAMI relationship. At many festivals onlycumulation, it is logically possible to deduce the attitude here adop- one, mostly fixed, temporary cult object is set up before the UJIGA-ted towards the religious impulse which. naturally. is also involved. Ml shrine, while others display a whole complex of cult objects. TheThis type of religious behaviour will be approached not from the same is found at the personal level : in many villages only a singlestandpoint of theologically influenced preconceptions, but as an ob- representative group is directly involved with the festival. This groupject tradition in ihe strict sense of cultural history and, indeed, as an will consist of the heads (KOSHU) of old established families [UJI-object tradition in which the ideological component of the cult is tray KO). On the other hand, in other villages complicated social and ter-ditionally co-transmitted. It will be pointless to seek for the spiritual ritorial networks provide the personal and local basis of the cele-motivation of the events dealt with: for instance. whether the cults bration. Significantly. the organiration is always systematic: it aptare based on ideas of fertility Such ideas could easily have accu- pears at all levels in corresponding manner Thus it is evident thatmulated later and their explanation must be soughi in other traditi- the elementary system must be primary. because complex sy-ons. The spiritual motives inspiring the cult will be assessed from stems of organization are always built upon the elementary and itsthe forms of the cult signs themselves and from the order which functional connections. In cases of splitting-off too, reference is al-they express. Finally, the method is also based on the assumption ways made to the &men&y system.that the object tradition probably preserves more ancient elementsthan does the ideological tradition, which always ration&es moti- But the real and most important sense of this approach lies in the“es of behaviour and adapts itself to the spirit of ihe time more ra- fact lhat it offers an instrument by which the ritual, with all iis variati-pidly than is the case with active practice. Yanagita Kunio, by far ons of social organization. can be seen to be differentiated and atthe best-known Japanese ethnologist. has always emphasised the the same time based on a simple basic pattern. This simple basicdifference between Japanese popular cults and State Shinto. Popu- pattern is as follows (see Fig. 33):lar Shinto is strongly influenced by autochthonous, local traditions

1 villagewith representativecult officials (UJIKO)

1 village deity 1 temporary(UJIGAMI) primarily fixed1 shrine (HONDEN) cult object

This result of the investigation is largely in agreement with the viewsexpressed by leading Japanese studies of religious phenomenolo~gy Harada (1942) has emphasired the importance of the UJIGAMIcult for the Japanese village and has similarly stressed its sociallyand territorially representative character and its close ties with thehistorv of settlement.

F ig . 31 : Bas i c nwdel o f the s tudy shown in perspect ive . A Village shrine. seat of the village deity (UJIGAMIJ‘ D Group oi cult officials, consisting of the family heads (KOSHU) of the8 Temporary cult structure as temporary seat of the village deity (UJIGA- long es tab l i shed houses and fam i l i es JUJIKO)

Shrine with cult zone and temporary cult structure as representative sign Ml1 E A settlement in the strict sense: possession of house and farm (IE)

o f the un i ty o f the se t t lement . C Symbolic gateway (TORII). visible from a distance. The gate marks the F A settlement in the wider sense: possession of fields and woodlands.ent rance to the cu l t zone

3. MATERIAL AND BUILDING TECHNOLOGICAL ASPECTS

3.1 Material

In the building of the temporary cult signs (TAIMATSU) the followingmaterials are used: tall reeds (YOSHI): different kinds of bamboo(TAKE), tall and short e.g. SASA-TAKE: rice-straw (INE): dried rape(NA): twigs and trunks of young trees (Japanese oak ‘KASHI‘, ca-mellia ‘TSUBAKr and the evergreen tree of official Shinto, ‘SAKAKI’.

In most places the procurement of material follows traditional rules.For instance, in some places near the lake reeds are jointly gathe-red by old-fashioned methods from communally owned stretchesof the lake-shore (e.g. Minamitsuda. JArakuji). But most villages buytheir reeds from commercial sources, paying for them with specialmoney offerings from the community Bamboo canes are felledwith hatchets, usually in the shrine grove: rice straw is always com-bed and is either collected by the families directly involved in thecult or is brought by farmers who visit the shrine. The same appliesto the rape plants. Twigs are only used for the tree-forms. Theytoo are usually gathered in a ‘wild” part of the sacred wood, oneuntouched by agriculture. This is equally true of the tree trunksused as central poles of the taller cult signs.

Since the forms are largely determined by the building material, itsuse is also traditionally regulated. Tall varieties of bamboo allow theconstruction of bundled cult signs of considerable size, while similartypes made of other material (e.g. reed columns of single length)may only reach a height of 4 m. This means that the height of one-tier types is directly determined by the length of the material used.

It is also possible to observe how the material influences construct&on. When bamboo is employed there is a decrease in the variabilityof a certain constructional type, because bamboo is less easilybroken than reed. The type of reed that grows along the shores ofLake Biwa also has tall. stiff stalks. suitable for standing - or cove-ring - purposes but not for binding. unlike the shorter ‘kaya’ kindwith its much softer stalks, which can be used both for bundlesand for their bindings. Consequently in the region investigated, rice-straw was almost the only material used for binding purposes. Itstough. flexible fibres are excellent for making ropes and string.

Stripped reed is preferred for covering outer surfaces, on accountof its marked symbolic character The decisive qualities of bambooseen- to be its stability. height and fresh green colour whichcontrasts so pleasingly with the warm. light brown of the reeds.

Fig. 32: Aspects of building order in the construction 01 the studied cultStl”Ct”leS.

A Raw, unordered material is taken from nature, tied into elements(bundles) and made in to prelabricated bu i l d i ng parts. The h igh ly plansned procedure is aimed at a lormal-spatial whole, ihe symbolic consstrutted lorm

B A f i rm ly connec ted f rame i s . so to speak . ‘ s tu f fed ’ w i th a f i l l i ngC Loose, unbound raw mater ia l i s bound up to lorm s o l i d m a s s e sD Homogenous bu i ld ing mater ia l and the mix ing 01 bu i l d ing ma te r i a l sE Comple te and par t ia l stabilizationF Al an e lementary leve l bound ioints an t ic ipa te deve loped methods o f

assemblyG The connec t ing agen t a lways l i es ou ts ide on the joined mater ia lH Ver t i ca l add i t i on ( i n the length o f the po la r ax is )I Rad ia l add i t ion (a round the po la r ax is )J Over lapped l inear add i t ionK Curvilinear surfaceL Circu lar add i t ion (s taggered)M Fla t su r face , wa l lN Core and cover ing.

Consequently bamboo is used for the supporting posts, central pil-lar (with leafy tip), as central bush and also as a decorative externalaccessory. Splinters are produced by repeated splitting of the bam~boo canes. These are then bent into rings or twisted and plaited Ii-ke ropes and, though stiff, are used for binding purposes. Ricestraw is always used without the ears and mainly as a filling and forburning. As mentioned above, it is also made into ropes and string.In contrast to reeds and bamboo, which come from the wild, uncul~tivated zones, rice-straw has a quite secondary meaning. It is wi-thout the ritual significance that it has in certain agricultural rites, inwhich case the ears are retained. Here il is building material, pureand simple. Reeds, rice-straw and rape are often worked up likemats and are then incorporated into the structure as quasi ‘prefabbricated’ elements. Thus rape plants are usually worked up intosingle width strips (i.e. width of strip = length of rape plant). Theirwhile umbels look like tufts of cottonwool and these contribute tothe external form of the whole structure. In addition, the oil (NATA-NE ABURA) contained in their seeds is a first-class combustiblematerial.

One important point remains to be mentioned. Watching the workfor a while, an important aspect becomes evident, one which is dueto the nature of the material used: apart from a few cutting instru-

Fig. 33: Aspects of building order in the making of the studied cult oblects. E Natural and inverted positions of bundles GF ‘Nails’

A The method 01 construction generates geometrical lorms G The circu1a.r lorm arises spontaneously lrom the ~onstwctive proce-8 Triangular elements and/or a Three dimensional framework arise dure of bundling stalks

spontaneously in the construction of the hypothetic al primordial form H ‘ P l a n ’ a n d b u i l d i n gC The column-type cylinder, the application of a covering that projects I In some cases the solid underpart is constructed similarity to a round

bevond the solid base leads to Ihe creation of an em~tv internal hut: a covering of reed is placed over a kind of roof truss.

ding to the roofMe principle

merits. such as hatchet, knife or scissors, no tools are used. Thereal tool is the hand. Hands bundle the stalks, place ropes and knot

structive possibiliiies. The constructive build-up of different form-types is very varied. c;ompacr. monumentally tall columns conirasl

them and arrange the whole thing. The tractable material permits with small earthbound structures. The range that we usually ass?such a type of construction - handwork in the true and original ciate with primitive building methods is far exceeded. These are notsense in which the “work’ comes into being under the formative simple, formally insignificant objects that rise before our eyes, thingshands of man without Ihe use of tools. carelessly produced for momentary purposes, but differentiated

constructive systems with careful dovetailing of their components.Three other important features of the material, its fragility its peris- Yet here too broad comparison must unravel the multiplicity to findhability and its highly combustible nature, will be dealt with in the the fundamental elements which explain the whole. Nearly all formsnext chapter under the heading ‘Destruction’, These criteria, any can be traced back to the simple bundle of plant material. Rope-tithetic to the construclive creation of form, play an important role in making is a partial procedure detached from the construction ofthe ritual. the bundle. and plaiting is a special case of binding in which several

strands are used. each coming to the outside alternately Similarly3.2 Construction comparison of the forms shows clearly that they are based on ihe

principle of the bundle. The process of variation can also be inlw3.2.1 Basic principles of construction preted in terms of the bundle of stalks. In the first instance it is seen

in the formal variability of the simple bundle (see Figs. 16. 44. 45)An important aspect of the tradition under consideration lies in the and secondly by way of the combinational possibilities of the speci-fact that it confronts us with ancient, even primordial, building me- fit styles of construction. These are: 1. Combination of different ma-thods. At first it is astonishing to see the wealth of constructive pro- t&Is with different properties (colour, length. stiffness etc) in thecedures that are possible with primitive methods (Figs. 32 - 36). sense of circular addition of different layers (core and covering) orSimple basic procedures such as layering, bundling, binding, rope axial additions of graded bundles with or without overlapping and 2.making, plaiting, intermingle to produce a remarkable range of cons Combination of different elements in various relative positions.

“artery. runoamen~al owxng reaures are also oases upon iI. I necombination of elements lo form taller units is to be understood lite-

But the bundling of plant materials is not only the source of forr

rally here: the ‘raw material’ taken from nature is worked up intobuilding elements, namely bundles, and these are assembled tomake a complete structure with a definite form. Particular aspects.generally considered to be attributes of developed building, namelythe joining and fitting together of parts to form a structural whole

., _I

and the setting of materials lo form a mass, are produced here onexactly the same principle. In this case structure is only quantitati-vely different from mass. The bundling of many slender. parallelstalks produces volume or strong. stiff bodies, while the combiningof a few oppositely angled stalks results in building structure. If therooted forms are taken into account as well, one gains some ideaof how stable structures came to be built, because there. in the co-nic cover of the lower part. the most elementary building product ofall arises spontaneously in consequence of a simple manipulation: athree-dimensional framework of triangles formed by the stalks andmeeting at the point of fastening. The illustrations of Figs. 32 and 33provide a graphic summary of elementary aspects which becameevident during the study of the sVuc1ure.

F i g s . 34135: S t r u c t u r a l typOlogy o f lhe m a i n lgrms o i cult o b j e c t s .

L e g e n d s

S u p p o r t s a n d p i l e s- - - - - S a c r e d s y m b o l i c c e n t r e

C o v e r i n gm Filling, c o r e .

Fig. 36: Descriptive structural typology of the main turns 01 cult objects.

T h e n u m b e r s r&r to t h e f o r e g o i n g t a b l e s .

COMPOSlllON C E N T R A L A X I S C O R E R E L A T I O N T O POSIMGROUND I N SPACs l a k e d vertical

2 heterogenous pine/ bamboo SW mulli-tiered Iwo kinds 01 feeds staked “em[di l l . size), natural

3 heierogenous

4 helerogenous bamboo

b a m b o o . o n e l i e , , r e e d , o n e tier, tripod veclicalloose S,MW naiulal

b a m b o o . o n e tier, r e e d , o n e l i e ! , s l a k e d Yerka,loose SBBW nam

5 helerogenous bamboo b a m b o o , o n e tier, r e e d , o n e t i e r+Twig~bulge nahlra,. loose InYelSe

SW6 hete,ogenous bamboo + cult Iwig~brooms, ,eed, o n e t i e r ,

s,gn bamboo. one tie,, inverSenahm

1 heleiogenous bamboo, bulge at ~l,aw, pine [wigs r e e d . o n e lieilop a n d t w i g b u l g e IKWWSe

s t a k e d veilical

s t a k e d mlical

s l a k e d verticaI

8 heterogenous bamboo s t a k e d vertical

19 h e t e r o g e n o u s b a m b o o . b u l g e a l SW [ s h o r t c u t ] feed. one lieI s l a k e d IryPod veili~al

top lO”MSe

10 heterogenouswooden posf r a p e , mulb-tiered r e e d , o n e l i e , , on ilal surface wlicalnatura,. no ears

I I heieiogenous w o o d e n p o s t r e e d , o n e l i e I , r e e d , o n e t,er, o n lh Sullace YertlCa,nabra,. w,Ihout natural, no WSMS

12 heieiagenouswooden post + straw, multl-tiered reed. two lien b: lightened rapes veriiuc h e r r y - b l o s s o m nahlia,, a: inwseb r a n c h

13 heleiagenousbamboa post r a p e . mulli~liered r e e d , one liei on llal surlace ve,licalnablra,, no em

I 4 heferogenouswooden post

15 heterogenousbamboo

I1 heleiogenousbamboo +b l o s s o m Iwia

18 h e t e r o g e n o u s b a m b o o +b l o s s o m t w i g

19 heterogenaus bamboo straw, two tiers. r e e d , o n e l i e , , s l a k e d verticalInYerSe a t t o p natural, no ears

20 h e t e r o g e n o u s b a m b o o + c u l l straw, multiHe,ed reed, one tier, s t a k e d Ye,liCais,gn nalural. no em

21 heierogenous bamboo 4 ~tiav! skaw, heaped r e e d , o n e l i e i , s t a k e d veilicalbundle + cult s,gn nahm,, no em

2 2 h e t e r o g e n o u s b a m b o o + cuI1 rape, mWtiered r e e d . one be,, slaked verticals,gn natural, no em

2 3 h e t e r o g e n o u s w o o d e n p o s t + r a p e , muilibiiered, reed, o n e t i e r , lightened ropes ve,iiCaicult s i g n exterior ln~er~e inverse. vi,th ears

24 heleiagenous bamboo + co,, empty bamboo lrame with on fiat wriace wliCalsgn r a p e ,i,es, a

naiural, b : i n v e r s e2 5 h e l e r o g e n o u s b a m b o o p o l e + r e e d . shorlcut, al r e e d , WI Short, s t a k e d Yerka,

b u n d l e 01 IOP h i g h a b o v e a r o u n d

I r e e d - e a r s

4 2

28 heleiogenous bamboo slraw, multi-liered reed. Iwo liers, w o o d e n cross horizon1w i l h ears

SW mulli-tiered bamboo. one tier. slakedwith bush

vertical

IQ helerogenaus-

31 heteragenous bamboo withnahlral iop

32 helerogenousbamboo wilhnam (00 +

stand, siraw-Mng si~w MS SW ilakediwilh ropesverlicalpended betweenlour bambooStalkS

straw-lilling reed and bamboo staked WliMience

E decoiaiions3 heierogenous- sira-lilling bamboo. one tier, lightened ropes vertical

n o b u s h

3.22. Constructional types

Once the constructional method is recognized to be based on theprinciple of bundling. it is necessary to typify the structures. The fol-lowing criteria have proved suitable for structural comparisons:

a . material constitution [for the sake of simplicity this excludes theaxis): homogeneous, heterogeneous

b . axis: non-solid, solid (stick, pole post, tree)

c . core: tiering and disposition of the plants (one or more tiers:natural or inverted disposition)

d . covering: tiering and disposition of the plants (one or moret i e r s )

e . connection with the ground: fixed (staked, piled, heaped). multi-local [braced when ratio of base area to average diameter isless than 1:Z)

f . usual position of the whole structure: (vertical. horizontal, othwwise) and relation of core and covering (standing on theground, raised above ground level)

a f are the aspects considered in judging the structures. The ta-ble of Figs. 34, 35 lists the main types according to their constituentstructure. The next following list (Fig. 36) gives the main material

34 heterogenous bamboo

and constructive features corresponding to standpolnts a - t. Ii Inthis typology the following concepts are treaied as primary ii ispossible to gain a general idea of how the range of forms could ha-

shaw, Iwo liere, Split bamboo. cut an llal surlace veflical ve developed.I”” i”“PlW dlnrt

35 heterownaus

. “ r ,...“.“” “ , . “ ,homogeneous

twigs. rape. lixed ~iraw, one tier, stakeda t bamboo- r ings nalural, no seeds 1 b. non-sol id

16 heieiogenous lree with branches rape-bundles slaked Yeilical(no twigs) + cuI1 fixed at lviigs c . one-tiered, the material naturally disposed

signli heterogenaus bamboo with iome ShW + staked vertical d . one-liered. the material in inverled position

natural top Moode. f i x e d

I8 homog r e e d , o n e tier, r e e d , o n e II& r o o t e d Yelflcal

19 natural. with ears nalural, Wh ears f . vertical, standing on the ground

On the basis of these criteria the typology shows a dynamic sy-stem that can be explained by the combinations of a - f. Since thebasic criteria are also essential characteristics of the hypotheticalform, the range of demonstrated forms can also be regarded as aseries of developmental stages originating in the primordial form. Asregards the tradition, this provides us with an instrument by whichwe can distinguish between the more primordial and the derivativeforms. This not only allows distinctions to be made between prima-

ry and secondary elements of complex rituals (as attempted in this traditional ritual behaviour This phenomenon of deliberate destructi-study); conjectures can also be made concerning settlement histo- on. which can be observed in many Japanese cults of similar natu~ry and interrelations between villages by comparing their cult signs. re, indicates indirecily but clearly that the sense of such cults is also

to be sought in the form of the structure itself. In connection with3.3 Destruction the lire cult, this is a strong argument against the thesis that when a

cult sign is burnt it is the fire that counts. not the object itsell. FromHaving attempted to analyse this type of building. it soon becomes the building standpoint, fire is only one of several possibilities ofclear that the materials employed are not only handy and easy to achieving something that gives this type oi cult its deeper meaning,work, but that when once worked up into shape, they are also very namely. the depreciation and extinction of the iorm. the demonstrati-fragile. The form is easily destroyed. in three different ways. Expo- on of its transitory nature or. quite practically the making way for ased to the weather, the material breaks down sooner or later, de- new form. In particular, the occasion for the deliberate destructionpending on the disposition of the plant- stalks. Compared with of the newly built structure can be interpreted from the developedwood. for instance, it has a very short life. Again. owing to its fragili- form of the ritual. as tentatively reconstructed in the chapter ‘lntwty the material can hardly withstand any assault upon the form. pretation’. If fire is no longer to be regarded as an essential elementThirdly the material is very easily burnt. in the whole procedure. but rather as accidental, then it is quite con-

ceivable that its association with the beautifully formed torch firstDecay from weathering does not concern us here. This only aft appeared at a stage when the latter had already existed for a longfects the type of cult object. still to be found in Japan, which stands time. In other words, fire may have appeared secondarily and beenfor a whole year performing its function as a sign and is materially superimposed at a very developed stage of the building tradition, inrenewed at certain times: it would be a factor if the type represen- the sense of an accumulation. This amalgamation. with its own propted here as degenerate and temporary (in the sense of the recon- found traits, would no doubt have added to the mystic aura swstruction shown in the chapter ‘interpretation’ (see Fig. 66), were in- rounding the structure, the aura of an emphatically emotional eventterpreted as a ‘one-year permanent’ type. In this connection it (see Symbolism). Fig. 37 shows a typological summary of differentwould certainly be remarkable if such a primitively made artefact kinds of destruction of primitively built cult signs. All these types findshowed a tectonic structure resistant to the destructive forces of more or less clear expression in this region.nature. The form is chiefly affected by mechanical destruction thatdamages, degrades or annihilates it. In some cases the vulnerability With regard to the durability of the material, an interesting observati-of the form may have contributed to its mystical obscurity. Such on can be made on a few structures: their varying degree of perishforms had to be rescued and concealed. But a mysterious quality hability. When these structures are burned, pieces often remainalso clings to the disorganization of their formal structure when they e.g posts of freshly felled wood, which do not burn so easily asare approached with destructive intent. Whether they are approa~ straw and reeds. Such remnants often betray the order that theyched with destructive intent, or whether they are robbed of their sip shared with the extinguished form. Yet who could guess at the for-gnal character by being overturned, by the deliberate changing of mer structure if he only saw a ring of 12 charred pegs in thethe disposition of their parts or by the cutting of their bindings. the ground? Fig. 38 shows lhis observation in three cases.basic form is reduced to a chaos of formlessnes. of the materialOnly.

The astonishing thing is that these possibilities are actually put intopractice in the rituals. Watching these festivals, it is strange to see ahorde of young men suddenly go wild, ecstatically throwing them-selves upon the cult sign that they have just built with so much careand reverence and tearing it to pieces with those selfsame hands:or to see how tall pillars, which by day have towered majesticallyabove their surroundings, are carried at night on the shoulders ofdead-drunk youths and tossed hither and thither like ships indistress. The explicit formal depreciation of the cult signs is evident~ly significant and has apparently been transmitted as part of the

Fig. 37: Typology oi manner 01 destruction 01 primitively built cult objecis.

A Loss of tectonic quality by overthrowB Loss of symbolic value by destruclion of the elements that project

beyond the compact lower partC Loss of shape by deliberate destruction oi by being taken apartD Loss 01 lam- or material by fire or by natural decomposi iionE Displacement by being carried away or by being allowed to be was-

hed away in the streams.

4 4

4. SPATIAL STRUCTURE Fig. 38: Diflerent grades 01 natural perishability siance of this singular development of form from analogies of mo-

In conformity with their purpose. nearly all the structures are fixed, Not all materials are equally vulnerable to fire. After the burning 01 the cultIs are equally vulnerablevement? In the ritual too they are mobile objects, carried, burning, to

upright, free-standing signs, This is clearly so in the majority ofslructures. this shown by the traces that still point to the vanished lorm. Yetshown by the traces thz

the shrine on the shoulders of the throng. This is in strong contrast

cases. They are built on the spot around a supporting frameworkwho could draw conclusions from them as to the form 01 which they wereti conclusions from then

to the fixed structures. The same probably applies to those cult ob~1 nlit? sects which imitate ihe form of a ship. Incidentally, the great variety

which is anchored to the ground. This type is immovable, otherwisethe form would be destroyed. Thus it has a single location and. as A Hut-like structure with crown 01 reed-and-bamboo (IV 1.1)

long as it lasts, it identifies the place in which it is built. For us this is B Net spread wt on the ground with a bamboo pole (IV 2.3)

the primary basic type from which from the standpoint of buil- ’ Bamboo co’umn (IV I71ding the meaning of the whole tradition can be grasped.

In addition to the fixed. unilocal types, there are others which,though primarily free-standing, are not permanently iixed to theground. Their only contact with the ground is through the broadsurface on which they stand and they can therefore be lifted andcarried or dragged away with the help of ropes. Or in certain casesthe connection with the ground proceeds from the form itself: thatis, bracing ropes emerge from it radially at various points: these aretensed like the guy-ropes of a tent and fixed to wooden pegs,which are driven into the ground. Thus in these cases the conneci~-on with the ground is reversible. The reason for this potentially ma-nifold placement and mobility is to be found in the special mannerof construction. This is particularly true of the tall columns but alsoof the shorter forms. which are rolled on the ground. They are cowstrutted in the horizontal and then erected, not built in the strictsense of the word. But there may also be ritual reasons for mobilityif the ritual concept prescribes dynamic conditions, as for instancein the antithetic confrontation of differently formed structures.

One-tiered structures can be moved in the vertical during thedynamic phase, but this is unusual and only happens with the smal-ler signs, for instance when they are mounted on a wagon anddrawn by ropes or when they are carried around on cross-barsshoved through special lugs on the structure itself. As a rule thedynamic phase corresponds with the horizontal position. The strucktures are laid on their sides and horizontally displaced. This con-forms with the pattern of contrast-thinking. which can be observedin the entire ritual behaviour of the region. The antithetical associati-on of vertical and horizontal with s&tic and dynamic conditionsrespectively would then explain the imitation of fish- and ship-forms that are to be found in certain cult signs. On the one hand,their concise formation is entirely due to the building method; on theother hand, their forms incorporate well-known symbols of mobility(fish, ship). Incidentally, this opinion is not simply imported: the pheno-menon can be observed in many Japanese rituals [see Figs. 1 - 7).So what could be more obvious than to regard the clumsy “fishes”of Kamihiraki (their name. ‘catfish’. shows them to be such) as an ins

A

C

of ships still ritually used in Japan to evoke the idea of mobilitycould provide an interesting pointer for the history of ships.

Seen from the building standpoint. an ordering factor has been im-posed on the regional phenomena. The forms built up around ananchored substructure are to be regarded as primary We call this‘tectonic primacy”. The potentially atectonic and the explicitly atec~tonic are then to be interpreted as derivative. This concept is supsported both by the building standpoint and by comparison of theforms. it is also reasonable to proceed from the elementary fromthe hypothetical. primordial form. Not least, this ordering of the ma-terial offers explanations both of the nature of the forms and theirmeaning. Certainly it is only by proceeding from the building stand-point and by seeing the stationary tectonic forms as primary thatthe whole phenomenon can be understood as spatial order. Onlythen does the relation of the cult objects to the ground begin to elwcidate their territorial significance. Only then can the structures beunderstood as upright monuments in dialogue with the environmentand with those who build them, the people. And only then is it re-asonable to investigate their structure. Finally to those who ap-proach them. they mean ‘so far and no further’: that is, it is onlywhen we understand the cult objects as structures rooted in theearlh and standing visibly in space. that they reveal their relation tothe territory of those who build them. But earlier and later conditionsalso find expression in the operative structure of the cult objects.Just as the forwardly directed knot finishes off the end of the ropethat embraces and determines the whole structure, so too it termi-nates the operation as such: it embodies ihe moment when thebuilder stands back to survey his work. In other words, one obtainsa 3-dimensional model (Fig. 39) that can be effortlessly recognized.both in the form of the structures produced and in the way in whichthey are treated. and even. generally speaking, in the ritual beha-viour. It is to be found creatively at work everywhere.

The deeper meaning of the vertical is only to be understood inconnection with the formal structure. as explained in the chapter on‘Form”. This is tectonic from first to last. It is only in tectonic termsthat its meaning. very important for any building, is to be under-stood; namely that, standing upright in contact with both the solidearth and the empty air, it proclaims their dual nature in a humanlyinterpreted form (see Figs. 40 and 43).

5. FORM Fig. 40: Diagrammatic representation of two types of cult structure as verti~cal mediators between the solid ground and the aerial sphere.

5.1 Basic form, general aspectsThe mOSt striki”g feat”re of the basic forms ,s ,heir absfract chat

ractek only in a few exceptional cases do they suggest known na-tural or artificial shapes. They are neither patterned on nature noron any other object created by the hand of man. The formal ele-ment is not due to human fancy It comes from a tradition of han-dicraft in the ethnological sense, i.e. hand work. This is clearlyshown by the fact that in these structures form has not become

From the constructional standpoint. the cult signs can be interpreted asmutually intermingling spheres between the firm ground and the vacant air,raised above the natural soil by means of building procedures.

UNBEGRENZT OBEN

BEWEGUNG

F ig . 39 : The dua l i s t i c spatio-axial sys tem.

pxve value are reiaea 10 me ~onsmmona~ precona~t~ons.dissociated from technical conditions. Formal expression and ob-.,. I. I.

It is easy to see how a knowledge of this phenomenon provides an

The basic forms are abstract in yet another sense: they embodygeometry This is not because the builders are to be thought of as

answer to the question: ‘How did geometry arise?’

lovers of geometry. but for a perfectly simple reason: building tech-nique itself loves geometry- of its very nature it generates geometryIt is omnipresent in the round cross-section of a bundle. The axialextension of this circle produces a cylinder. its basal spread givesthe cone. Ropes and supporting frames describe polyhedra and byreduction of Ihe contents of bundles, stalks become rods that pro-duce forms such as tetrahedra. pyramids etc. The geometry of these structures is doubtless the fruit of the union of material and builtding method.

(sumer, tgypt. Uete, china) we have many written characters insscribed on durable materials which, for structural reasons, leave no

cultural history. From the earliest stages of several ancient cultures

possible doubt as to their material and technical origins and theirprototypes. The suggestive connection between building and thehistory of written characters could be of great value in clarifyingtheir past.

.^

building component, for instance a supporting element, may largelydetermine the organiration of a whole house, so here loo there isan important functional part, the most important indeed, that deter-mines the form. The main binding rope that, as mid-point, visibly de-

Another notable aspect: the basic form is not simply form, it is organnired form. Fundamentally different parts of iI can be separately Debscribed. So greatly do they differ from each other. one might thinkthat the Dionysian and Apollonian were united in one and the sameform (to express it drastically in art terms). However, the organizer isnot an artist. but tradition. inspired by technique. Just as a certain

When the structures are one-tiered. the size of the basic form is all termines the form, also organires it in its main parts, into two fieldsso determined by material and technique. A column of bundled of totally different formal nature. We shall now examine these partsreed easily reaches a height of 4 m. and 6-10 m if made of bam~ more closely.boo, depending on the variety used. But the height can be in-creased by joining two or more bundles together. that is. by building 5.2 Formal partstechniques. If several tiers of bundles are bound around one or mo-re central supporting posts, it is possible to build structures of mo- 52.1 The cult rope as means of consiruction and as centre of organnumental size [see Figs. I- 7). nlzatlon

The direct dependence of the size of these cult objects on the ma- In most forms there is a thick cult rope laid around or fixed to aterial used in one-tier structures has an important consequence for conspicuous place. This is sometimes imitated in other materials.

Nowadays its meaning is difficult to understand since one is easily tempted the OVerail phenomenon Of ‘non-domestic building” (see Fig. 41). If The Cult rope (SHIMENAWA) is the commonest cult symbol in Ja-to regard it as a solid axis in a homogenously conceived space. But the we regard the production of signs and symbols of this kind as builICourse Of the festival Often shows Ihat space is not taken as something of

pan. It is usually hung between the upright posts of symbolic gates

equal value everywhere but rather as something that is always determlnedding, we must also interpret as buildings those signs and symbols ways (TORII) and at New Year it hangs over the entrance to every

by circumstantial categories. The spatial structure 01 the cult objects is im-t a are ‘built’, according to exactly the same principle, of short+h t house. It marks the threshold between sacred and profane zones

portant inasmuch as this categorial structuring of the cult area seems (oft growing materials (e.g. rice-stalks et@. which may be only 30-50 and its presence on the cult objects of the region studied can, in

ten very clearly] to emanate from the cull signs themselves. cm long. The matter is chiefly of importance from the standpoint of the first instance, be taken as a token of sanctity.

4 6

Fig . 41: The arb i t ra ry s ize o f non-domest ic bu i ld ing slructures.

Freed f rom the need to be ta i lored to lhe s ize of the human body non-do-

form: held by the knot. the rope encircles the whole structure. Thusthe knot becomes the source of the whole. This is no doubt the repason why it is accorded such formal importance and is most clearlyshown in the experimentally constructed hypothetical primordial

mestic bu i l d ing s t ruc tu res can fu l f i l t he i r essen t i a l f unc t i on as monumen t . s i -gn and symbol by means of the same structure in any number of chosendimensions. The assessment 01 size probably links building history withthat o f s ign and symbol

form. Here the integrating agent is not only reversible: when theknot is untied. the whole form disintegrates into nothingness. info itsmaterial components; from the building standpoint too, the knot re-presents the end of the construction of the form. After the knot istied the builder steps back to survey his handwork. He becomes aspectator. Therefore the knot marks the most important horizontalradius. It determines the ‘face’ or the ‘front’ of the whole.

The position of the integrating agent is not absolutely fixed. Toge-ther with its content it constitutes a formally dynamic structure inas-much as, extremes apart, its height is variable (Fig. 42). When cer-tain stalk lengths are used in a one-tier structure. it thus brings thetower and upper parts into quantitative balance. In other words, ifone part broadens out above the rope, it will be balanced by anonther fixed part of proportional dimensions below the rope. This potsition of one part above another concisely illustrates the meaning ofthe word ‘proportion’. Thus we can say that the main rope not onlybrings the main parts into proportional relationship: it a&o provides aparticularly illustrative example of this basic architectonic idea.

It hangs on many structures or. as mentioned, it is laid around them,but some forms betray its essential nature more clearly In the casestudy (Egenter. 1982), an attempt is made to indicate the original si-gnificance of the cult rope as the main integrating factor of a simpletectonic structure. The objects discussed in this work not only dis-play forms similar to those of the experimentally constructedprimordial forms, but in them the cult rope lies at the lunctionally Debterminative position.

Admittedly the constructive function of the cult rope as demonstra-ted in this ideal construction is largely superseded in many forms ofthe region, but in most cases the recollection of a need to hold theform together is stll very much alive. In these cases the characterof the main rope as means and centre is abundantly clear. It alwayslies transversely to the axis of the structure. In forms where itsfunction is more svmbolic it lies looselv around the form: in the idealcase it compresses the material. In cylindrical forms it sits like a‘bolster’: in hourglass forms it lies, of necessity at the narrowestpoint of the figure, the waist.

+ bYrn m ml+ *r

-

*r t

Fig. 42: The ver t i ca l shilting o f the in tegra t ing med ium and i t s in f luence onthe form.

From the tip of the bound stalks to the standing surface. the position of theIn tegra t ing medum can be imagined in a variety of positions. Assuming thesame base in each case, beiween A and H such changes could producethe series of differently proportioned forms B - G. For practical reasonshowever, A and H are excluded; B and G are constructively dubious, sothat on ly C F remain as consiructively rea l i s t i c . l eav ing the range D and Eas that with the optimal proportions, as the golden mean. so to speak.

The rope and its knot are together the main integrating factor. Theknot is the closure. It secures the material content and the whole

MAWe mentioned extreme cases. In the most exaggerated instances mobile parts, and also the tying, fixing and pegging in the lower part. Iihe rope completely loses its sense as a means of integration. It is This is an uncommonly abstract formative principle, but one whichthen devoid of even an approximate functional purpose. If the gains an astonishing degree of clarity in its concrete expression. Its i

stalks project too far forward. they are broken off. If the rope is ~1% abstract generality must also be recognized as a source of the richted too near the top it cannot grasp its contents and slips upward. variety of ritual behaviour lhat has developed in the region. HowIn the best case it finds a middle position in the sowzalled section can we otherwise explain the many motives of mobility that impelaurea where, so to speak, it harmoniously separates two formal the local people to carry and drag these pillars around? What othercomponents. It is astonishing that the harmony between the propor- reason can there be for their night festival and drunkenness? Thetional parts of these forms has its constructive postulate. It may be dualism of formed and unformed even finds expression in the mu-noted here that, in the sense of building and construction, the cons sic that accompanies the ritual. May we not assume that the basiccept of harmony originally meant “fitting together’. dualism seen in the structure of the cult objects is also the model

for the entire ritual behaviour of the region?5.22 Dual formal structure

When one is aware of lhe significance of this multi~categorical dualSo the rope binds the material to formal unity in the constructive lism, perhaps by comparison with Chinese Yin-Yang symbolism, itsense while dividing it in the middle in the formal sense [Fig. 43). If is clear that the real meaning of these structures must lie in their allwe now examine the fixed forms from the above-mentioned angle most breathtakingly simple and vivid power of suggestion. In otherof tectonic primacy. they can be seen as 3-dimensional constructi~ works, the unifying of ununifiable opposites within the compass ofons with special characteristics by virtue of the binding together of a single form must be the very essence of the symbolism that hasflexible stalks. Ignoring the borderline cases of ‘absolute instability’ preserved these ~Iructures throughout the ages, perhaps even theand “absolute stability’ and assumin@ at least 3 stalks as minimal basis of their sacred meaning. But something else would be gainedcontent of the bundle. the result con&s of partial forms always sum in this process. We would then have completed a circle of very si-perimposed one on top of the other, and having at least one contra- gnificant forms of ritual folk art in which the tradition~bearing formaldictory characteristic: the upper part is always more or less flexible, principle and the ideal content of the form could be directly dedudepending on the strength of the stalks, the lower part is tightly ted from the synthesis of material and technical procedures. Frombound together in a triangle a& is thus stable. The upper, projecting the standpoint of art that would certainly be a very valuable indiia-parts of the stalks produce an individualiring effect while their lower tar.parts in toto form a dominating structural unit. Further, the lower partis generally stripped of branches or outer skin while the upper part 5.3 Variability of the basic formis allowed to retain its natural outgrowths. A further polarizing cate-gory consists in the following contrast: the upper part is left in its na- We have already pointed out that the forms are essentially determi~tural state while the lower part plus binding expresses something ned by two criteria, 1. the autonomous tendency of the binding maunnatural and technical. In this iorm the upper part is not only emu terials to give the bundles a round horizontal cross-section and 2.phatically mobile (moving leaves), but also vague in outline. By in vertical cross-section. the relatively limited formal variety of thecontrast, the lower part expresses clear, well-defined, mostly @eo~ homogeneous, the unlimited variability oi the heterogeneous tecto~metrical forms. A furlher polariring criterion, often stressed both for- nit bundles. In both the homogeneous and complex structures themally and structurally lies in Ihe following contrasting characters: round cross-section dominates, whether the structure as a wholethe lower part of the form is tightly packed, while the upper part is takes the shape of a cylinder. a pair of fused cones, a sphere. aof loose texture or explicitly empty and transpareni. This polar, Mull skull-cap or some other shape (Fig. 44). If the round cross-sec6onti-categorical form concept is sometimes enriched by light and is no longer directly imposed by the bindings, it is copied. so todark contrasts which emphasire the differences still further. There speak “preserved’ by the use of special provisions (supporting Fraucan be no doubt that this bundling together of paired contrasts at mes etc). Forms that are not round in cross-section (tetrahedra,the most generalired level of the ideas by which man perceives double tetrahedra. pyramids. double pyramids etc) are borderlineand interprets his world, thal of categories, this is the real creative cases of the binding method of building. They arise when the num-principle exhibited by the forms of the whole region. This explains ber of bound stalks is small (3, 4, 5. 6, ..).the empty capitals of the high pillars. the empty inner space in theupper part of many reed columns, the high position of all sorts of Here too, or rather, precisely here, we find confirmation of the idea

Figs 43 : The un ion o f i r reconc i l ab le oppos i tes i n a s ing le fo rm,

Th is i s t he fo rma l p r i nc ip le . a lways more or less exp l i c i t l y honoured by a l lthe abstract, geometrical forms of the region. The body of the structure.conso l ida ted in the cen t ra l ax i s , detevnines a ce r ta in p lace in man ’s sphereof movement. Simultaneously, it sets a limit athwart the axis of mobilityThe path ends a t the monument and leads back f rom there . Thus the s igns tands a t the d iv id ing l ine be tween here , where one is , the po in t a t wh ichone has arrived, this side. and the beyond, the outer sphere. And, I~ke anupright bar-magnet the cult sign sends out lines of lorce, permeating itssurroundings with its own peculiar opposing categories. It characteriresthe upper part as somelhing vacanl and undelimited, as a mediim wherefree movement i s the dominant p r inc ip le . w i th no p lace fo r the f i rm and thesolid. On the other hand. the cult monument marks the lower part as so-melhing solld. l im i ted and c lea r l y de l inea ted . Insolar as i t i s t i ed up by thehand o f man. th i s spa t ia l med ium also s tamps the sur round ing area as be-longing to active. transforming man. Here things are tangible and thusfeas ib le . changeab le . There can be no doub t tha t in th i s abs t rac t . free~stan~ding sign and in the opposing lines oi low ihat it emits one fee\s something of those great and important symbols that seem to be deeply andstrongly interwoven with the world of menu

Legends:MA Central axis0 PlaceW PathV in the ioreground, this sideH in the background, beyond08 Above. w i th the qua l i t i es empt iness . un l im i ted . f ree . mob i le . na tu ra lU N Below. with the qualities full. bound, constrained, stable, artificial.

Fig. 44: Bound forms.

The table presents a swey oi typical forms arising from the bundling to-gether of stalks. The strwtures are transparent and schematically markedso that the principle 01 their construction is clearly visible.

that, in view oi the multiplicity of forms. this type of building cannotdo otherwise than produce geometrical shapes. That which manhas always imagined to be his most original idea, geometry. is hereshown to be spontaneously generated by material and technique.Yet another type of regularity can be observed. In simple structuresthe basic form is only quantitatively variable by extension along thecentral axis. It stretches out or it widens. There are no extrava-ganzas apart from accessories. In terms of this principle too theforms strike us as very uniform. The relationship of the forms istechnically evident from the fact that the stalks can spread out both

c w > above and below ,the binding. Ma,ny, formal variations of simplebundles can be derived from this prlnclple (Figs. 45, 46). In the caseof intact stalks there is restricted variability. starting with the cylinderEinfacher Bun&lin the frame of various strongly extensive paraboloids (spiral courseof the stalks). On the other hand, when stalks can be broken. thefield of variations increases markedly as can be seen from Figure45.

In heterogeneous bundles of one-tiered form the variabilily can beincreased by using materials of different kinds and especially of dif-ferent lengths. Under conditions of tectonic primacy and the singletier, composition is limited to radial additions of material. Figure 47shows the range of variations for a simple case, which is frequentlyto be Seen throughout the region. A longer or shorter bushy core ISincorporated into the reed bundle, practically determining the extwnal appearance of the completed form. But if one interprets theterm ‘composed’ in its broadest sense. i.e. with all possible combi-nations of more stable and more flexible materials, with long andshort plants, with inter-penetration of bundles and free dispositionof the axial direction of secondary parts, the result is an incrediblywide range of formal variations of which some idea may be had byreference to the illustrations given in the introduction (Figs. l-7). Onething can be seen from these tables: reality far exceeds all Iheoreti-cal expectations. Forms which imitate nature also emerge clearlyfrom the basic symbolic building tradition. These include human fi-gures, sometimes abstract (cf. Ueda: see case study. Egenter 1982).sometimes natural-sized reproductions or monstrous giants: others

show animal shapes. some being abstract forms that are complete-ly determined by the constructional element (e.g. fish, crabs etc. inthis documentation; see Kamihiraki. Kurimidezaike), others muchcloser to the original model (birds, snakes, dragons etc): there arealso structures which resemble other natural objects, e.g. the Debceptively realistic-looking artificial trees (see Goshonai etc).

Is Japanese symbolic building a grandiose game based on a greatcapacity for variation, in which man reaches out towards naturalforms from the basis of one of his most fundamental activities, buil-ding? With the enormous plasticity of form shown us by this rangeof signs and symbols, one could certainly guess where to find thepoint of intersection between traditional cultural form and n&w+imitating form. But these are by no means to be thought of as ex-periments in free composition. The forms are not the product of de-liberate creative ideas: in each case they stand in the context of amore or less secluded conservative tradition going back for manycenturies. It is not a play upon form which tradition presents to us,but a process of development that has lasted over long periods oftime. Changes of form in this conservative culture can only be dueto the clashes and mingling between ethnic groups and their cultu~res. Only such enforced mingling and superimposition produce reminterpretations and re-combinations of form. Thus. in all their richvariety, Figures 1-7 are not an illustration of free experimentationwith forms; they reveal a very old system of traditional building, pro-

Fig. 45: Principle formal variations of the reed bundle.

The table is a diagrammatic presentation of the main leatures determiningthe variability of the bundles. With unbent stalki (excluding those wherethere is in te rming l ing o f s ta lks) the fo rms are re la t ive ly l im i ted (Row a) . Butformal variability increases markedly when the slalks are broken. It emwges in the var iab le re la t ion o f the ang le o i open ing o f upper (01 - 03) andlower (Ui - U3) cones . One independent var iab le i s the rad ius . wh ich detwmines the slenderness or bulkiness of the stwzture.

Fig . 46: D iagram of var ia t ion in the form of the reed bundles .

The diagram shows the same as the previous table but in a different wayThe var ian ts in wh ich the open ing o f the upper funne l has an ang le excee-d ing 45 a re on ly sugges ted [see a lpha ] . S ince they a re cons t ruc t i ve ly c r i t i -cal the diagram shows how starting from the cylinder a - L. the verticalshift 01 the leading organ (between points 1 - 7) affects the form. TheoreIi-tally variants b.c.d and t-y are possible at each of stages 1 7. But of the?se. stage 1 is generally critical for u and Y as are d and e for stages 5. 6and 7. In brief, the diagram shows that in the proportioning 01 this form,cons t ruc t i ona l c r i t e r i a are o f dec is i ve impor tance . I f i t i s no t to rema in in theinitial stage but is to embody the categories proper to its nature, then aconstructional lield is prescribed that lies within the range marked by theblack line.

Fig. 47: The mingling of bundles of dilferent kinds.

The table is based on Fig 45. whereby a central bundle is now added. Thediagram shows how this increases formal variability still further.

5.5 Accessory variability of the basic form

So far we have dealt only with the variations of the basic form. Thishas shown an immense range of formal differences. But there is atype of formal variation that plays a part in the finer network of eth-nic distinctions; though the basic form is taken for granted, so tospeak, it is nevertheless given a distinctly individual look by the useof accessories. This can be achieved in many different ways. a fewof which will be indicated here. Superimpositions, e.g. of the sacredShinto sign, can be variously interpreted. Important formal elementscan be made of different materials (e.g. the cult rope of straw (SHI-MENAWA] can be replaced by a wreath of rape plants). Certain ele-ments can be symbolically re-interpreted and then re-formed (e.g.the cult rope treated as a snake or dragon: or the knot of the cultrope as the male sex organ). Borrowings from other rituals alsoprovide accessory variations (e.g. fastenings corresponding to theBuddhist series of lucky numbers). Sometimes there is a direct bor-rowing from well established signs: the cult objects are ‘inscribedwith inlays of leaves in the form of Chinese characters. A case ofaccessory variation of a basic form (reed roof with crown of bam~boo) is shown in Figure 49. The illustration shows how certain villa-ges taking part in the Amihachiman ritual vary the same basic type.for instance by exchanging the usual bamboo (TEDAKE) on thefront for a thicker or thinner bunch of reeds or by using the sacredsign of Shinto (GOHEI) as a symbol of the month or year. The dia-gram clearly shows how the ropes and knots can contribute to arich variety of changes. Whether arbitrarily or traditionally determi-ned. the sense of the thing is cleat on closer examination, even si-milar-looking cult objects are found to differ. First of all, it is impor-tant to discern rough variational structure associated with typicallocal or regional, single or composite basic forms. The principle is

tected on the one hand by local conservatism, but on the other, un~ formal expression to the relationship of generically connected villa-then extended to include the finer structure by which the same barn

able to isolate itself from other influences. ges that would otherwise be accessible only to the historian and sic forms are differentiated to become the special signs of indivi-

only if written evidence existed. Another group of ritual objects (tall dual “illages.5.4 Regional distribution of the basic forms columns] is to be found throughout the region around the town of

Amihachiman. Since this kind of mobile cult object is always of mi- 5.6 De”e’opmentThe distribution map of the different forms also indicates a connec-ting network of traditional relations (Fig. 48). There are certain villasges that are alone in possessing their ‘unusual’ forms. Elsewherethere are zones where several neighbouring villages have the samebasic forms, varying only in their ‘trimmings’. In such case the villa-gas are or were also cult-related and their festivals fall at the sametime. The relationship of the villages, their common settlement histo-ry and genetic background can often be directly read from the napmes of their shrines (MOTOMIYA - WAKAMIYA], so that it can beassumed that identical or similar forms are pointers towards relati-onship in the history of settlement. Thus the building tradition gives

nor significance in places which have fixed structures as well, theywould seem to be a late introduction, perhaps for reasons of relitgious policy The developmental stage and distribution of the cultobjects allow us to distinguish tracts where only bamboo is used,not reeds, (e.g. in the North-East of the region) and zones wheremore original forms have been preserved, in contrast to the morederivative forms found in other places. Like the so-called ‘housinglandscapes’ of developed traditional building. such common cha-racteristics provide unexpected indications of the small~scale eth-nic differentiation of a region.

We have tried to illuminate the forms from different angles. Empha-sis has been laid on the connection between form and idea on theone hand, and structure. material and specific building method onthe other, The variability of basic forms has been analysed from dif-ferent standpoints. In the sense of fine structure, variability throughaccessory changes has been recorded, whereby manifoldconnections have been revealed. They speak not of a develop-ment (in view of the complexity of the subject that would bepointless), but of the multitude of possibilities. With the help of inter-mediate forms. the case study attempted to reconstruct the sew

Fig. 46: Map of distributions of forms (Map of style zones).

The map is a diagrammatic representation 01 the distribution of the forms.Areas with large numbers indicate basic forms that are found in severalplaces and are thus of reglonal significance. The small numbers in circlesindicate types Ihat only ocwr locally Since close relationships exist not on-ly between the regionally distributed types and since the forms are gene-rally more or less closely related to each other. an interesting conclusion isimmediately apparent.

ence from a simple type of bundle, closely related to the hypotheticcal primordial form. to a construciively and formally much more dif-ferentiated type. Yet, in view of the formal variety exhibited, this isno longer possible here. At this stage the development of form canonly be hinted at by constructional and formal analyses.

The map shows a small self-contained landscape of traditional sacredfolk art and the principles according to which it manitests itself. Seen fromthe angle of art research. it could be said that a sort of elementary stylisticbehaviour emerges. most readily explicable on the basis of traditional andsettlement~historical conditions.

owning the location of cult signs in the regi-m to be as follows: all cull signs stand IN

FRONT OF the shrine to which they belong. They were neverfound behind the shrine. There is a clear tendency towards an axiallocation in relation to the shrine, although this is sometimes modifiedaccording to circumstances and functional requirements. This isthe observed tendency. regardless of whether it concerns single ty-pes, similar pairs. dissimilar pairs or several similar or dissimilarforms. In most cases the cult objects stand within the shrine preyclncts. particularly just prior to the fire ritual. Occasionally they maybe moved for special reasons but even so they mostly stand imme~

L e g e n d s

A Types with regional distribution [large numbers) B Types occurring only locally (small numbers)

1 ,I Tall pillars

2 “#a. Hut-like structures with reed roofs and bamboo crowns

3-2%

Hut-like structures with crown of reed and bamboo

4

a!

Reed pillars. one- and two-tiered

5 Tree forms

6 Penfold forms

7 Compact hour-glass type

Heaps with superimposed tetrahedral frame of barn1 2 boo splinters

Network stretched out on the ground with central pole

3Ii”

Pair of anten pillars under projecting front roof of shrine

4 vy Small pillar of 12 long eslablished families

Tetrahedron over round base

Double tetrahedron

8 Y B a m b o o p i l l a r s Mobile ~oomoiphic form and rape sphere over round base

g 32Layered penlold

Tree built in the shape 01 a mountain

Bamboo square covered wilh rice rnals

diately before the entrance to the grounds of the shrine and alwayson land which belongs to the shrine. As a rule, the proximity of acult object to the shrine is a measure of its importance as compa-red with that of the other cult signs. Horizontal directional elementssuch as knots. outer bamboos and anteriorly inserted signs madeof while paper (GOHEI) usually face the shrine (most frequent) orpoint away from it. In the case of paired cull objects. placed on eit-her side of the shrine axis, such elements can also be directed inopposite senses. It is typical of the non-fixed types that, after theircompletion on some spot peripheral to the shrine, they are lefl stan-ding for a certain time and are then transferred to the central shrinejust before the fire festival and re-erected there. Table 50 shows arange of typical locations.

Flail

Formerly mobile technomorphic lorm

C u b o i d h u t .

Fig . 49 : Var ia t ion o f the same iorm by accessor ies . The cap i ta l le t te rs mark :

The table shows a range of different aspects of the same basic lorm. a A Substructure (compact heaped or with supporting round roof stwc-hut-like siructure with reed roof and bamboo crown. The variation on the ture): genera l v iewbasic form is elfected by minor additions or small changes. Nos. I-6 India B Subst ructure: genera l v iewcate the d i f fe ren t cases (v i l lages around the town o f Bmihachimanj C Cover ing: v iew down on to the covered underpart

D Front v iew of the cu l t structureE Detail: main binding or cult rope with sacred sign attached: front

“fewF Deta i l : an te r io r reed bund le . w i th sacred s ign a t tachedG Deta i l : My t ip w i th sac red s ign and p ine lwig.

A 6 C D

2q*

0P,�

- 7. TERRITORIAL AND SOCIAL REPRESENTATION ge number 01 similar instances are observable that the principle ~

Territorial (Fig. 51) and social (Fig. 52) representation refers t0 the cir-bases of classification of the cult objects become apparent. C&r-

cumstance that primitively built cult objects can be signs of tertitori-parison of many similar situations helps us to distinguish the generalfrom the particular

al units and social groups.The signal character of the cult objects restson two fundamental

This signal character and the range Of its functions can only be aP-preciated after an investigation of the whole area in question. Single.

features: on their artificial nature and on the formal variability of theconstructional principle.

relatively isolated phenomena, even when showing a certain degreeof complexity. are nevertheless too different to be of much use in Artificial character the cult objects are artificial things: they must bethrowing light on essential features. It is only when a sufficiently lar- made by someone. They presuppose authorship. This authorship is

Fig. 50: Types of localisation. Fig. 51: Cult structures as signs: Territorial representation.

The table shows the typical sites Of temporary cult signs in relation lo the In the analogous contrasting of the two elementary cases, the principle of Fig. 52: Cult structure as sign: social representation.permanent cult place, the village shrine (HONDEN of the UJIGAMI). Al and territorial representation is cleai: the cult group 01 the village builds a cultA2 show positions of fixed signs: 6 stands for the elementary case of a object of form A before its own village shrine and that applies simiiarly to B. Social representation is based upon the synthetic character of the cult sipmultilocal cult sign and C shows examples of combinations of A and B. In This elementary relalionship can be observed in the whole region, including g n Building and ritual handling of the diflerent forms are exclusively restric-Al the signs stand in the shrine precincts and are orientated in direct relati~ the most complex types of festival. ted to certain cult groups.on to the permanent cult place: in A2 they stand outside the shrine pre-cinct (but still on land belonging lo the shrine !) and are thus still orientatedtowards the shrine precinct as a whole. In 6, ‘a’ shows the secondary cultplace in front of which the cult sign is erected after completion. Before thefire festival it is then brought to the primary cult place, where it is set upand burnt in front of the shrine ‘b’.

L e g e n d s :

AI+A2

1 Site marks2 Gate marks (paired. equal)3 Gate marks (paired, unequal)4 Path marks .

1-6 Various examples of combinations. Note the direclion of the knots:when single. either towards or away form the shrine: when paired. then of-ten in opposite senses.

permanent cult place. shrine (HONDEN)

n shrine precinct

B Mobile cult sign which relates two permanent ..-- path zonecult places

C Positional variations with lixed and multilocal+ temPOrarY Cult sign (fixed) with knot direction

temporary cult signs O- temporary cult sign (multilocal) with knot directionAha cf eausn Anr”ndan

one of the features which form the close bond between a certain settled territory If they are brought on to territory outside their own tative and non-representative groups in one settlement) or diflerentsocial group and a certain cult object. The production of the sign is settlement area, this is always the expression of a hierarchical rela- villages without genetic relationship. The building of signs is quitesubject to more or less strict exclusivity, For instance, women are tionship. clearly related to authorship. The traditional character of lhe signsgenerally excluded from ritual handwork and therefore from the implies that it is only those groups making a certain form who reallybuilding of the cult objects, 1” many villages only the members of Identification with the Cult Sign is not only determined by authorship know the building procedures necessary for its production. The dif-old established families (“JlI(O) are admitted to the cult. The corn- but alS0 by the formal plasticity Of the building principle. differences ferentiation of the signs is dealt with in the chapter ‘Form and Sym-position of the local cult groups taking part in the building and ritual in form and size play an important role (see Symbolism). The diffe holism’. It might be worthwhile making a closer study of this diffe-

handling of the cult objects is subject to strict traditional rules. Buil- rence in form is often an indication of the social difference of the rentiation with the help of material from sources of local history.ders are also responsible for the rites, This status is maintained group. Similarity of the forms (wilh differences Of detail) Signifies Si- Should its relationship to settlement history be established with cer-throughout the ritual. The rank of the cult object and its construc- milarity of classification (for instance, geneiically related Villages Or tainty, such building traditions could also be drawn upon as a sour-tars is also reflected in the localization of the building activity. The several groups of young men within one settlement). Marked diffe- ce for studies on settlement history In such ca?,e it is possible thatcult signs are traditionally built and erected on the village’s own rence in the forms also means a difference in social level (represen- entire regions of Japan may have preserved traditions which point

to origins beyond the local point of settlement.

On the basis of the principles described, namely territorial and soci-

Fig 53: Variants of territorial representation. Fig 54: Variants of territorial representation. al representation, complex systems of classification can be worked

Each of the five villages A - E makes a cult sign of a given basic form in In contrast to the previous case. here the village shrines have been presWout to show both the status of settlement units and social differen-

its own area and embellishes it with accessories. Before the fire festival ved in the settlements. A central shrine has precedence wel them. A jointces as reflected in cult status. In the following illustrations (Figs. 53 -

these are then set up in a definite ranking order in front of the common festival before the central shrine is celebrated in advance of the village fen65) an attempt is made to show different types diagrammatically in

shrine (see TarGbb and surrounding villages). stivals A - D which run either paiallal or successively. each village building PersPective and graphicallybefore its own shrine a cult sign which differs from the others only in itsaccessories. These village celebrations are preceeded by a joint festivalbefore the common shrine at which a single cult sign in built by each of Ihefour villages in annual rotation.

Fig . 55: Organisation w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y represen ta t i ve cu l t s igns :bas i c mode l 1 ( te r r i to r ia l representat ion) .

Th i s i s a s imp l i f i ed p resen ta t i on o f Ihe example o f te r r i to r ia l representa t ionshown in perspective in Fig. 51. It serves as basic model for the followingexample. The drawing is to be read as lollows: settlement A and B eachbu i ld a f i xed s ign (0101 dilferent shape in f ront o f the i r own village sh r ines .

-

iiiiii. . . . . .xxxxxr RMEI12 i&hrlich jahrlich

MEh4rd vechsalnd

Dorf Nirhinorho mit 6 Weilarn : je 3 bildsn eine nardl.und ,“dl.G,upp. Jede Gruppe bwt eine ortrferler Malnachrt dem Sshrein.

F ig . 57 : Organ i ra t ion w i th soc ia l ly and ter r i to r ia l l y representa t ive cult s i g n s :Example 1 (see Nishinosh0).

The settlement of NishinoshB is divided into two halves ABC and DEEEach 01 these halves (South and North] builds a fixed sign IO,,, and O,,,)before the shr ine . The young men o f the hamlets A-F each bu i ld a multilo-cal tall column (MA-F). The six tall columns are erected in two rows inIron1 o f the shr ine .

F ig . 58: Organiration w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y representa t i ve cu l t slruc-twes: Example 2 [see Oda].

The Se t t l ement comp lex assoc ia ted w i th the Oda shr ine cons is ts 01 3 v i l l a -ges: Oda with three hamlets (A. B and C). JiX with two hamlets (DE) andEgashira with two hamlets (EG). Each hamlet brings a multilocal cult sign(Ml) to the f ron t o f the cen t ra l sh r ine . In add i t ion . 12 long es tab l i shed fan%l ies bu i ld i n the i r a rea the sma l les t bu t mos t impor tan t cult s i g n (M2, muitilo-

I2 &eingerarrensFamilien der DorfarEgarhiro

Dwf Oda mit Weilern A,B,C Drxf Juo mit Wai- Dorf Egarhira mitIem D,E Wsilern F,G

Fig . 56: Organization w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y representa t ive cult s i g n s :Bas ic mode l 2 [ soc ia l rep resen ta t ion ) .

This is a simplilied yet complete presentation of Fig 52, It serves as basicmodel for the following example. whereby however the children’s torches(M2) a re omi t ted . The scheme reads as fo l l ows : in v i l l age A , w i th 12 cu l t fa -milies (UJIKO NO IE), the 12 heads of these families (KOSHU) jointly build 1f i xed cu l t s ign (SUETAIMATSU) (0) before the village shr ine . Young men o fa certain age build in the village a multilocal tall column (Ml) (KASATAI-MATSU), wh ich , be fore the f i re - fes t iva l i s b rought to the shr ine and erec tedthere. The fathers of boys of a certain age make a small multilocal cult si-gn (MZJ. a so-called chiidwis torch (KO~OMOTAIMATSU). This is at first

t n e a t t h e f e s t i v a l .p laced before the doors o f the houses and then brought to the v i l l age shri~

56

Orobrtsr h4.I WIDorhchrein 0,

Fig . 59: Organ izat ion wi th soc ia l ly and ter r i to r ia l ly representa t ive cult s i g n s :Example 3 (see &da. case study).

The v i l l age o f Ueda cons i s t s o f 4 ham le t s (A,B. C and D) . Each hamlet hasits own hamlet shrine. That of C is larger and presents the entire settlemerit. The th ree hamle ts A . B and D bu i l d th ree f i xed cu l t s igns (0,) beforethe i r sh r ines . These th ree para l le l fes t i va ls o f the hamle ts a re fo l lowed by asuperior festival at which. in annual rotation. one of the four hamlets(A,B.C.D) builds a cult structure of higher rank (0,) before the whole shrine

Die Vooteher dcr 10 Nashbarrchof-h” kaurn gemeinm ein ornfertarKultmal in der Nlih der Schreiner

Dorf Maki mit 10 Nachtmrchofkn

rFig . 60: Organization w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y represen ta t i ve cu l t s igns :Example 4 (see TarClb0).

Five villages belong to the settlement complex at the loot of the TarCibBshr ine (A-E) . The i r l oca l v i l l age sh r ines have been abo l i shed . A l l v i l l ages beglong to the central shrine. Each village builds a multilocal two-tiered reedco lumn (M) loca l l y and then b r ings i t to the cen t ra l sh r ine . be fo re wh ich a l lthe co lumns are ranged in a de f in i te o rder in read iness fo r the f i re iestival.

F ig . 62: Organiration w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y represen ta t i ve cu l t s igns :Example 6 (see Yuge).

The village oi Yuge is divided into two hamlets. A and B, each of whichbu i lds a d i f fe ren t l y shaped. multilocal s t ructure(M) before the common Villasge shr ine .

F ig , 61: Oiganization w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y represen ta t i ve cu l t s igns :Example 5 (see Maki).

The village of Maki is subdivided into 10 neighbourhoods. each 01 whichbu i l ds a multilocal ta l l co lumn in the sh r ine p rec inc ts . A super io r cu l t g roup .cons is t i ng o f the cha i rmen o f lhe 10 ne ighbourhoods . bu i lds a f i xed cult SI-Q” 101 next to the villaoe shrine.

5 7

Fig . 63: Organization w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y representa t ive cult s i g n s :Example 7 see Kamihanedaj.

The settlemenl complex of Kamihaneda embraces four hamlets with 10se t t lement un i ts . F ive un i ts make up each ha l l [A.B,C in the nor th ; D in thesouth). This subdivision determines the symmetry 01 the entire temporarycull zone. Each settlement unit builds its cult sign (0,) on its alloted placeouts ide the shr ine p rec inc ts . on a b ig f i e ld in f ron t o f the cen t ra l sh r ine . Inthe shrine precincts four cult signs (0,) are built. two lor each half-settle-mmt. by grwps representing the two Sections. Two large signs are builtnext lo the shr ine and two Smal le r ones near the ent rance gate.

Legends:

A Hiraishi (1 hamlet)B,,, Nishikata (2 hamlets)C,,, Kitakata (2 hamlets)D,~, Minatikata (5 hamlets).

F ig . 64: Types o f a few diflerentiated cu l t fes t i va ls w i th te r r i to r ia l l y and soci.a l ly representat ive cull s i g n s .

The figure shows a few typical examples of organizaiion with cult signs~ A Crepresenfs the basic type 01 simple village lestival, B the socially dilferen-tiated variants of A. The schemes C-H describe different variations of Aa n d B. E

A Bas ic t ype (1 representa t ive cu l t g roup, 1 c u l l s i g n )8 Socially diflerentiated basic type (2 dilferent cult groups: old/young,

representative/non~representative a n d 2 diflerent cu l t s igns: finxedlmultilocal, one- tiered/many-tiered) F

C Two parts 01 a settlement build different lorms before the commonvillane shr ine

Four settlements each build a cult sign before their village shrine. Atthe cent ra l festival one o f the 4 Se t t lements [ in annua l ro ta t ion) bu i ldsa super io r s ign before the cent ra l shr ine)Six settlements. each with its own village festival and village shrine,are associated in two groups of three settlements each. Representa~ties of the sections build for each a lixed sign of similar form beforethe central shrine. The 6 settlements each bring a separate multilocals ign to the cenlral sh r ineFour places wlthout village shrine each bring a multilocal sign to thecommon shrine

G At fou r p laces w i th 4 v i l l ages sh r ines . 3 each bu i ld a s ign be fo re the i rown shrine for their simultaneously held village festivals. The villageshr ine o f the four th hamlet serves as cent ra l shr ine . Before i t the fourSe t t lements each , in annua l ro ta t ion . e rec ts a f i xed s ign , The multilo-cal signs are built by non-representative groups at the periphery oithe v i l lages and are then brought to the cent ra l shr ine

H Here the two halves 01 lhe settlement are reflected not only in theSYmmetrIcal arrangement of the cull sign but also in the correspondd ing d iv is ion o f the fes t i va l in to two ana logous phases wh ich a re en-acted one a l ter the o ther .

Fig . 65: Organiration w i th soc ia l l y and te r r i to r ia l l y represen ta t i ve cu l t s igns : Legends: I utsuroExample 8 (see bmihachiman)

The great central festival of the villages around Bmihachiman is the mostcomp lex i n i t s organiration. The se t t lement complex inc ludes an upper [A-J) and a lower (K-N) section. The uppermost line on the table shows thefestival held before the central shrine. Two groups representing the twosec t i ons each bu i l d a f i xed cu l t s i gn (0,) be fore the cent ra l shr ine . The mul-tilocal signs are now built on lhe same spot by the cult groups of theset t lement sec t ion ( fo rmer ly bu i l t pe r iphera l l y ) . In add i t ion to par t i c ipa t ing inthe cen t ra l f es t i va l . near l y a l l t he sec t ions ho ld l oca l v i l l age lestivals o f t he i rown . The cu l t s i gns built lor these v i l l age ce lebra t ions a re shown on the 10~wer l i nes . Mos t o f them show the same d iv is ion in to one lixed s ign and se-veral multilocal pillars.

Takagai , Moto KAMI (Upper sec t ion ] J Taga

Takaga i . Ek imae K Kofunaki

lchi L Funaki

Nakamura M Gfusa

Obayashi . H igashi N Minamitsuda

Obayashi , Nish i

KitanoshA

T”, ,^hiA”

SHIM0 (Lower section)

IABCDEFGHII I( L M N

6. INTERPRETATION

8.1 Reconstruction of the original situation in relation to periodicity:the cult sign of one year’s duration

In most Japanese festivals where cult signs of the kind describedare to be found in connection with village shrines, these signs aretemporary inasmuch as lhey are usually destroyed at the end ofthe festival, that is. shortly after they are made. This pattern ofevents is found in the region investigated. But besides these tem-porary signs there are others to be found in Japan, fewer in num-ber and associated with other cult systems (YASHIKIGAMI). This lathter type is to be regarded as primary Cult objects of this type areeither completely replaced by new material or new material is adsded to the old. Examples B - F in figures 66 and 67 show types ofrenewal of cult signs that are still practised in Japan today Theypoint to a primary kind of renewal of rooted material (example A)that can still be seen in presentVday Japan, though not with the sa-me dual form and not in association with ritual activities: lhey aresimply magic signs of territorial occupation that are used to markareas of common gathering rights. Fig. 66 shows renewal types in

Fig. 66: Types 01 renewal in relation to location,

The table shows the kinds 01 renewal 01 cull signs (and magic signs of OCRcupation) still practised in Japan. in which easily manipulable plant materialsare employed.

L e g e n d s :

. Cult placeI,

regard to posit\on,while Fig. 67 is a graphic presentation of the corkresponding perlodlclty.

&’ New cUlt signFig, 67: Types of renewal in relation to time.

O ld cu l t s i gn This table supplements the prev ious one in respect of the temporary

8.2 Meaning in terms of settlement historyA

Having found a primordial type (implicitly. of one year’s duration), andassuming an annual renewal of its substance in harmony with thevegetative cycle of the building material, we are inevitably led to ens Bvisage a continuing series of such events. This poses the questionof its beginnings. Since these signs are artefacts it is not difficult toconnect them with the history of settlement. Furthermore, if this ty- Cpe of cult behaviour is regarded as primordial among Japanese reli-gious rites, the socio-political structure of the Japanese village Dwould also seem to point to its association with the founding ofsettlements. Incidentally, the comparative history of material and Etechnology (ergology) would also support this view. Early historicaltexts speak clearly of old Japan as the ‘land of the wide reed-beds’. This is naturally not to be taken as meaning that the wholearchipelago was covered with reeds. The reference is to the flat Fcoastal strips which were the scenes of early settlement. If oneimagines such a wide ‘sea’ of reeds, for instance around Lake Bigwa, then it is easily conceivable that such signs could have beenImportant, not only in respect of sacred territorial rights. but also asspace-siructuring objects. Figure 68 attempts to illustrate this inter-pretation graphically,

REGENERATION AND RENEWAL: rooted sign of occupation. Thenew sign is made on the spot by binding together the stalks of newlygrown plants. The regeneration of the material on the spot compelsper iod ica l recons t ruc t ion o f the fo rm. il i t i s t o be ma in ta ined

ADDITION: Cult sign made of cut and dislocated material. The newmate r i a l i s pu l l ed over the o ld s ign (superpos i t ion) o r bound around i t[circular addition)

REPLACEMENT Cult sign made of cut and displaced material. Beforethe new sign is made. the old one is removedSYSTEM OF DUAL LOCATION: Cult signs made of cut and disloca-ted material. The new sign is made beside the old one. The latter isle f t to decay or is removed a l te r comple t ion o f the new oneINFRAPOSITION IN RELATION TO SHRINE: Superimposition of a shri-ne of durable wood over a cult sign made of cut material. The primiti~ve s ign i s annua l l y renewed as in 8. When the shr ine i s rep laced (peii-od~cally ! ) the cult sign is renewed as in C or DTEMPORARY POSITION BEFORE THE SHRINE: The renewal is onlyrealised in a ritual sense (i.e. in a changed form) and only BEFORE thecult place which is now occupied by a wooden building: the renewalis of type C. but with interchanged phases (building before destwcti~on] proiected upon the same cult sign (F is the most frequent type ofJapanese re l i g ious fes t i va ls w i th p r im i t i ve ly consiructed cult s i g n s .

structw3s resulting from tne d~tterent types ot renewal of primitively consstrutted cu l t s i gns {and mag ic s i gns o f occupationj.

Foundation

Fig. 68: Graphic representation 01 the meaning of the cult signs loi settle- Legends:merit h is tory (hypothet ica l ) .

W Shrine wood

H Wooden shrine

K Cult sign

G Founder’s house/family

Z Branch houses of the founder’s house

N Newcomers

S Reed

F River. lake

0 5 Stages 01 development in ihe history of s?ttlement.

9. SYMBOLISM Anthropomorphic symbolism. a BONTENb cult sign

9.1 General Some tall columns bear names such as ‘belly’. ‘trousers’, ‘belt’,c jewels (TAMA)d mirror (KAGAMI) or sun (HI NO MARU)

‘head-band’ etc., indicating that the structures are regarded as hug e spear (HOKO)

A symbol iS generally understood to be a visible Sign that Stands for man figures. At one place a one-tiered type of reed column is rep 4. Cosmic symbolism. The bushy upper part (a] is called ‘heavenly caman invisible, spiritual reality In contrast to the kind of Sign that merely cognizably anthropomorphic because the different shaping of cer- nopy’ (TENKAI)

marks something, a symbol is a sign that merges with its invisible in- tain formal parts clearly indicates an intended representation of 5..I r r ., -,

Cosmic symbolism. The capital ta) is called ‘sun wheel’ (NICHIRIN)ner meaning 10 me Point or unlry or me two. I ne symool PartrCiPa- man and woman. These cult signs are also named accordinglytes in the reality ot that which it symbolires. It stands at the point of (OTOKO, ONNA) (see Egenter 1982).

6 . Time symbolism. The radiating ropes fb) are looked upon as Sino-Japanese si

intersection of the two levels of beina. one Phvsicailv visible the months (JONIBns of the Zodiac. The circular ropesSUKI. ‘12 months’) and the year

(a) stand for the

other spiritual and invisible. Etymologically it is usually explained as Biomorphic symbolism.something composite (a putting together. a joining together] and, for

7. Symbolic centre. The central bamboo pole bears Ihe sacred sign(GOHEI) and is called ‘heart bamboo’

this purpose, reference is often made to the vivid example of the Associations with animals are evoked by elementary formal means. 6,ring, broken by Parting friends, later to be Put together again as the Snakes wrth formed heads are often represented bv roPes winding

Symboffc centre, The ‘heart bamboo’ (bi stands in symbolic c,,ntras,to the outer bamboo (TEDAKE. (a))I _

sign of recognition, asthe symbol of belonging together, of unity around the cult signs. The same applies to crabs, but both also ai 9 .pear as mere markings on the structure. Indications of fabulous ani-

Dualistic symbolism. The upper part made of reeds (a) is called IN-YO (Sino~Japanese for Chinese Yin-Yang)

Turning from this brief consideration to the tradition as customarily mals are also to be found occasionally In one village the burningpresented. we are struck by the following aspects: firstly the fact

10.cult sign is looked upon as a fire-breathing dragon. In another place

Snake symbolism. The cult rope that hangs for a long year over theentrance to the shrine is looked upon as a two-headed snake (DAI-

that we are dealing with sacred signs (abodes of the gods) makes the cult ropes are interpreted as signs of dragon bodies, corre- JAI. Before the start of the festival Ihe rbpe is cut in two. The resul-

us aware that we are, so to speak. in the customary home of sym- spondingly formed and provided with strange dragon heads.fing pair of one-headed snakes is laid around the cult signs

holism. at the intersection point, par excellence, of corporeal and 11. Dragon symbolism. Burning. tall columns count as dragons (RYiQ) while

spiritual levels of being: furthermore, the primitive methods by which in One Village Specially formed Cult objects known as ‘fish’ or ‘catsthey are being carried around

the sacred symbols are made suggest that we are not far from the fish’ are carried to the shrine on the shoulders of the crowd. Plant 12. Dragon symbolism. The thick ropes of bundled straw (a and b) countroots of symbolism. Not least, the symbol, seen as a ‘joining toge- forms are also imitated. Several villages build tree-like forms. These

as dragons (TATSU). The dragons’ heads are each made 01 a bundle

the? in the sense of building, holds more meaning than does the can be interestingly compared with tree worship, which is also wi-of reed ears. They merely imitate the movement of the dragon’s head

dubious rejoining of something previously divided. In building, the despread throughout Japan (see Egenter 1981).13. Tree cult symbolism. A tree shape is reproduced by primitive con-

StrUCtiOnal means. The structural symbolism of the sacred artificial‘joining together’ becomes an act of creation in which form andmeaning are simultaneously created.

Thus there is good reason for assuming that the cult objects wehave been considering are symbols of a very primordial kind. This

tree is strongly reminiscent of certain features of the tree-of-fifecomplex

14. Crab symbolism. Parts of certain forms cowI as ‘crabs’ (EBI)

15. Snake symbolism. The cult rope (a) and pieces of rope that are simi-larly lixed around the cult signs are regarded as snakes (HE!+,)

concept is supported by the many similar signs and symbols which,in terms of a broader definition of building, can be discovered in the

1 6 . Snake symbolism. Ropes with a snake’s head, wound spirally aroundcentral and comer bamboos, are regarded as snakes (HEBI)

earliest stages of several ancient cultures (Sumer, Egypt, Crete, Chi-na). Thus it can only be rewarding to take a closer look at the sym-

F i g . 6 9 : R e l a t i v e s y m b o l i s m . 17. Ship symbolism. The cult structure has the form of a ship. Formerlyduring the ritual it was displaced by ropes

holism as revealed in the region studied.

9.2 Relative symbolism

The table shows the range of cases of relative symbolism found in the re- 18.g i o n .

Fish symbolism. The form 01 this cult object has little resemblance toa fish (a - ‘tail’. O-PO: the front part is called ATAMA. ‘head). Ne-

1. Anthropomorphic symbolismvertheless this type is called ‘catfish’. NAMALU. and at night it is carprred shoulder-high as it burns

One can first look at the cult objects from the usual standpoint in a male figure 1 9 . Knot symbolism. The knot form imitates that of a gift-knot. At the sa-which the whole or parts of it are either associated with more or b female ligure me tlma the knot embodies fhe idea of the year

less definite meanings, mostly through names that relate to other 2. Symbolism of origins. The cult rope (a) counts as origin (MOT01 20. Knol symbolism. This special form counts as male (OTOKO-MUSUBI)cultural concepts or by formal adjustments. We call this ‘relativesymbolism’. It can be found in rich variety throughout the region

3. Mythical symbolism. The cult structure was formerly called ‘sunspear’(HIBOKO)

21. Knot symbolism. This special form counts as female (ONNA-MUMSUBII. Note that the ‘rope’ is not really such, it is modified as a ‘plait‘.

(see Fig. 69).

a b

3 4

1 6

6 7 6

.&-’1 9

2 0

Technomorphic symbolism.

In one village the tectonic sign is turned on its side like the fish men-tioned in the previous example and in this case it clearly representsa ship, the impression being strengthened by the movements im-parted to it during the ritual procession. In Ueda (see Egenter 1982)this element is present in the name given to the perambulated highcolumns. These are called ‘lantern ships’ (CHOCHINFUNE) but theidea of a ship is not formally expressed.

Mythical symbolism.

In Kurahashibe differently formed pairs of cult objects are interpre-ted as male and female forms. by analogy with the official Shintodeities. lzanami and Iranagi. who as the creator pair are honoured ina double shrine. However. it was not possible to ascertain whetherthese cult objects were intended as direct images of lzanami andlranagi. In Sens6ku a movable cult sign, once called ‘sun spear’(HI-BOKU). symbolires the jewels (TAMA), mirror (KAGAMI) and sun(HI). all things that play an important part in the myths surroundingthe Japanese imperial family

Cosmic symbolism.

In Ueda the upper part of a hut-like structure with a crown of reedsand bamboo is called ‘heavenly cover’ (TENKAI) (see Egenter1982). In some places in the neighbourhood of this village the capitalof the tall pillars is known as ‘sun-wheel’ (NICHIRIN). In some pla-ces too the name of the reed section of the tall pillar is IN-YO, theJapanese equivalent of the Chinese YIN-YANG.

Time symbolism.

In many places certain parts that are especially important becauseof their sacred meaning. such as the cult rope (SHIMENAWA), spe-cial fastenings and sacred Shinto signs (GOHEI). are used in a con-text of time symbolism. A particularly striking element then repre-sents the year and twelve smaller, subordinate elements signify themonths (JUNITSUKI)

S e x s y m b o l i s m .

In some places phallic symbols are found on the front of tall pillars,below the capital. They are also found on other types of cult objectand are usually named accordingly (OTOKO NO SEI), but are clewly to be regarded either as re-interpretations of the knot of the cultrope or of something similar.

Fig. 70: Number symbolism (relative and stwctural).

The table shows a compilation of lams exhibiting particularly clear ele~merits. the number 01 wh ich is der ived f rom ideas o f number symbol ism.

Fig. 71: Structural symbolism.

The table is a compilaiion of the main instances of structural symbolismamong the cult ob j ec t s

A Opposing categories

1 natura l - techn ica l2 mobile-immobile3 unlimited-limited4 plurality-unity5 empty-lull

B D i f fe ren t ex i s ten t ia l phases o f the cu l t s igns

1 No form2 Concrete form

3 Light form4 No form

C The dualism of the iorm standing in position and the horirontally-ly ing, moving form

1 iali co lumn s tand ing i n pos i t i on2 Ly ing . mov ing ta l l co lumn (so -ca l led ‘ l an te rn sh ip ’ , CHOCHIN-FUNEl3 Ly ing, mov ing. one- t ie red reed p i l la r [ r idden by the town e lders)4 Standing. moving cult sign (the erect position during the dynamic pha-

se is locally explained by analogy with the Gion-Feslival of Kyoto.upon wh ich the ‘waggon’ i s sa id to be mode l led ) .

D L ight fo rm as s ign and symbol

The light form takes over the signal character and the symbolism of theconstructed forms (l-3).

Centristic symbolism.

In many places the middle axis of the structure is symbolically emuphasired both by such designations as SHIN-TAKE (heart bam~boo). SHIN-K1 (heart tree) and by formal means. Where, for static re-asons such as the height of the sign, an extra support is needed,this is usually decorated at its projecting top with symbolic attribu-tes, such as the sacred Shinto sign [GOHEI) etc. If the size of thebundle is such lhat no support is indicated, the centre (axis) is mar-ked by a bamboo which overtops the body of the form and whichthen counts as the ‘heart bamboo’. While the lower part of it isfreed of twigs. it usually retains its natural tuft of foliage on top. Atthe lower end it is hidden in the body of the structure and marks itsinvisible axis. The official sacred signs of white paper are usually finxed to the upper. visible part. Central symbolism is often stressedby fixing a bamboo (TEDAKE) or a bundle of reeds to the compactanterior part of the structure, as a visible counterpart of the invisiblecentre.

Number symbolism.

Number symbolism is rarely found. It is true that the numbers of ac-cessory elements play an important role, but in such a case theyare to be understood as representing certain orders. e.g. the calen-dar. The same applies to the use of the series of lucky numbers. 3,5, 7, 9... This sometimes determines the number of fasteningsaround the tall pillars. The association probably has its origins in theChinese number categories. In certain places hierarchical relationsare denoted by the number of turns of the cult rope. The minor cultobject has only one, the major structure has two turns of the cultrope (see Fig. 70).

Looking at this relative symbolism as it is found in ihe whole region,two aspects are striking: first, the broad distribution with regard totype and content: second, its sporadic incidence. We have a veryvaried inventory of symbolic types but each is represented in cer-tain spots or in small groups of places. In view of the highly stereo-typed nature of the cult system and the close relationship betweenthe cult objects. this is really astonishing. One has the impressionthat it does not involve anything of ancient traditional nature. some~thing closely bound up with the stereotypic object tradition, butrather interpretations taken over from other traditions [e.g. themyths of the imperial family Buddhist religious ideas) and superim-posed on the cult objects. This becomes patently clear when in dif-ferent places the same formal element is interpreted quite different-ly in relative symbolic terms. Thus, as mentioned, the binding can beinterpreted as a girdle or a head-band, but also as a snake, a crabor the body of a dragon: then again it is sometimes regarded as

‘origin’ or serves as an explicit time symbol, representing the yearor’the months.

9.3 Fundamental symbolic structure

If attention is now directed to the relationship between this kind ofrelative symbolism and the structure and form of the cult objects ortheir parts, it can be seen that this relationship is not fortuitous. Thehinted analogy of the symbolic designation is always helped by solmething in the nature of the cult object itself. In other words, the fea-tures of the cult object actually support the symbolism (Figs. 71 -73). For instance, anthropomorphic associations are clearly relatedto the standing position of the objects. They suggest people stan-ding upright. The fish, a creature which by nature moves in waterwithout any visible source of support, finds its analogy less in theform than in the horizontal position of the cult sign and in the factthat it is carried around on the shoulders of the people. And the for-mal analogy to the tree, with its trunk and crown. rests on the dualstructure of the cult object, its compact lower part and its loose,bushy upper part. We find the same in the cosmic symbolism. Theheavens, symbol of higher things and of boundlessness and, withits clouds and stars, of change, is associated with the non-defined,mobile upper part. The snake analogy is no doubt derived from thelong form of the ropes and their snake-like mobility: but, on theother hand, the same rope can fall into the group of the time sym-bols when it is regarded rather from the standpoint of its constructi-ve importance to the structure as a whole and the latter again interms of its ephemeral nature and annual need of renewal.

In the last example. the rope. part of the whole structure. alreadyhas a clear temporal, periodic meaning. It merely becomes explicitlyvisible by relative symbolic association with the Chinese calendar, asystem of order that is certainly of later date in the case of Japan.This must also be assumed of the other instances of relative sym-bolism. No doubt the sequence of analogy in this region proceedsfrom cult object to human figure, to tree. to fish - and not in the re-verse sense.

Generally speaking, this would mean that relative symbolism, to besignificant, can only become associated with other symbolic sy-stems on the basis of a pre-existing order

The effect of this fundamental symbolic structure, this ‘under-ground’. is shown elsewhere, but in the first instance in the imme-diate surrounding of the cult object and in its creative force. If thesimple basic type of ritual is compared with the more differentiatedtypes, it is astonishing to see what a multitude of systems distin-

6 6

Fig. 72: Structural symbolism (continued).

A

single lorm which is also dual: form and non-form. Counting the rope. themre are three elements

Unity in multiplicity Though the forms are outwardly diflerenl. they share Ethe same lormai principle Analogy of the symbolism of building and lire. II, as is usual in the region.

the fire is started on top. it is analoaous to the IJKW wart of the structure.t(Geomet ry in sacred symbols . Charac ter is t i ca l l y , the s igns genera te geome~

Like the latter, its flames rise up&rds, it is nat& ‘empty’, without defi-

try. as it were spontaneouslyned l im i ts and l i gh t ( l i gh t -dark po la r i t y i s a lso found in this region)

cF

Mediation between atmosphere and solid earth. The cult sign embodiesDuality of place and way Since they are synthetic. signs that stand in a

oppos ing qua l i t i es o f t he med ia w i th wh ich i t i s i n con tac tcertw place imply a pathway lead ing to them

DG

Most elementary number symbolism. It is expressed in the paradox of theSignets . The po la r ca tegor ies represented in s igne t - l i ke fo rm, ~

;/-‘“““...<, I”’ -..., ~ :......._........._.._,...,/ t: i / ‘.: i ; k.< :’:/ ii ./”

. ..ij.,, . .XbA

B

: :.....~~.~.‘:,~~~~~,.:~,;;:i:~..:,.;:I;:.:~;/.,

~ . ~ .: . . . ‘.,.<,.: ..,,.,:,:, ;’

D

1(j) 1‘%.../’I) 2

A1 3

Fig . 73 : S t ruc tura l symbol ism [cont inued) : Behav iour o f fo rm in the course01 t ime .

AThe form is like the ‘small’ annual cycle 01 life (reed, in this case) since, likethe spr ing itsell. i t reappears each year in lresh garb

I t d i f fe rs f rom the ‘b ig ’ l i f e cyc le [o f man, t ree etc) in tha t i t ne i the r changesnor ages with the passage of time. It is ‘eternally young and ever the sagme ’ .

n

4 J- _---/------

----_-.-* .A\\

t

0 10 20 20 4 0 50 60 ?O 60 9 0 1Q)

6 10 20 30 40 80 60 70 80 30

6 7

guish the latter from the former A glance at the figures in the chap-ter ‘Territorial and social representation’ is sufficient to show what ismeant (Figs. 74, 75). But it is quite evident that the formative powerthat shapes these complex cult systems has its roots in the struc-ture of the cult objects themselves (Figs. 74, 75). Only its dualisticstructural principle can explain how such incomprehensible modesof behaviour arise: for instance, that the most venerable representa-tives of a small town ‘ride’ to the shrine on a pillar made of reeds,or the nocturnal peregrination to the shrine with burning ‘fishes’. Atthe same time one begins to grasp certain things that directly con-cern the people: e.g. why they get drunk on ritual wine during the ri-tual procession of the pillars, or why the rhythm of the accom-panying music suddenly dissolves into chaotic noise when the or-der of the cult object breaks down. The documentation shows usmany instances of such apparently odd behaviour that can simplybe described as symbolic actions. But, seen from the standpoint ofsymbolism, its value lies in the revelation of its creative connectionwith the symbolic building tradition and its structural categories.

In showing how the general nature of these categories is atlIe todraw everything into its circle of influence, and how its contradictorry quality generates not only changes, contrasts, promotions anddemotions, but also adjustments in deference to the principle of or-ganization. it reveals to us a new creative impulse of symbolism in

Fig. 74: Structural symbolism [continued): Dual association at the same cultfestival.

The table shows a few examples of lhe cOntrasting of different cult signsI” the same festival. The signs differ not only in size, circumference andbasic form but also in Other respects:

vertical horizontal (1.7.3)upright - inverted (IO)male female (9,10.12)fixed - movable (2.3.4.6.7.8).

an elementary sphere. ‘Elementary’. because these symbols areevidently a concentrated embodiment of the most opposing, mostgeneral criteria. Thus, little by little. they become models of a typeof symbol created by human hand with the simplest means, sym-bols which can stand in a dialectical relationship to the immediatereality of man. to his creations and to that which he merely percei-ves. The relationship is dialectic in the sense that the model itselfsupplies the categories for its representative meaning [or relativesymbolic meaning). For its transformation not only shows symbolsthat are created to embody a deeper meaning: they are at the sa-me time symbols embodying the motive of symbolization itself - inthe most general form possible.

The ‘mechanism’ of the relationship is easily understandable. It is al-ways the generalized standpoint (categories in the Aristotelian sen-se). that acts as go-between in relative symbolic relationships. Thecriterion ‘mobility’ of the whole structure leads from cult sign to fish;the specific mobility of rope and its attenuated form lead to snake;mobility and non-delineation point to ‘heaven’, and the dualism ofcompact base and loosely projecting top leads to the tree form. fnthe reverse sense, the analogy with a natural form exerts an influ-ence on the artificial form. The rope acquires a snake’s head, thefish a caudal fin, and the tree-crown is trimmed to the idealised

68

round form (again under the reverse influence of geometry and theideas behind the cult sign).

Thus the relation between explicit relative symbolism and the cha-racteristics of the cult sign reveals a fundamental structure that isnot immediately apparent but which constitutes the essence of the-se structures, above Al in respect of their symbolic meaning. Inspeaking of ‘fundamental strucktree’ as the precondition of relativesymbolism, what is meant is the total of what has been describedas structure in the foregoing chapters, everything that depends onthe specific characteristics of the cult object. This could now beunderstood as the impJfcit foundation of the well-known relativesymbolism, as its genetic underground. so to speak. Its traditionalvalue and the general nature of the categories and their contradicti-ons could be the impelling occasion for man’s comparing, analogi~

Fig. 75: Structural symbolism fcontinuedl: Diagrammatic indications of dualassociations at the same cult festivaf.

one - man”two-tiered one-tieredlow - highfixed to one place - movable between several placesthick - slenderstretching upward - hanging down tmafe+amafe)towering and oscillating - earthbound and bulkyinside -outside (the shrine precincts)round square (ground plan)round - triangular (ground plan)old young (people building symbols)precedence -succession (burning sequence)precedence - succession: dependent (burning sequence with trans-fer of the tire).

ring and symboliring search among the things of his world. Muchthat is nowadays simply labelled ‘symbolic’ could be basically re-in-terpreted, for instance. the territorial-semiotic meaning of many cultsymbols and the fabulous (fable-like) formal plasticity of many sym-bolic figures that appear in the traditions of Japan (cf. Figs. 1 - 7).For instance, it would be possible to understand why snake symbo-lism usually appears in connection with the tectonic - also in Japan.Many aspects of fire-and-light symbolism could be interpreted asthe transfer of the symbolism of building structure to fire and light.How can one otherwise understand why the element fire is extinguished in so many Japanese religious festivals, only to be ‘rene-wed’? If tree worship or the tree-of-life complex were examinedfrom the starting point of the synthetic prototype many ideas aboutthe sacred tree would have to be fundamentally revised (see Egen-ter 198013).

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

K

L

M

N

i&‘I. 2.‘I .W.

69