7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 1/32

Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic First published Wed Jul 23, 2008

Arabic logic is a philosophical tradition which has lasted from the mid-eighth centurydown to today. Traditionally, western study of Arabic logic has tended to concentrate on theearly parts of its history, especially on the Greek antecedents of Arabic logic, and on thewritings of the foundational philosophers, Alfarabi (d. 950), Avicenna (d. 1037) and Averroes(d. 1198). There have been notable excursions beyond these areas of concentration, especiallyin the pioneering work of Rescher. This entry is written with a view to furthering the trendinitiated by Rescher. [1] With this in mind, I make special efforts to mention the contributionsof post-twelfth-century logicians to the philosophical resolution of disputed points.

Whereas there is an Arabic term (mantiq) that equates to “logic”, there is no such termor phrase for “philosophy of language”. As it happens, philosophers tried to solve problemswhich are now taken to be the concern of a philosophy of language, but this they generally didin the midst of either a logic treatise or a treatise on grammar. I do not attempt to coordinate

this material under a section entitled “Philosophy of Language”, but much of what is coveredin 2.1 and 2.2.2, and referred to in 3, would be candidates for such a section.My aim in presenting this overview is, in section 1, to give some historical context for 

a vast range of philosophical argument, in section 2, to provide a number of texts as samplesof those philosophical arguments and, in section 3, to refer to some of the philosophicaldevelopments in Islamic disciplines not directly derived from the Greek philosophicaltradition. The philosophical assessment of the arguments is a task hardly begun in thesecondary literature.

• 1. Historical Outline

o 1.1 The Early Translations

o 1.2 Farabian Aristotelianism

o 1.3 Avicennan Aristotelianism

o 1.4 Logic in the Twelfth Century

1.4.1 Ghazâlî and Logic

1.4.2 Averroes and the End of Textual Aristotelianism

1.4.3 The Avicennan Tradition of the Twelfth Century

o 1.5 The Avicennan Tradition and the Madrasa

1.5.1 Revisionist Avicennan Logic

1.5.2 Tûsî and the Neo-Avicennan Response

1.5.3 The Madrasa and Beyond

o 1.6 The Neglected Half Millenium

• 2. Logical Doctrines under Dispute

o 2.1 The Subject Matter of Logic

2.1.1 Expressions, Meanings and Intelligibles

2.1.2 Secondary Intelligibles

2.1.3 Conceptions and Assents

o 2.2 The Contents of the Treatise on Logic

2.2.1 Logic as a Formal Science

2.2.2 Assent and the Context Theory

2.2.3 An Alternative Organon?

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 2/32

o 2.3 The Modal Syllogistic

2.3.1 Avicenna

2.3.2 Averroes

2.3.3 Revisionist Avicennan Logicians• 3. Language in the Islamic Sciences

• Bibliography

• Other Internet Resources

• Related Entries

1. Historical Outline

1.1 The Early Translations

The Syriac Christians had adopted a teaching tradition which included a truncatedversion of the Alexandrian Organon (Porphyry's Eisagoge followed by the Categories, On

 Interpretation, and the first seven chapters of the Prior Analytics). This teaching traditioncontinued without disruption through the Arab conquests and under the Umayyad Caliphate(661-750). During this period, however, it evoked little if any interest on the part of theMuslim conquerors.

It was the advent of the Abbasid Caliphate (750-1258) that signalled the beginnings of an interest in philosophy on the part of the ruling elite. This was to usher in a translation

movement which in the first place translated the Syriac decoctions of philosophy into Arabic, but which later turned to the Aristotelian texts themselves and the commentaries written onthem in late antiquity.[2] An example of an Arabic translation produced before the Aristotelianturn is the translation by Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (ex. 756) of a logic treatise that probably came tohim from the Syriac via the Pahlavi (probably from a late antique introduction to philosophy;see Gutas (1993) 44 fn. 68). The treatise gestures towards the Eisagoge, then turns tothe Categories, On Interpretation, and the introductory parts of the Prior Analytics onassertoric syllogisms (Danishpazhuh (1978)). As Pines pointed out long ago, this materialcorresponds to the Old Logic of the Latin West (Pines (1996)). One must bear in mind,however, that there are important differences between eighth-century Arabic logic and the OldLogic of the Latin tradition. First, there were Syriac translations of other Aristotelian logical

texts available throughout this period (e.g. the Posterior Analytics; Hugonnard-Roche andElamrani-Jamal (1989-2003b)), so there were scholars about who had a good idea of whatlater texts in the Organon had to offer. Secondly, soon after Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ had produced histreatise, other scholars were translating complete Aristotelian works into Arabic. It is clear,for example, that the Caliph al-Mahdî (reg. 775-785) had commissioned translations of the Topics and the Sophistical Fallacies, presumably for use in interreligious dialogue (Gutas(1993) 43).

The translation movement continued to pick up momentum through the ninth century,and by the 830s a circle of translators were loosely coordinated around Abû Yûsuf Ya‘qûb b.Ishâq al-Kindî (d. c. 870). Kindî produced a short overview of the whole of the Organon(translated in Rescher (1963a)), and members of his circle produced: an epitome

of and commentary on the Categories; an epitome of On Interpretation; a version of theSophistical Fallacies; and probably an early translation of the Rhetoric.[3]

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 3/32

Somewhat later, perhaps from the 850s, the great Syriac Christian translators Hunaynibn Ishâq (d. 873) and his son Ishâq ibn Hunayn (d. 910) began to produce integraltranslations of complete works from the Organon, generally by way of Syriac translations,some of which dated back to before the Arab conquests. One or the other (it is uncertain from

the sources) translated the Categories, Ishâq translated On Interpretation, Hunayn seems tohave collaborated with the otherwise unknown Theodorus to translate the  Prior Analytics,father and son both seem to have had a hand in producing a new Syriac translation of the Posterior Analytics, and Ishâq provided revised translations of theTopics and the Rhetoric.Perhaps it was someone in this circle who translated the Poeticsinto Syriac.[4]

In spite of these achievements, Hunayn's circle is not unequivocally Aristotelian.Hunayn himself was interested above all in Galen, and what we know of Galen's greatestlogical work we know from citations in Hunayn's reverential listing (Boudon (1989-2003)458:On Demonstration).

1.2 Farabian Aristotelianism

Soon after, however, Baghdad philosophy was dominated by self-styled Peripateticswho presented themselves as reestablishing Aristotle's true teachings after a period of rupture.The leading lights of this movement were the Syriac Christian Abû Bishr Mattâ ibn Yûnus(d. 940) and his younger Muslim colleague, Abû Nasr Alfarabi (d. 950). In the early 900s,Abû Bishr added translations from the Syriac of the Poetics and the Posterior Analyticsto thegrowing Arabic Organon. He and his colleagues also contributed to a commentary traditionon each component of the Organon.

Abû Bishr lumbers into every piece that has been written on the history of Arabiclogic as the clumsy advocate of the view that speakers of Arabic need to learn Greek logic. In

a disputation on the relative merits of grammar and logic convened for the amusement of theVizier, he confronts a dashing young opponent, Sîrâfî, who confounds him with a series of grammatical subtleties. To these, Abû Bishr responds:

This is grammar, and I have not studied grammar. The logician has no need of grammar, whereas the grammarian does need logic. For logic enquires into the meaning,whereas grammar enquires into the expression. If, therefore, the logician deals with theexpression, it is accidental, and it is likewise accidental if the grammarian deals with themeaning. Now, the meaning is more exalted than the expression, and the expression humbler than the meaning.[5]

Whatever the merits of Abû Bishr's view of the relation of logic to language, itweathered Sîrâfî's storm of criticism badly. Assessments differ as to what we should learn

from this discussion,[6]

but it serves at least to show that some were sceptical of the utility of Aristotelian logic. Other Muslim scholars went further than Sîrâfî and considered the study of logic impious, mainly because of its association with metaphysics. As one fideist scholar putit many years later, “the access to something bad is also bad” (Ibn as-Salâh (d. 1245), quotedin Goldziher (1981) 205-206).

It was Abû Bishr's younger colleague, Alfarabi, who was the outstanding contributor to the Aristotelian project, though not as a translator. On the question of the relation of logicto language, Alfarabi offers a view somewhat more nuanced than Abû Bishr's (see 2.1.1

 below). He also claimed that logic was indispensable for analysing the argument-forms usedin jurisprudence and theology, a claim that was to be taken up a century later by Abû Hamidal-Ghazâlî (d. 1111), thereby introducing the study of logic into the madrasa (see 1.4.1

 below). To support his claim, Alfarabi wrote The Short Treatise on Reasoning in the Way of the Theologians

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 4/32

…in which he interpreted the arguments of the theologians and the analogies (qiyâsât ) of the jurists as logical syllogisms in accordance with the doctrines of the ancients.[7]

But Alfarabi's main contribution to the Aristotelian project was a series of commentaries on the books of the Organon —many of them sadly lost—which represent the

finest achievement in the study of Aristotelian logic in Arabic. His work in this area aims atthe Lesser Harmony, the “project of forging a single, consistent doctrine out of the sometimesincongruent theories found in Aristotle's many treatises;” and this marks him out as clingingto a major hermeneutical commitment of late antiquity (see Wisnovsky (2003) 15, 266). Thequality of Alfarabi's arguments is clear from his remaining long commentaries on Aristotle.[8] He is the first truly independent thinker in Arabic logic, a fact commemorated by thehonorific bestowed upon him by Avicenna: the Second Teacher (after Aristotle). WhenAvicenna laid out his own syllogistic, he noted each point on which he differed from Alfarabi(Street (2001)).

The tradition with which Alfarabi was associated, a tradition centred on exegetical problems in the Organon, reached its crowning achievement—a superb and heavily glossed

translation of the Organon[9] —at the same time that Avicenna was setting about his work inthe East, work which was to make the Organon irrelevant for the vast majority of subsequentArabic logicians.

This is a watershed moment: the Farabian tradition continued its work on theAristotelian texts, though ever more defensively and reactively to challenges posed byAvicenna. The Avicennan tradition by contrast simply ignored the Aristotelian texts. TheFarabian tradition shrank away so quickly that even by the late twelfth century, to studyFarabian logic meant traveling to north Africa. [10] Spain was its last stronghold, and the work of Averroes (see 1.4.2 below) is best understood as a commentary on Aristotle determined inits focus and direction by the criticisms of Avicenna.

1.3 Avicennan Aristotelianism

At the same time that the Baghdad philosophers were finalizing the translation of theOrganon and furnishing it with extensive glosses, Avicenna (d. 1037) was beginning hiscareer far away in the east, in Khurasan. His style of philosophy was to make the Aristoteliantexts irrelevant for the dominant tradition of Arabic logic after him. Led by his Intuition, he

 presented himself as an autodidact able to assess and repair the Aristotelian tradition.[11] Inother words, Avicenna's doctrine of Intuition delivered him an Aristotelianism unfettered bythe hermeneutic commitments of the Lesser Harmony.

In the modal logic, for example (a subject voluminously contested in the Arabic

tradition; see 2.3 below), he cut through the problems in the Aristotelian account by takingthem either as tests of the student's acuity, or mistakes by Aristotle in implementing principles. Here is what he says in the Syllogism of the Cure, written about midway throughhis career:

You should realize that most of what Aristotle's writings have to say about the modal mixesare tests, and are not genuine opinions—this will become clear to you in a number of places…(Avicenna (1964), Qiyâs 204.10-12)

In his later writings, Avicenna is less solicitous in explaining away what he regards asinconsistencies in Aristotle's syllogistic, and writes of problems in the Prior Analytics as

arising through negligence. An example of a late text is Twenty Rare Questions, whichconsists of answers to questions on syllogistic sent by the learned men of Shiraz (a text which

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 5/32

incidentally shows how odd Avicenna's system must have seemed to his contemporaries).Why, they ask, has Avicenna produced a syllogistic system that differs so radically fromAristotle's? At one point, we find Avicenna presenting Aristotle's decisions (about mixes with

 possibility propositions as minor premises) as follows:

It is strange that Aristotle judged… Stranger than this… Even stranger than that are thedefinitions… Strangest of all…A further matter that confounds Aristotle…(Avicenna(1974) al-Masâ'il al-Gharîba 94.14, 94.20, 94.22, 95.5, 95.11)Avicenna's Intuition not only set aside important parts of Aristotle's logic, it also

differed from Alfarabi's interpretation of that logic. Avicenna has, however, more consistentlycourteous ways of declining to follow Alfarabi. He refers to Alfarabi as the “eminent later scholar to whom we are most concerned to direct our remarks” as he constructs his differentsystem (see Street (2001)).

Of all his many works,[12] it is Avicenna's Pointers and Reminders that had mostimpact on subsequent generations of logicians. It became, as Ibn Taymiyya declared, the

Koran of the philosophers (Michot (2000) 599). From it we may note a few broad but typicaldifferences from the Prior Analytics in the syllogistic. First, the “absolute” (mutlaqât , oftentranslated “assertoric”) propositions have truth-conditions stipulated somewhat like thosestipulated for possibility propositions (so that, for example, the contradictory of an absolute isnot an absolute, absolute e-propositions do not convert, second-figure syllogisms withabsolute premises are sterile). Secondly, Avicenna begins to explore the logical properties of 

 propositions of the form every J is B while J . Thirdly, Avicenna divides syllogistic intoconnective (iqtirânî ) and repetitive (istithnâ'î ) forms, a division which replaces the old oneinto categorical and hypothetical (Avicenna (19712) al-Ishârât 309, 314, 374). As a roughguide, we may call a logician “Avicennan” if he adopts these doctrines.

1.4 Logic in the Twelfth Century

The twelfth century is one of the most complex periods of transformation in Muslimintellectual history. The century before had seen the advent of the madrasa as the primeinstitution of learning in the Islamic world (Makdisi (1981) 27-32, especially 31), and AbûHâmid al-Ghazâlî (d. 1111) had been appointed to the most prestigious of these newinstitutions. One of the most revered Muslim thinkers of all time, he took up Alfarabi'sarguments in support of the utility of logic for theology and law, especially in his last juridicalsumma, Distillation of the Principles of Jurisprudence, a text which soon became a mainstayof the madrasa. The late twelfth century also saw Averroes produce what was effectively thelast of the work in the Farabian tradition of logic, work which was to be translated intoHebrew and Latin but which was neglected by Arabic logicians. Finally, through the course of the twelfth century, the modified Avicennan logic that would be adopted by the logic texts of the madrasa began to emerge.

1.4.1 Ghazâlî and Logic

Before, and especially through, the tenth and eleventh centuries, a deal of effort wasexpended in defining which sciences constitute the proper focus of a scholar's education andhow these sciences relate to each other. A fourteenth-century polymath divided the sciencesof civilization into those “natural to man and to which he is guided by his own ability to think,

and a traditional kind that he learns from those who invented it.” (Ibn-Khaldûn(1958) Muqaddima 2:385). Earlier scholars had made a parallel distinction between the

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 6/32

Foreign Sciences and the Islamic Sciences. Philosophy was the preeminent science of the firstkind, and theology and jurisprudence sciences of the second. Although logic was originally

 part of philosophy, and due to this association despised by many theologians and jurists(noted above in 1.2), a change in attitude came about in the twelfth century:

It should be known that the early Muslims and the early speculative theologians greatlydisapproved of the study of this discipline. They vehemently attacked it and warned against it.They forbade the study and teaching of it. Later on, ever since Ghazâlî (d. 1111) andFakhraddîn ar-Râzî (d. 1210), scholars have been somewhat more lenient in this respect. Sincethat time, they have gone on studying logic, except for a few who have recourse to the opinionof the ancients concerning it and shun it and vehemently disapprove of it (Ibn-Khaldûn(1858) Muqaddima 113.13-u; cf. Ibn-Khaldûn (1958) 3:143-144).

Ghazâlî had most impact in this regard (see Rudolph (2005)). I deal with Râzî'scontribution below (see 1.5.1).

Ghazâlî argued that, properly understood, logic was entirely free of metaphysical presuppositions injurious to the faith. This meant that logic could be used in forensicreasoning:

We shall make known to you that speculation in juristic matters (al-fiqhiyyât ) is not distinctfrom speculation in philosophical matters (al-‘aqliyyât ) in terms of its composition,conditions, or measures, but only in terms of where it takes its premises from (Ghazâlî(1961) Mi‘yâr 28.2-4).

Ghazâlî tended to an even stronger position towards the end of his life: more than being merely harmless, logic was necessary for true knowledge. Here is what Ghazâlî has tosay at the beginning of his famous Distillation of the Principles of Jurisprudence (referring

 back to two of his earlier works on logic):

In this introduction we mention… the condition of true definition and true demonstration andtheir divisions in a program more concise than what we set out in our  Touchstone for Speculation and Yardstick of Knowledge [respectively, Ghazâlî (1966) and Ghazâlî (1961)].This introduction is not part of the sum of the science of [juristic] principles, nor among the

 preliminaries particular to it; rather it is an introduction to all the sciences, and he who doesnot comprehend [logic] is not to be trusted at all in his sciences (Ghazâlî(1938) Mustasfâ 10.15-17).

For all his historical importance in the process of introducing logic into the madrasa,

the logic that Ghazâlî defended was too dilute to be recognizably Farabian or Avicennan.

1.4.2 Averroes and the End of Textual Aristotelianism

Averroes was one of the last representatives of a dying Farabian Aristotelianism, anAristotelianism that bent all its efforts to the task of the Lesser Harmony. A student of theBaghdad philosophy that had been transplanted to al-Andalus (Dunlop (1955)), Averroes wastrained in the logic of Alfarabi, many specifics of which he later came to discard:

One of the worst things a later scholar can do is to deviate from Aristotle's teaching and followa path other than Aristotle's—this is what happened to Alfarabi in his logical texts…(Averroes

(1983) Maqâlât 175.6-8).

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 7/32

For Averroes, Alfarabi's attempts to make sense of the difficulties in Aristotle's textswere too weak to anticipate and answer Avicenna's criticisms. In one such area, the modallogic, Averroes was to return to the problems four times through his career (see Elamrani-Jamal (1995)), and near the end of his life, having assessed the problems in his colleagues'

interpretations, he wrote:

These are all the doubts in this matter. They kept occurring to us even when we used to goalong in this matter with our colleagues, in interpretations by virtue of which no solution tothese doubts is clear. This has led me now (given my high opinion of Aristotle, and my belief that his theorization is better than that of all other people) to scrutinize this question seriouslyand with great effort (Averroes (1983) Maqâlât 181.6-10).

Averroes' project in its full flowering is driven by the demands of this rigorouslyconstrued Lesser Harmony and—in spite of everything—by Avicenna'sincreasingly popular reformulation of Aristotelian doctrine. Both aspects of theAverroist project are in full evidence in his Philosophical Essays, a number of which are on logical matters. So, for example, Averroes defends and refinesAlfarabi's account of the conversion of modal propositions against Avicenna'sattack, and then uses that account as the basis of a new interpretation of the modalsyllogistic (see 2.3.2 below). A second example of the way Averroes works is hisreappraisal and vindication of Aristotle's doctrines of the hypothetical syllogisticagainst Avicenna's alternative division into connective and repetitivesyllogisms(see Averroes (1983) Maqâlât essay 9, 187-207). No Arabic logician of note makes any use of Averroes, though his deep concern with the Aristotelian textmade his work transportable to both Hebrew and Latin philosophical traditions.

1.4.3 The Avicennan Tradition of the Twelfth Century

But the work on logic which was both technically advanced (and therefore unlikeGhazâlî's) and influential on later Arabic logicians (and therefore unlike Averroes')was done by Avicennan logicians who had begun to repair and reformulateAvicenna's work. Just as Avicenna had declared himself free to rework Aristotle asIntuition dictated, so too Avicenna's school regarded itself free to repair the

Avicennan system as need arose, whether from internal inconsistencies, or fromintellectual requirements extrinsic to the system. A major early representative of this trend is ‘Umar ibn Sahlân as-Sâwî (d. 1148) who began, in his Logical Insights

 for Nasîraddîn, to rework Avicenna's modal syllogistic.[13] It was to be his studentsand their students, however, who would go on to make the final changes toAvicennan logic that characterized the subject that came to be taught in themadrasa.

1.5 The Avicennan Tradition and the Madrasa

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 8/32

Ghazâlî had successfully introduced logic into the madrasa. What happened to itonce there was the result of the activities of much more gifted logicians. This

 period has tentatively been called the Golden Age of Arabic philosophy (Gutas

(2002)). It is in this period that the major change in the coverage and structure of Avicennan logic occurred.

1.5.1 Revisionist Avicennan Logic

In the fourteenth century, Ibn Khaldûn (d. 1406) noted the ways that Arabic logichad changed from the late twelfth century on (he mentions a growing restriction of the subject to the syllogistic, and a concentration on its formal aspects; see 2.2.3

 below), and names the scholars he thinks are responsible for the change.

Treatment of [the subject as newly conceived] has become lengthy and wide-ranging—the first to do this was Fakhraddîn ar-Râzî (d. 1210) and, after him,Afdaladdîn al-Khûnajî (d. 1249), on whom Eastern scholars rely even now… The

 books and ways of the ancients have been abandoned, as though they had never  been (Ibn-Khaldûn (1858) Muqaddima 113; cf. Ibn-Khaldûn (1958) 3:143).

Let us consider the nature of the work of the first logician named, Fakhraddîn ar-Râzî. Recent scholarly efforts have seen a number of Râzî's important works

 published, but there has been relatively little analysis of his logic.[14] His teacher in

logic was Majdaddîn al-Jîlî, who may have been Sâwî's student. In spite of this pedigree, the polite manner of correcting Avicenna's system that we find in Sâwî'swork is missing from Râzî's. In Gist of Pointers, Râzî sets out his own remarkablycompact account of the modals, and then says of Avicenna's exposition:

When you have understood what we have mentioned, you will come to realise that [my book],in spite of its brevity, is more explanatory and better verified than what is found in [ Pointers],in spite of its length (Râzî (13552 A. H.) Lubâb 22.14-15).

For all his dismissive comments, Râzî's logic is unintelligible without reference

to Pointers, nor—I think—does it strike off in new directions other than to offer what Râzî claims are clearer ways to understand the points Avicenna is trying tomake. Râzî, like Sâwî, never refers to an Aristotelian text, and refers to Alfarabi insuch a fashion as to suggest that he is simply paraphrasing Avicenna's references.

It is the second logician Ibn Khaldûn mentions who, it would seem, made more,and more substantive, changes to Avicennan logic: Afdaladdîn al-Khûnajî(d. 1249). He was apparently one of Râzî's students; Bar Hebraeus writes of agroup who were famed as “authors of major works on logic and philosophy…

[among them] Khûnajî in Cairo” (translated in Pococke (1663) 485.7-13 (Arabic)).The sense in which he could have been Râzî's student is presumably that he studied

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 9/32

under someone who had studied under Râzî. At this stage of scholarly research,only one short text by Khûnajî has been published, and all assessment of his impacthas to be by way of references made to him by other Arabic logicians.[15] But there

are many such references in later works.Khûnajî's work inspired or at least prefigured work by other great logicians notmentioned by Ibn Khaldûn, namely, Athîraddîn al-Abharî (d. 1265) and Najmaddînal-Kâtibî (d. 1276). Bar Hebraeus also claims that Abharî was one of Râzî'sstudents, though again, opportunity for direct contact must have been virtually non-existent. Kâtibî was Abharî's student. The two of them produced the two textswhich became the mainstay of the madrasa teaching of logic, studied from the latethirteenth century down to the present day (see Calverley (1933) and Kâtibî(1948)). Kâtibî's text, the Logic for Shamsaddîn, was commented on by Qutbaddînat-Tahtânî (d. 1365); this is a commentary which records a great many of thetechnical debates going on between the two major wings of the Avicennan logicaltradition. Such was the impressive preparation most Sunni Muslim scholarsunderwent in logic.

1.5.2 Tûsî and the Neo-Avicennan Response

The great Shî‘î scholar Nasiraddîn at-Tûsî (d. 1274) responded directly to Râzî. Healso responded indirectly to the changes Khûnajî introduced by responding to the

work of the like-minded Abharî. (As it happens, Tûsî had studied along side Abharîfor a time under Kamâladdîn ibn Yûnus (d. 1242).)

Râzî's hostility in characterizing the Avicennan exposition in Pointers is confronted by Tûsî in Solution to the Difficulties of Pointers. The nature of Tûsî's response toRâzî is generally taken to be entirely negative—he relayed a description of Râzî'swork as being “a butchery, not a commentary”—but it is really part of a broader 

 project to defend not only Avicenna's logic but also his exposition of that logic. Totake one example: Avicenna's account of different kinds of absolute proposition

had long raised questions among post-Avicennan logicians. Tûsî explains whyAvicenna explores it the way he does:

What spurred him to this was that in the assertoric syllogistic Aristotle and otherssometimes used contradictories of absolute propositions on the assumption thatthey are absolute; and that was why so many decided that absolutes did contradictabsolutes. When Avicenna had shown this to be wrong, he wanted to give a way of construing those examples from Aristotle (Tûsî (1971) Sharh al-Ishârât 312.5-7).

It is in his other works that Tûsî takes a more solid stand against substantivechanges proposed for Avicennan logic, especially in his Setting the Scale for an

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 10/32

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 11/32

Of course, a fatwâ like this invites us to consider what logic mixed with philosophymight look like; presumably the logic of Tûsî is such a logic. All the logiciansnamed as providing a logic unmixed with philosophy are Revisionist Avicennan.

How did all the changes introduced by these logicians affect the overall nature of Avicennan logic such as to make it religiously acceptable? This is an important point for future research.

1.6 The Neglected Half Millenium

Two further periods of logical activity should be noted, though they are as yet solittle explored that we can identify them only with temporal boundaries andcharacterize them only with speculative gestures. The first of these is the long

 period from the 1350s to the invasions of the metropolitan powers. During thesefive hundred or so years, thousands and thousands of pages were devoted to logicalsubjects, a tiny fraction of which has been explored. The first and most dangerous

 pitfall facing the historian is the assumption that there was a decline in logicalstudies in the realms under Muslim control that corresponds with the sixteenthcentury decline of the subject in early modern Europe. It is tempting to make thisassumption, seemingly supported by a tradition of scholarship devoted to aluxuriation of layered commentary on a five hundred year old primary text. Butgenre by no means dictates content, and we often find original work presented inthis way. Each period and each region need to be examined in turn. [17]

The coming of the metropolitan powers signals a convenient point at which we mayspeculate that a new period began in Arabic logic. There is a distinct possibility thatinteraction between Europeans and Arabs in the capitulated territories in Syria andLebanon, especially among the Christian communities, resulted in logic textsinfluenced by the Latin tradition. Because of the curious impact that perceptions of cultural capital may have, and also because of the degraded state of western logic atthe time, this is a promising line of research in exploring a possible decline in theArabic tradition. Again, the relevant texts must be edited and studied.[18]

2. Logical Doctrines under Dispute

Of many possible candidates for discussion, three logical doctrines were disputedin instructively different ways. The first has to do with the subject matter of logic.The doctrine Avicenna settled on came to have decisive impact on Latin logic,though did not become standard in later Arabic texts. The second and related set of doctrines has to do with offering an account of how the various logical disciplines

 —demonstration, dialectic, rhetoric and poetics—fit together. Inherited

expectations of what disciplines a logical treatise should cover came under pressurefrom new disciplines derived from grammar and law. Finally, modal syllogistic was

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 12/32

 perhaps the most hotly disputed topic in logic through the twelfth and thirteenthcenturies, and I offer an overview of some of the more divisive issues at play.

2.1 The Subject Matter of Logic

It is common doctrine among medieval Latin logicians that logic is a linguisticscience. An associated doctrine is that logic makes up, with grammar and rhetoric,the trivium, or the three arts of language. There never was a trivium in the Arabic-speaking philosophical world, and when scholars spoke of the “three arts” (as-

 sinâ‘ât ath-thalâth), they were referring to demonstration, dialectic and rhetoric.Clashes between scholars working on Greek texts and problems and scholarsworking on the Arabic language first served to pose the question of how logicrelated to language, and specifically to the Arabic language. This in turn forced thediscussion of what the subject matter of logic is to run up against the issue of howits subject matter differed from that of grammar.

2.1.1 Expressions, Meanings and Intelligibles

The unpromising proposal made by Abû Bishr Mattâ in response to Sîrâfî's attack on logic (see 1.2 above) prompted Alfarabi to make a second attempt at explaininghow logic, grammar and language relate to each other.

Text 1. This art [of logic] is similar to the art of grammar, in that the relation of the art of logicto the intellect and the intelligibles is like the relation of the art of grammar to language andexpressions (al-alfâz). That is, to every rule for expressions which the science of grammar 

 provides us, there is an analogous [rule] for intelligibles which the science of logic providesus.[19]

This allows Alfarabi to go on to characterize the subject matter of logic as follows:

Text 2. The subject matters (mawdû‘ât ) of logic are the things for which [logic] provides therules, namely, intelligibles in so far as they are signified by expressions, and expressions in sofar as they signify intelligibles.…[Logic] shares something with grammar in that it provides rules for expressions, yet it differsin that grammar only provides rules specific to the expressions of a given community, whereasthe science of logic provides common rules that are general for the expressions of everycommunity.[20]

This is to say—and here I follow Black's characterization of the doctrine—logic issomething of a universal grammar or, more strictly, providing a universal grammar is one of the tasks of logic. Other philosophers of the Baghdad school like Yahyâibn ‘Adî (d. 974) by and large adopt Alfarabi's doctrine (see Endress (1977),Endress (1978); cf. Black (1991) 48ff).

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 13/32

2.1.2 Secondary Intelligibles

Aspects of this attempt to identify the subject matter of logic invite clarification.First, is the intelligible corresponding to, say, “horse”, part of the subject matter of logic? If it is, it threatens the formality, or what is now called the topic-neutrality,of logic. Secondly, is reference to expressions essential in a definition of logic, as issuggested by the phrase “intelligibles in so far as they are signified byexpressions”?

A more careful statement of what was probably much the same doctrine is provided by Avicenna. Concepts like “horse”, “animal”, “body”, correspond to entities in thereal world, entities which can have various properties. In the realm of the mental,concepts too can acquire various properties, properties they acquire simply byvirtue of existing and being manipulated by the mind, properties like being asubject, or a predicate, or a genus. These are the subject matter of logic, and itseems it is only mental manipulation that gives rise to these properties.

Text 3. If we wish to investigate things and gain knowledge of them we must bring them intoConception ( fî t-tasawwur ); thus they necessarily acquire certain states (ahwâl ) that come to

 be in Conception: we must therefore consider those states which belong to them inConception, especially as we seek by thought to arrive at things unknown from those that areknown. Now things can be unknown or known only in relation to a mind; and it is inConception that they acquire what they do acquire in order that we move from what is known

to what is unknown regarding them, without however losing what belongs to them inthemselves; we ought, therefore, to have knowledge of these states and of their quantity andquality and of how they may be examined in this new circumstance. [21]

These properties that concepts acquire are secondary intelligibles; here is anexposition of this part of Avicennan doctrine by Râzî:

Text 4. The subject matter of logic is the secondary intelligibles in so far as it is possible to pass by means of them from the known (al-ma‘lûmât ) to the unknown (al-majhûlât ). Theexplanation of “secondary intelligibles” is that man Conceives the realities of things ( haqâ'iqal-ashyâ’ ) in the first place, then qualifies some with others either restrictively or predicatively

(hukman taqyîdiyyan aw khabariyyan). The quiddity's being qualified in this way is somethingthat only attaches to the quiddity after it has become known in the first place, so it is a second-order [consideration] ( fî d-darajati th-thâniya). If these considerations are investigated, notabsolutely, but rather with respect to how it is possible to pass correctly by means of themfrom the known to the unknown, that is logic. So its subject matter is certainly the secondaryintelligibles under the consideration mentioned above (Râzî (1381 A. H.)  Mulakhkhas 10.1-10.8).

Avicenna in his Metaphysics makes special mention of these secondaryintelligibles.

Text 5. The subject matter of logic, as you know, is given by the secondary intelligiblemeanings, based on the first intelligible meanings, with regard to how it is possible to pass bymeans of them from the known to the unknown, not in so far as they are intelligible and

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 14/32

 possess intellectual existence ([an existence] which does not depend on matter at all, or depends on an incorporeal matter).[22]

In identifying the secondary intelligibles, Avicenna is able to place logic within the

hierarchy of the sciences, because it has its own distinct stretch of being which isits proper subject matter.

So much for the first problem in Alfarabi's formulation of what the subject matter of logic is; finding it to be secondary intelligibles preserves the topic-neutrality of logic. Avicenna also has a view on the second problem, the question of whether or not expression is essential to a definition of logic and its subject matter.

Text 6. There is no merit in what some say, that the subject matter of logic is speculationconcerning the expressions insofar as they signify meanings… And since the subject matter of 

logic is not in fact distinguished by these things, and there is no way in which they are itssubject matter, [such people] are only babbling and showing themselves to be stupid. [23]

One reason for this is that in Avicenna's psychology, language as a set of discreteexpressions is not essential for the intellect in its operations. Note, however, thatwhatever Avicenna's official doctrine is, he recognizes and attempts to deal withthe close nexus between language and thought.

Text 7. Were it possible for logic to be learned through pure cogitation, so that meaningsalone would be observed in it, then this would suffice. And if it were possible for the disputant

to disclose what is in his soul through some other device, then he would dispense entirely withits expression. But since it is necessary to employ expressions, and especially as it is not possible for the reasoning faculty to arrange meanings without imagining the expressionscorresponding to them (reasoning being rather a dialogue with oneself by means of imaginedexpressions), it follows that expressions have various modes (ahwâl ) on account of which themodes of the meanings corresponding to them in the soul vary so as to acquire qualifications(ahkâm) which would not have existed without the expressions. It is for this reason that the artof logic must be concerned in part with investigating the modes of expressions… But there isno value in the doctrine of those who say that the subject matter of logic is to investigateexpressions in so far as they indicate meanings…but rather the matter should be understood inthe way we described.[24]

As Sabra says, Avicenna seems to hold that “the properties constituting the subjectmatter of logic would be inconceivable without the exercise of a particular functionof language” (Sabra (1980) 764).

2.1.3 Conceptions and Assents

Avicenna's doctrine on the subject matter of logic was not adopted by the majorityof logicians who followed him (pace Sabra (1980) 757). Quite the contrary,Khûnajî argued in the second quarter of the thirteenth century that the subject

matter of logic was Conceptions and Assents, a claim that was energeticallyresisted by the remaining Avicennan purists like Tûsî. We have scarcely begun to

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 15/32

consider the texts that record this dispute, but the issues involved seem to have todo with the criteria for the subordination of one science to another, and perhapsalso whether it is sound to postulate the real existence of mysterious entities like

secondary intelligibles.To understand the background to Khûnajî's doctrine, it is necessary first to return toAvicenna's identification of the states of knowledge that logic aims at producing:Conception and Assent.[25]

Text 8. […] A thing is knowable in two ways: one of them is for the thing to be merelyConceived ( yutasawwara) so that when the name of the thing is uttered, its meaning becomes

 present in the mind without there being truth or falsity, as when someone says “man” or “dothis!” For when you understand the meaning of what has been said to you, you will haveconceived it. The second is for the Conception to be [accompanied] with Assent, so that if 

someone says to you, for example, “every whiteness is an accident,” you do not only have aConception of the meaning of this statement, but [also] Assent to it being so. If, however, youdoubt whether it is so or not, then you have Conceived what is said, for you cannot doubt whatyou do not Conceive or understand… but what you have gained through Conception in this[latter] case is that the form of this composition and what it is composed of, such as“whiteness” and “accident,” have been produced in the mind. Assent, however, occurs whenthere takes place in the mind a relating of this form to the things themselves as being inaccordance with them; denial is the opposite of that. [26]

 Note that an Assent is not merely the production of a proposition by tying a subjectand predicate together; “Assent, however, occurs when there takes place in the

mind a relating of this form to the things themselves as being in accordance withthem.” All knowledge, according to Avicenna, is either Conception or Assent.Conception is produced by definition, Assent by proof. All Avicennan treatises onlogic are structured in accordance with this doctrine: a first section deals withdefinition, which conduces to Conception, a second with proof, which conduces toAssent.

What the later logicians in the line of Fakhraddîn ar-Râzî did was makeConceptions and Assents the subject matter of logic. We know that Khûnajî was

the first to do this thanks to a report in the Qistâs al-Afkâr of Shamsaddîn as-Samarqandî (d. c. 1310). Having laid out softly modified Avicennan doctrine(thereby proving that some later logicians stuck to Avicenna's views on thismatter), Samarqandî says this:

Text 9. This is the view adopted by the verifying scholars (al-muhaqqiqûn), but Khûnajî( sâhib al-kashf ) and the people who follow him differed from them [9] and said: Logic mayinvestigate the universal and the particular and the essential and the accidental and the subjectand the predicate; they are among the questions [of the science]. You [Avicennan logicians]are taking the subject matter of logic as more general than the secondary intelligibles so thatthe secondary intelligibles and [especially] the secondary intelligibles you have mentioned andwhat follows after them may come under it as logic. It would be correct for you to say that thesubject matter of logic is known Conceptions and Assents (al-ma‘lûmât at-tasawwuriyya wa-

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 16/32

t-tasdîqiyya) not in so far as they are [what they are] but in so far as they conduce to what issought (al-matlûb) …[27]

Two logicians who followed Khûnajî on this were Abharî and Kâtibî. Here is

Abharî's statement of the doctrine (though I don't know if it is his full statement of the doctrine):

Text 10. The subject matter of logic, I mean, the thing which the logician investigates inrespect of its concomitants in so far as it is what it is, are precisely Conceptions and Assents.[This is] because [the logician] investigates what conduces to Conception and what the means[to Conception] depends upon (for something to be universal and particular, essential andaccidental, and such like); and he investigates what conduces to Assent and what the means toAssent depends upon, whether proximately (like something being a proposition or theconverse of a proposition or the contradictory of a proposition and such like) or remotely (likesomething being a predicate or a subject). These are states which inhere in Conceptions and

Assents in so far as they are what they are. So certainly its subject matter is Conceptions andAssents (Tûsî (1974b) Ta‘dîl 144.14-20).

Here is part of Tûsî's rejection:

Text 11. If what he means by Conceptions and Assents is everything on which these twonouns fall, it is the sciences in their entirety, because knowledge is divided into these two;whereupon what is understood from [his claim] is that the subject matter of logic is all thesciences. Yet there is no doubt that they are not the subject matter of logic…[…]The truth is that the subject matter for logic is the secondary intelligibles in so far as reflection

on them leads from the known to the unknown (or to something similar, as do reductivearguments or persuasive arguments [146] or imaginative arguments and the like). And if theyare characterised by the rider mentioned by the masters of this craft, Conceptions and Assentsare among the set of secondary intelligibles in just the same way as definition and syllogismand their parts, like universal and particular and subject and predicate and proposition and

 premise and conclusion (Tûsî (1974b) Ta‘dîl 144.21-u, 145.pu-146.3).

It is hard to know precisely what is being disputed. [28] What we can note at thisstage is that one point at issue has to do with the claim that Avicenna'sidentification of secondary intelligibles as logic's subject matter is inaccurate, andtoo narrow to achieve what he hopes it can.

2.2 The Contents of the Treatise on Logic

When the full Organon was finally assembled in Arabic, it included the wholerange of texts in the order given them by the Alexandrian philosophers. There wasan inherited expectation that this was the full and proper stretch of logical inquiry,an expectation which was to come under pressure in the Muslim world. It hadalready come under revision in Avicenna's Pointers and Reminders, but moresubstantial change was to follow.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 17/32

One factor at work in determining the structure of Avicennan logic treatises was thedoctrine of secondary intelligibles, a doctrine which led to the exclusion of parts of theOrganon from the realm of the strictly logical, specifically, the Categories. The

arguments that excluded the Categories must also have problematized the inclusionof some other parts of the Organon.

Another factor at work was the doctrine of Conceptions and Assents. If, as wascommonly accepted, argument is designed to bring about an Assent, then one mustask what kinds of Assent there are, and what variables in an argument lead todifferent kinds of Assent. This doctrine was to replace the Alexandrian doctrine of the context theory, in which logic is taken to cover different materialimplementations of syllogistic reasoning, whether in demonstration, dialectic,rhetoric, poetics or sophistry. According to the Alexandrian version of the theory, astretch of discourse was to be analysed according to the context in which it wasfound: in poetry, one expected to find false and impossible statements, indemonstration, necessary and true statements. The Arabic logicians were to rejectthis version and, ultimately, lost interest in the range of disciplines coordinated bythe theory.

A final factor, or range of factors, at work on the shape of the logic treatise thatemerged in the thirteenth century arose out of discussions in law, especially thetradition of legal dialectic; this tradition was ultimately to crystallize as a newdiscipline that replaced the discussion of the Topics and Sophistical Fallacies. Iexamine each of these factors in turn.

2.2.1 Logic as a Formal Science

Avicenna's doctrine of secondary intelligibles awards logic a subject matter whose properties the logician studies; this makes logic a science in the Aristotelian senseof the term. But—according to the strictures applying to an Aristotelian science— no science can probe the existence of its subject matter, but rather must take it as

given from a higher science (in this case, metaphysics). Yetthe Categories investigates things that fall directly under terms like “substance”and “accident” like “horse” and “grey”, that is, it shuttles between secondaryintelligibles and the primary intelligibles which are the pre-condition for theexistence of the secondary intelligibles.

Avicenna himself adverted to the problem of whether or not Categories was a properly logical book, and decided that it was not, though he treated it inthe Cure out of deference to Peripatetic custom. His arguments for deeming it not

to be properly logical have been gathered together in the past (see esp. Gutas(1988) 265-267), but the line of argument is put most neatly by later logicians.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 18/32

Here is Hillî dealing with why Tûsî moves from the five predicables (or “fivecategories”) to the ten categories:

Text 12. When Tûsî finished investigating the five categories which inhere in the ten

categories, he began the investigation of [the ten], even though [such investigation] is not partof logic. [This is] because the subject matter of logic is the secondary intelligibles whichinhere in the primary intelligibles. How can the primary intelligibles be investigated eventhough [such investigation] is a [presupposed] part of the science [of logic]? This would becircular. But rather, [the ten categories] are investigated in logic to aid in properly realizing thegenera and specific differences. [Such investigation], then, will be a help in discovering(istinbât ) what is defined and inferred, even though it is not part of logic (Hillî (1410A.H.) Jawhar 23.4-8).

A study of the categories will, in short, be helpful in giving concrete examples of the logical doctrines presented. The same arguments in removing

the Categories from logic should apply to texts which investigate commonplacereasoning, though I have not seen such an argument made by an Arabic logician.

2.2.2 Assent and the Context Theory

Arguments aim to bring about Assent; more precisely (see Text 8 above), whenConceptions have been gained that produce in the mind both the meaning of theterms in a given proposition, and the form of composition of these terms, Assent“occurs when there takes place in the mind a relating of this form to the things

themselves as being in accordance with them…” In fact, different kinds of discourse can bring about one or other kind of Assent, or something enough likeAssent to be included in a general theory of discourse. I give Tûsî's statement of theAvicennan version of the context theory; it is the neatest statement I know of thecriteria that divide kinds of discourse and the Assents for which each aims (thoughunfortunately somewhat dense).

A few preliminary words by way of introduction to this dense passage. Arabiclogicians, like most Aristotelian logicians, speak of form and matter in propositions

and proofs, and they have quite specific distinctions in mind when they do so. Thematter in a proposition is what underwrites as true or false the modality the proposition has. When the dummy variables in a proposition are filled in withconcrete terms, the resulting claim may be semantically determinate (as in “everyman is an animal” and “no man is a stone”), and this will make the proposition'smatter either necessary or remote and, if necessary, make the proposition true as anecessity proposition. Alternatively, the resulting claim may be semanticallyindeterminate (as in “every man is writing”), and this will make the proposition'smatter contingent, and the proposition true as a contingency proposition. The

matter in an argument, by contrast, is the epistemic status or persuasive force eachof the premises has which, given a formally appropriate proof, will confer a similar 

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 19/32

or lesser epistemic status or persuasive force on the conclusion. (Note that jâzim isrendered by Black as “apophantic” (Black (1990) 53), which I give here as “truth-apt”.)

Text 13. Since Avicenna had finished explaining the formal and quasi-formal aspects of syllogistic, he turned to its material aspects. With respect to these, syllogistic divides into fivekinds, because it either conveys an Assent, or an Influence ( ta‘aththur ) of another kind (Imean an Imagining or Wonder). What leads to Assent leads either to an Assent which isTruth-apt ( jâzim) or to one which is not. And what is Truth-apt is either taken [in theargument] as True (haqq), or is not so taken. And what is taken as True either is true, or isn't.

That which leads to true truth-apt Assent is [1] Demonstration; untrue truth-aptAssent is [2] Sophistry. That which leads to truth-apt Assent not taken as true or false but rather as [a matter of] Common Consent (‘umûm al-i‘tirâf ) is—if it's like

this—[3] Dialectic ( jadal ), otherwise it's Eristic ( shaghab) which is, along withSophistry ( safsata), under one kind of Fallacy Production (mughâlata). [And whatleads] to Overwhelming though not Truth-apt Assent is [4] Rhetoric; and toImagining rather than Assent, [5] Poetry (Tûsî (1971) Sharh al-Ishârât 460.1-461.12).

Tûsî immediately goes on to lay out grounds for Assent to propositions, for example, because they are primary, or because they are agreed for the purposes of discussion. Propositions to be used as premises for Demonstration make the most

irresistible demands for our Assent; premises for lower kinds of discourse makeweaker demands.

The vast majority of Arabic logicians do no more than nod towards the contexttheory in a paragraph towards the end of their treatises. A logician should only beinterested—in so far as he is interested in material implementation of formalreasoning at all—in demonstration because it leads him to what is true and certain,and in sophistry, because it may confuse him in the search for demonstrative truth.

Philosophically, the context theory is an attempt to account for the cognitive andcommunicative impact of every kind of discourse. It examines in extraordinarydetail the Aristotelian claim that the syllogism lies at the heart of all humanreasoning and, in an attempt to make good the claim, presents an account of syllogistic forms attenuated in accordance with the epistemic matter of their 

 premises. It also recognizes that communication depends on more than merelyobjective truth and formal validity, and offers an account of what motivates theassent of the human knower to any given stretch of discourse. As a theory, itsglobal reach may be more impressive than its analytical grasp, but it is a markedadvance on a theory only partly developed in the Alexandrian school.[29]

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 20/32

2.2.3 An Alternative Organon?

The doctrine of dividing knowledge into Conception and Assent determined thestructure of Avicennan logic treatises, and the doctrine of secondary intelligiblescut down the number of subjects treated within the logic treatises, or at least,treated as strictly logical subjects. Formal interests of post-Avicennan logiciansfurther limited interest in demonstration; syllogistic, whether usable indemonstration or not, became the central focus of research from the thirteenthcentury on. Further changes were introduced for clarity of exposition.

Text 14. The later scholars came and changed the technical terms of logic; and they appendedto the investigation of the five universals its fruit, which is to say the discussion of definitionsand descriptions which they moved from the Posterior Analytics; and they droppedthe Categories because a logician is only accidentally and not essentially interested in that

 book; and they appended to On Interpretationthe treatment of conversion (even if it had beenin the Topics in the texts of the ancients, it is none the less in some respects among the thingswhich follow on from the treatment of propositions). Moreover, they treated the syllogisticwith respect to its productivity generally, not with respect to its matter. They dropped theinvestigation of [the syllogistic] with respect to matter, which is to say, these five

 books: Posterior Analytics, Topics, Rhetoric, Poetics, and Sophistical Fallacies(thoughsometimes some of them give a brief outline of them). They have ignored [these five books] asthough they had never been, even though they are important and relied upon in the discipline(Ibn-Khaldûn (1858) Muqaddima 112-113; cf. Ibn-Khaldûn (1958) 3, 142-143).

It is clear that whether the structure of the Organon was appropriate for Arabic

logic treatises was contested at least to the end of the thirteenth century. At thesame time Hillî was setting out his logic according to the Avicennan outline of the Organon, Shamsaddîn as-Samarqandî (d. c. 1310) was writing a book laid outafter the fashion described by Ibn Khaldûn in the text above, with one major difference. Samarqandî concluded his Qistâs al-Afkâr with a long section coveringwhat he called “the etiquette of debate” and fallacies. He consciously adopted theetiquette of debate from treatises on legal reasoning, and he tells his readers that heintends it to replace study of the Topics and the Sophistical Fallacies.

Text 15. It has been the custom of our predecessors to place a chapter on dialectics ( jadal ) intheir logical works. But since the science of juristic dialectic ( khilâf ) of our times does notneed it, I have brought in its stead a canon for the art of disputation and its order, the proper formulation of speech [in disputation] and its rectification. This [art] is, with respect toestablishing a thesis and explaining it, just like logic with respect to deliberation and thought;for, through it we are kept on the desired path and are saved from the recalcitrance of speech. Ihave set it out in two sections, the first, on the ordering and etiquette of debate, the second, onerror and its causes.[30]

Samarqandî was entirely successful in supplanting the Topics and Sophistical  Fallacies, and his works (especially Etiquette of Debate) gained a place in the

madrasa system along side Kâtibî's Shamsiyya (and certain other works mentionedin 3 below).

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 21/32

2.3 The Modal Syllogistic

There were a number of modal systems developed and debated among the Arabiclogicians. Those of Avicenna, Averroes and Kâtibî represent the nature and to someextent the range of the systems that were considered. We have to leave that of Alfarabi to one side not because it was not important, but because the relevantsection of his long commentary on the Prior Analytics has not yet been recovered.

Avicenna, Averroes and Kâtibî wanted to use modal propositions to recordmetaphysical claims along the lines every man is necessarily rational and everyman is contingently a writer . Each of them wanted to stipulate truth-conditions for the modal propositions that would precisely accommodate the metaphysical claimsthey believed they were entitled to make.

Averroes wanted further to make sure the truth-conditions he ended up with for hismodals produced a syllogistic system that would have all and only the inferencesthat Aristotle had claimed for his system in the Prior Analytics. This madeAverroes' task much more difficult than Avicenna's and Kâtibî's; both Avicennaand Kâtibî were content to have their propositions generate systems quite differentfrom Aristotle's.

I dwell longest in what follows on Avicenna, because his was the system from

which all other important systems had to distinguish themselves. For simplicity'ssake, I concentrate on the truth-conditions stipulated for the propositions rather than the inferences traced in the proofs.

2.3.1 Avicenna

In a famous and much-quoted passage, Avicenna lays out six conditions under which a proposition may be said to have a given modalization (all his examples areof necessity propositions, but the same conditions apply to propositions under all

modalizations); the first two conditions are the most important:Text 16. Necessity may be absolute (‘alâ l-itlâq), as in God exists; [265] or it may beconnected (mu‘allaqa) to a condition ( shart ). The condition is either [1] perpetual [relative] tothe existence of the substance [of the subject] ( dhât ), as inman is necessarily a rational body;

 by which we do not mean to say that man is and always will be a rational body, because this isfalse taken for each human individual. Rather we mean that while he exists as a substance (mâdâma mawjûda dh-dhât ) as a human, he is a rational body. Likewise for every negative whichresembles this affirmative statement.

Or [the condition may be] [2] the duration (dawâm) of the subject's being described

with what is set down with it, as in all mobile things are changing ; this is not to be

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 22/32

taken to mean [this is so] absolutely, nor while the subject exists as a substance, butrather while the substance of the moving thing is moving. [266]

Distinguish between this condition and the first condition, because the firstcondition has set down [as the condition] the principle of the substance, man,whereas here the substance is set down with a description which attaches to thesubstance, moving thing; the moving thing has a substance and an essence ( jawhar )to which movement and non-movement attach; but man and black are not like that(Avicenna (19712) Ishârât 264-266).

Avicenna takes a proposition under condition [1]—later termed, for obviousreasons, thedhâtî  —to be the right proposition to use while laying out the systemAristotle should have laid out in the Prior Analytics, and for laying out the centralclaims of his own metaphysics. This is extremely important, especially for distinguishing the Avicennan system from the Averroist. Avicennan takesthe dhâtî necessity proposition to be, strictly speaking, the necessity propositionused in the modal syllogistic. It depends on how things are and not on how thingsare described; that is, on what underlies J , and not on what kind of term J is. As hesays in his response to the Shirazi scholars:

Text 17. The real necessary is the first, which has the sense that every thing described as  J andevery subject of  J , whether  J is inseparable for it or not, is described as A always at every timeas long as that which is described as J exists (Avicenna (1974) al-Masâ'il al-Gharîba 90).

This is the point on which Avicenna differs most from Averroes; now we come tothe point at which he will differ from Kâtibî (who accepts the conditions for the dhâtî/ wasfî  propositions in much the same terms as Avicenna sets them out).On the subject term (and it is the same across all his propositions, whether explicitly modalized or not), Avicenna says this:

Text 18. Know that when we say every J is B, we do not mean the totality (kulliyya) of  J is thetotality of  B. Rather, we mean that every single thing described as J , be it in mentalsupposition or extramental existence, be it described as J always, or sometimes, or whatever;that thing is described as B without further adding that it is so described at such and such atime (waqt ), or in such and such circumstances (hâl ), or perpetually. All of these[modalizations would make for a proposition] more special than one being described asabsolute (mutlaq). So this is what is understood from every J is B, with no addition of modaloperators attached. On this understanding it is called a general absolute… (Avicenna(19712) Ishârât 280 & 282).

(It's the phrase “be it in mental supposition” that will drive the wedge betweenKâtibî and Avicenna.) As Paul Thom has pointed out, Avicenna's characterizationof the subject term leaves open two ways of representing the proposition: either as

de re predications with ampliated subjects, or as wholly embedded within the scopeof a necessity operator.[31]The examples Avicenna uses, like “man is an animal”,

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 23/32

tend to support the second reading. Further, the only successful model of Avicenna's system adopts the second way of representing the subject (see Thom(2008b)).

What this means is that when Avicenna expands on the truth-conditions of thenecessity proposition, every J is necessarily B, he comes to somethinglike: necessarily, whatever is described as J is necessarily B. For every J is

 possibly B, he has necessarily, whatever is described as J is possibly B. And—for reasons I won't delve into here—for the absolute every J is B, he has necessarily,whatever is described as J is at least once B.

With these truth-conditions, Avicenna ends up with some syllogisms with stronger conclusions than the corresponding syllogisms in the Prior Analytics, most notablyBarbara NPN :[32] every J is possibly B, every B is necessarily A, therefore every J isnecessarily A (Aristotle holds this to conclude: every J is possibly A ( Pr.A. 35b37-36a2)). Avicenna also has to weaken some inferences: whereas Aristotleclaims every J is necessarily B converts to some B is necessarily J ( Pr.A. 25a31-33), Avicenna holds the true converse is only some B is possibly J (Avicenna(19712) Ishârât 334-335).

2.3.2 Averroes

In his fourth attempt to interpret Aristotle's modal system (see 1.4.2 above),Averroes differs from Avicenna first and foremost by insisting on a considerationAvicenna has been at pains to remove from his syllogistic: is the subject picked out

 by a term essential to it?

Averroes' final system comprises two distinct aspects. The first aspect—notoriginal to Averroes nor apparently to the Arabic tradition—is seeing the modalityof a proposition as a function of the modality of its terms, which in turn is afunction of how each term picks out what it refers to. The second aspect is that

different classes of modal syllogism are differentiated by the types of termsoccurring in them. Rather than looking on the modality of the proposition assomething which belongs irreducibly to the proposition, Averroes classifies modalsin the following way:

Text 19. You should know that assertoric propositions have assertoric terms, necessary propositions necessary terms. [1] By “necessary term” I mean that the term is one per se, andthese propositions are composed of a subject and an essential predicate ( mahmûl jawharî ) of that subject, or a subject and an inseparable accident ( ‘arad lâzim) belonging to that subject.[2] Those propositions with assertoric terms are those which are composed of denominativeterms [162] which are sometimes present in the denominated thing and sometimes absent( sifât tûjad lil-mahmûl târatan wa-tufqad târatan). But when one of these denominative termsis present in the subject, there must be present another denominative term that follows on it

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 24/32

necessarily which is the predicate, as in:everything walking is moving . For when walking isactually present the thing must be moving; and when walking is withdrawn from it ( irtafa‘ minhu), so too is movement. These are the simple assertoric premises (al-muqaddamât al-wujûdiyya al-basîta) which are atemporal ( fî ghayri zamân), and they are what Aristotleintends firstly to talk about in this book. Their subject and predicate alike are one per accidens(wal-mawdû‘ fîhâ wâhid bil-‘arad wa-ka-dhâlika l-mahmûl ). [3] And there exists another kindof proposition that is partly assertoric and partly necessary (min jiha wujûdî wa-min jihadarûrî )—that is, the subject is composed of a substance and a changeable denomination( jawhar wa-sifa mutabaddila), from which follows a predicate composed of the substance of the denomination and [its] intrinsic essential attribute ( sifa jawhariyya gharîziyya). Thesubject here is one per accidens and the predicate is one per se, for example, when we say thateverything walking is an animal. And this is assertoric on account of the denomination of thedenominated subject, and necessary on account of the predicate of the denomination. For walking, when it occurs, signifies an animal by discontinuous signification ( fal-mashy idhâwujida dalla ‘alâ l-hayawân dalâlatan ghayra dâ'ima), but for the times at which walking is

 present in it. The subject of walking implies being an animal always (wa-mawdû‘u l-mashy

 yalzamuhu wujûdu l-hayawân dâ'iman), because the subject of walking and what is denoted by that is necessarily an animal. And this proposition is in one respect necessary and inanother assertoric (darûrîya min jiha wa-wujûdîya min jiha)—necessary per accidens andassertoric per se (darûrîya bil-‘arad wa-wujûdîya bidh-dhât ). [4] A proposition thatconversely has a necessary subject and a predicate of assertoric matter ( mâdda) is justassertoric, and is not necessary per accidens. [163] This is a temporal assertoric, I say, wherethe subject implies the predicate for a specified time, and necessity is not found in it, only aconnexion of the predicate and subject merely for that time. The characteristic of this[proposition] is that the predicate is not connected to the subject for all times at which thesubject exists, but only for a certain specified time. And so, as Aristotle says, syllogisms in thesciences are not constructed from this type of assertoric. [33]

Averroes has, unlike Avicenna, made the way something is picked out by the termcrucial in determining what kind of modal proposition is produced. So with a per senecessity proposition described in [1] above, he has truth-conditions which willallow him to make sense of Aristotle's claim that every J is necessarily B convertsto some B is necessarily J .[34] And given that a possibility proposition will be thecontradictory of a necessity proposition of the opposite quantity and quality, he willhave good reasons to agree with Aristotle's claims about Barbara NPP (see Thom(2003) 86-87). In fact, Averroes is able to replicate Aristotle's results with necessityand possibility premises (Thom (2003) 199). He does so, however, at the cost of 

having to slide between calling a proposition of type 3 a necessity proposition or anassertoric according to the dictates of the exegetical moment.

2.3.3 Revisionist Avicennan Logicians

By and large, the Revisionists adopt most of Avicenna's distinctions andstipulations. But— on their preferred reading of the proposition —they reject,among other inferences, Barbara NPN . At this point I construct what I hope is anargument Kâtibî would be happy with: If every J is possibly B, and every B is

necessarily A, it doesn't follow that every J actually becomes B such that it isnecessarily A. Kâtibî does not ampliate the subject term to the possible (so that it

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 25/32

would be understood as every possible B is necessarily A), nor does he read each proposition as being embedded in a necessity operator. Rather, he understands the possibility proposition as follows: there are Js, and whatever is at one time J is

 possibly B. This means that Kâtibî and the other Revisionists have a modalsyllogistic that differs significantly from Avicenna's. The way the Revisionists putthis difference is as follows:

Text 20. Our statement every J is B is used occasionally according to the essence (hasab al-haqîqa), and its meaning is that everything which, were it to exist, would be a J among

 possible individuals would be, in so far as it were to exist, a B; that is, everything that is animplicand of  J is an implicand of  B. And occasionally [it is used] according to actual existence(hasab al-khârij), and its meaning is that every J actually ( fî l-khârij), whether at the time of the judgment or before it or after it, is B actually ( fî l-khârij).[…]

The distinction between the two considerations is clear. Were there no squares actually ( fî l-khârij) it would be true to say a square is a figure under the first consideration and not thesecond; and were there no figures actually other than squares, it would be correct to say everyfigure is a square under the second consideration but not the first (Kâtibî(1948) Shamsiyya 91.1-4, 96.12-14).

Following Thom (Thom (2008b)), we may refer to the first reading as theessentialist and the second as the actualist.

I hope that by the italicized shriek at the beginning of the last paragraph (“on their  preferred reading”) I made it clear that this is not the only reading of a propositionthat the Revisionists are prepared to acknowledge. In fact, the Revisionists are

 prepared to accept the Avicennan inferences given an essentialist reading of the propositions, but this is a half-hearted concession never pursued in their treatises.The question is why, and I conclude this section by speculating as to the answer.

Both groups, the Avicennan and the Revisionists, want to be able not only to tracevalid inferences, they want also to use the system they produce for extra-logical

 purposes. They want arguments that are not only valid, but also sound, that is,arguments that are not only formally perfect, but that have true premises. To use

the essentialist reading to say every cow is necessarily four-stomached , as anAvicennan would, is to claim necessarily, every cow is necessarily four-stomached;this is much stronger in one important respect than the Revisionist claim that thereare actually cows, and everything that's actually a cow is necessarily four-stomached. I think—and much more research is needed here—the Revisionists are

 backing away from the optimistic insights into reality the Avicennans claim tohave.

3. Language in the Islamic Sciences

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 26/32

As has been noted, there is an Arabic term, mantiq, that translates “logic”, but nonethat translates “philosophy of language”. The study of mantiq was initially part of the foreign sciences, and only in the twelfth century was it accepted as an essential

 preliminary to a Muslim education. The other essential elements were the Islamicsciences, sciences which prepared a scholar to read the Koran and Traditions, andto extract from them theological and legal doctrines. One such science was theetiquette of debate, mentioned in 2.2.3 above, in which pragmatic arrangementsstipulated for a debate about legal principles were extended to serve as rules for anykind of debate at all; it was to replace dialectic by the fourteenth century. Certainother Islamic sciences deal with questions covered in a philosophy of language.

Since the Koran is Arabic—a translation of the Koran is no longer the Koran—andsince its rhetorical perfection functions as the miracle probative of Muhammad's

 prophetic status, reflection on language forms a major part of the Islamic sciences.There was a theological dispute about whether the Koran was eternal or created intime, and, since the Koran was in Arabic, the dispute entrained certain further disputes about the origin of language. Because the dispute had arisen out of concerns peculiar to Muslims, the ensuing dispute did not merely recapitulatediscussions of antiquity. Bahshamî Mu‘tazilites held language to be a result of social convention (istilâh), a cooperative process in which expressions wereassigned to, or Posited for, meanings in an arbitrary fashion. Their theologicalopponents, the first generation of Ash‘arites, held language to have been revealed

 by God to man and, in so far as there was a “process” of Positing, it was carried out by God. After the tenth century the debate moved on in a series of refinements onthese two extreme positions, and the question retained an important place intheological and legal treatises (Weiss (1974)).

Of the cluster of disciplines that make up the grammatical sciences, especially ‘ilmal-wad‘ (roughly, semantics) and ‘ilm al-balâgha (roughly, rhetoric) overlap withthe concerns of philosophy of language. Like the logic textbooks, the textbooks for 

 both ‘ilm al-wad‘ and ‘ilm al-balâgha that were incorporated into a typical madrasaeducation were achieved fairly late.

‘Ilm al-wad‘ was named and consecrated as a separate discipline by the work of thegreat Ash‘arite theologian, ‘Adudaddin al-Îjî (d. 1355). In his Epistle on Positing ,Îjî drew together the views of his predecessors on the way language came about.All agreed that language was the result of a conscious assignation—Positing—of units of vocal sound (or expressions, alfâz) to units of thought (or meanings, ma‘ânî ). It made no difference what position one adopted on the originof language, because either God or the community could function as the Positor of 

language. Note that the units of thought are at least logically prior to language, solanguage is not considered a pre-condition of thought. Language is the totality of 

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 27/32

expressions together with the totality of their meanings. Once expressions have been assigned their meanings by the Positor, this is irrevocable.

Having stated these common assumptions about language, Îjî turned to set out atypology of Positing. Îjî noted that—in what he took to be unproblematic cases— the meaning in the mind of the Positor in positing the expression is identical to themeaning it has in actual speech situations. But what about the pronoun, “he”, whichwill have a different meaning in different speech situations? This is the problem onwhich Îjî dwells in his epistle. Its solution turned out to be, as Tashköprüzade waslater to say, only a drop in the ocean of problems in ‘ilm al-wad‘ ; once one took thenotion of Positing seriously, implementing it as a general explanation for therelation between expression and meaning turned out to be an immense projectwhich carried on into the twentieth century (Weiss (1987), especially 341-345).

‘Ilm al-balâgha was standardly presented in a textbook by Khatîb Dimashq al-Qazwînî (d. 1325), The Abridgement of the Key. ‘Ilm al-balâgha was a doctrinederiving from work by the great eleventh-century grammarian and Ash‘aritetheologian, ‘Abdalqâhir al-Jurjânî (d. 1078), who—spurred by debate about how to

 judge the inimitability of the Koran—had tried to develop a method for evaluatingrhetorical excellence. Later scholars continued his work. Whereas literal usagedepends on a fixed relationship between expression and meaning (and is thereforenot open to evaluation beyond being right or wrong), figurative usage has no suchfixed relationship, but rather has the expression refer to a mediate meaning whichthen refers to the intended meaning: “I have a gaunt young camel” refers to a cameldeprived of food, which in turn brings to mind a generous man who prefers feedinghis guests to looking after his camel.[35] Thus the basis for the further investigationof metaphor and simile was complementary in certain respects with the discussionof Positing.

It is a sad fact of modern scholarship that those who study the Greek-derivedtraditions of philosophy of logic in Arabic are unlikely to have the competence to

deal with parallel traditions within the Islamic sciences, and vice versa. That may inturn make modern scholarship overemphasize the gap between the two traditions. Itherefore end by referring to the work of Abû l-Hasan Hâzim al-Qartâjannî(d. 1285) who, in his Program for Rhetoricians, exemplifies how easily and

 profitably at least some in the pre-modern Muslim world could slide between thetwo traditions (Qartâjannî (1966) Minhâj esp. 66 et seq.). Would that modernscholarship could emulate this facility.

Bibliography

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 28/32

• Abed, S., 1991, Aristotelian logic and the Arabic language in Alfârâbî ,Albany.

• Alfarabi, 1931, Ihsâ’ al-‘ulûm, Cairo.•

Alfarabi, 1986, Kitâb al-Qiyâs as-saghîr , Beirut. In al-Mantiq ‘inda l- Fârâbî , edited by R. al-‘Ajam, in three volumes; vol 2, pages 65-93.• Aouad, M., 1989-2003a, “La rhétorique. Tradition syriaque et arabe”,

in Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, Supplement: 219-223.• Aouad, M., 1989-2003b, “Rhétorique”, in Goulet (1989-2003), 455-472.• Arnaldez, R., 1960-, “Mantik”, in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd edition,

Leiden, vol. 6, 442-452.• Averroes, 1983, Rasâ'il falsafiyya. Maqâlât fî l-mantiq wal-‘ilm at-tabî‘î li-

abî l-walîd ibn-Rushd , Casablanca. Edited by J. ‘Alawi.•

Avicenna, 1952, Kitâb as-Shifâ’: al-Madkhal , Cairo. Edited by M. el-Khodeiri, G. Anawati, F. el-Ahwani.• Avicenna, 1964, Kitâb as-Shifâ’: al-Qiyâs, Cairo. Edited by S. Zayed and I.

Madkour.• Avicenna, 19712, al-Ishârât wat-tanbîhât , Cairo. Edited by S. Dunya, in four 

volumes, with Tûsî's commentary at the bottom of page.• Avicenna, 1974, “al-Masâ'il al-gharîba al-‘ishrîniyya”, in Mohaghegh and

Izutsu (1974), 81-103.• Avicenna, 2005, The Metaphysics of The Healing , Provo. Translated M.

Marmura.• Badawi, A. R., 1948/52, Mantiq Aristû, Cairo. 3 volumes.• Bertolacci, A., 2006, The Reception of Aristotle's Metaphysics in Avicenna's

 Kitab al-Sifa’ , Leiden.• Black, D. L., 1990, Logic and Aristotle's Rhetoric and Poetics in medieval 

 Arabic philosophy, Leiden.• Black, D. L., 1991, “Aristotle's ‘Peri hermeneias' in medieval Latin and

Arabic philosophy: logic and the linguistic arts”, Canadian Journal of  Philosophy, Supplementary volume 17: 25-83.

•

Black, D. L., 1998, “Logic in Islamic philosophy”, in Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, London, vol. 5, 706-713.• Boudon, V., 1989-2003, “Galien”, in Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,

3: 440-466.• Burnett, C. (ed.), 1993, Glosses and Commentaries on Aristotelian Logical 

Texts, London.• Calverley, E. E., 1933, “Al-Abharî's ‘Îsâghûjî fî ‘l-mantiq’”, in The

 Macdonald presentation volume, Princeton, 75-85.• Danishpazhuh, M. T., 1978, al-Mantiq libni l-Muqaffa‘. Hudud al-mantiq

libn Bihrîz, Tehran.• Danishpazhuh, M. T., 1989, al-Mantiqiyyât lil-Fârâbî , Qum. 3 volumes.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 29/32

• Dunlop, D. M., 1955, “Philosophical predecessors and contemporaries of ibnBajjah”, Islamic Quarterly, 2: 110-116.

• El-Rouayheb, K., 2004, “Sunni Muslim scholars on the status of logic, 1500-

1800”, Islamic Law and Society, 11.2: 213-232.• El-Rouayheb, K., 2005, “Was there a revival of logical studies in eighteenth-

century Egypt?”, Die Welt des Islams, 45.1: 1-19.• Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1983, Logique aristotélicienne et grammaire arabe

(étude et documents), Paris.• Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1989, “Alinus”, in Goulet (1989-2003), 151-152.• Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1995, “Ibn Rusd et les Premiers Analytiques d'Aristote:

aperçu sur un problème de syllogistique modale”, Arabic Sciences and  Philosophy, 5: 51-74.

•

Elamrani-Jamal, A. and Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003, “Les secondsanalytiques”, in Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, 1: 520-524.• Endress, G., 1977, The works of Yahyâ ibn ‘Adi, Wiesbaden.• Endress, G., 1978, “Yahyâ b. ‘adi fi tabyîn al-fasl bayn al-mantiq al-falsafi

wan-nahw al-‘arabî”, Journal of the History of Arabic Science, 2: 39-50.• Endress, G., 1986, “Grammatik und Logik. Arabische Philologie und

griechische Philosophie im Widerstreit”, in Sprachphilosophie in Antike und  Mittlealter , B. Mojsisch, ed., Amsterdam, 163-299.

• Endress, G., 2006, “Reading Avicenna in the Madrasa”, in Montgomery

(2006), 371-422.• Frank, R. M., 1991, “Review of B. Mojsisch, Sprachphilosophie in Antike

und Mittelalter (Amsterdam, 1986)”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 109: 356-360.

• Ghazâlî, 1938, al-Mustasfâ min ‘ilm al-usûl , Cairo.• Ghazâlî, 1961, Mi‘yâr al-‘ilm, Cairo. Edited by S. Dunya as Mantiq tahâfut

al-falâsifa.• Ghazâlî, 1966, Mihakk an-nazar , Beirut. Edited by M. Na‘sani.• Goldziher, I., 1981, “The attitude of orthodox Islam toward the ”ancient

sciences“”, in Studies on Islam, translated and edited by M. L. Swartz,Oxford, 185-215.• Goulet, R. (ed.), 1989-2003, Dictionnaire des Philosophes Antiques, Paris.• Gutas, D., 1960-2004, “Tardjama, (2) & (3)”, in Encyclopedia of Islam,

Leiden, vol. 10.• Gutas, D., 1988, Avicenna and the Aristotelian tradition, Leiden.• Gutas, D., 1993, “Aspects of literary form and genre in Arabic logical

works”, in Burnett (1993), 29-76.• Gutas, D., 1998, Greek thought, Arabic culture, London and New York.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 30/32

• Gutas, D., 2002, “The Heritage of Avicenna: The Golden Age of ArabicPhilosophy, 1000 - ca. 1350”, in Avicenna and His Heritage, J. Janssens andD. De Smet, eds., Leuven, 81-97.

•

Hillî, 1410 A.H., al-Jawhar an-nadid fi sharh mantiq at-tajrîd , Qum.• Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003a, “La poètique: Tradition syriaque et

arabe”, in Goulet (1989-2003), Supplement: 208-218.• Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003b, “Le de interpretatione”, in Goulet

(1989-2003), 513-516.• Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003c, “Les premiers analytiques”, in Goulet

(1989-2003), 516-520.• Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003d, “Les réfutations sophistiques”, in

Goulet (1989-2003), 526-528.•

Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1989-2003e, “L'organon: Tradition syriaque etarabe”, in Goulet (1989-2003), 502-507.• Hugonnard-Roche, H., 1993, “Remarques sur la tradition arabe de l'Organon

d'après le manuscrit paris, Bibliothèque nationale, ar. 2346”, in Burnett(1993), 19-28.

• Hugonnard-Roche, H. and Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1989-2003a, “Lescatègories”, in Goulet (1989-2003), 507-513.

• Hugonnard-Roche, H. and Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1989-2003b, “Les secondsanalytiques”, vol. 1, 520-524.

•

Hugonnard-Roche, H. and Elamrani-Jamal, A., 1989-2003c, “Les topiques”,in Goulet (1989-2003), 524-526.• Ibn-Khaldûn, 1858, Prolégomènes d'Ebn-Khaldoun: texte arabe (troisième

 partie), Paris. Edited by M. Quatremère.• Ibn-Khaldûn, 1958, The Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldûn, London. 3 volumes,

translated by F. Rosenthal.• Jabre, F., 1999, al-Nass al-kâmil li-mantiq Aristû, Beirut. 2 volumes.• Kâtibî, 1948, ar-Risâla ash-Shamsiyya, Cairo. With Tahtânî's commentary.• Lameer, J., 1994, Al-Fârâbî and Aristotelian syllogistics: Greek theory and 

 Islamic practice, Leiden.• Lameer, J., 1996, “The Organon of Aristotle in the medieval oriental and

occidental traditions”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 116: 90-98.• Lameer, J., 2006, Conception and Belief in Sadr al-Din Shirazi, Tehran.• Mahdi, M., 1970, “Language and logic in classical Islam”, in von

Grunebaum (1970), 51-83.• Makdisi, G., 1981, The Rise of Colleges. Institutions of learning in Islam

and the West , Edinburgh.• Margoliouth, D. S., 1905, “The discussion between Abû Bishr Mattâ and

Abû Sa‘id al-Sîrâfî on the merits of logic and grammar”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 79-129.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 31/32

• Michot, Y., 2000, “Vanités intellectuelles. l'impasse des rationalismes selonle Rejet de la Contradiction d'ibn Taymiyyah”, Oriente Moderno, 19 (n.s.):597-617.

•

Miller, L., 1984, Islamic Disputation Theory, Ph.D. thesis, Princeton.• Mohaghegh, M. and Izutsu, T. (eds.), 1974, Collected texts and papers on

logic and language, Tehran.• Montgomery, J., 2006, Arabic Theology, Arabic Philosophy, Leuven.• Perler, D. and Rudolph, U. (eds.), 2005, Logik und Theologie. Das Organon

im arabischen und im lateinischen Mittelalter , Leiden.• Peters, F. E., 1968, Aristoteles Arabus, Leiden.• Pines, S., 1996, “A parallel in the East to the ‘logica vetus’”, in The

Collected Works of Shlomo Pines, Jerusalem, vol. 3, 262-266.•

Pococke, E., 1663, Historia Compendiosa Dynastiarum authore Gregorio Abul-Pharajio, Oxford.• Qartâjannî, 1966, Minhâj al-bulaghâ’ wa-sirâj al-udabâ’ , Tunis.• Râzî, 13552 A. H., Lubâb al-Ishârât , Cairo. Edited by A. ‘Atiyya.• Râzî, 1381 A. H., Mantiq al-Mulakhkhas, Tehran.• Râzî, 1996, al-Âyât al-bayyinât , Beirut. With commentary by Ibn Abî l-

Hadîd al-Madâ'inî.• Rescher, N., 1963a, “al-Kindî's sketch of Aristotle's Organon”, in Rescher 

(1963b), 28-38.•

Rescher, N., 1963b, Studies in the History of Arabic Logic, Pittsburgh.• Rescher, N., 1964, The Development of Arabic Logic, Pittsburgh.• Rudolph, U., 2005, “Die Neuberwertung der Logik durch al-Gazali”, in

Perler and Rudolph (2005), 73-97.• Sabra, A. I., 1965, “Review of Rescher's Al-Fârâbî's Short Commentary on

 Aristotle's Prior Analytics (Pittsburgh 1963)”, Journal of the AmericanOriental Society, 85: 241-243.

• Sabra, A. I., 1980, “Avicenna on the subject matter of logic”, Journal of  Philosophy, 77: 746-764.

•

Sâwî, 1898, al-Basâ'ir an-nasîriyya fî ‘ilm al-mantiq, Cairo. Edited by M.‘Abduh.• Smith, R., 1989, Aristotle. Prior Analytics, Indianapolis.• Smyth, W., 1993, “The making of a textbook”, Studia Islamica, 78: 99-115.• Stern, S. M., 1962, “A collection of treatises by ‘Abd al-Latif al-

Baghdâdî”, Islamic Studies, 1: 53-70.• Street, T., 2001, “‘The eminent later scholar’ in Avicenna's  Book of the

Syllogism”, Arabic Sciences and Philosophy, 11: 205-218.• Street, T., 2005, “Fahraddîn ar-Râzî's critique of Avicennan logic”, in Perler 

and Rudolph (2005), 99-116.• Thom, P., 2003, Medieval Modal Systems, Aldershot.

7/28/2019 Arabic and Islamic Philosophy of Language and Logic

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/arabic-and-islamic-philosophy-of-language-and-logic 32/32

• Thom, P., 2008a, “Al-Fârâbî on metathetic propositions”, Arabic Sciencesand Philosophy, forthcoming.

• Thom, P., 2008b, “Logic and metaphysics in Avicenna's modal syllogistic”,

in The Unity of Science in the Arabic Tradition: Science, Logic, Epistemology and their Interactions, S. Rahman, T. Street, H. Tahiri, edd.,Dordrecht.

• Toulawy, B., 2001, Isagoge or Introduction to Logic, Beirut.• Tûsî, 1971, Sharh al-Ishârât , Cairo. Published with Avicenna's al-Ishârât .• Tûsî, 1974a, “Mutârahât mantiqiyya bayna l-Kâtibî wat-Tûsî”, in

Mohaghegh and Izutsu (1974), 279-286.• Tûsî, 1974b, “Ta‘dîl al-mi‘yâr fî naqd al-asrâr”, in Mohaghegh and Izutsu

(1974), 137-248.•

von Grunebaum, G. E. (ed.), 1970, Logic in classical Islamic culture,Wiesbaden.• Walbridge, J., 2000, “Logic in the Islamic intellectual tradition: the recent

centuries”, Islamic Studies, 39.1: 55-75.• Walbridge, J., 2003, “A nineteenth-century Indo-Islamic logic

textbook”, Islamic Studies, 42.4: 687-693.• Weiss, B., 1974, “Medieval Muslim discussions of the origin of 

language”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft , 124.1:33-41.

•

Weiss, B., 1987, “‘Ilm al-wad‘ : an introductory account of a later Muslim philological science”, Arabica, 34.1: 339-356.• Wisnovsky, R., 2003, Avicenna's Metaphysics in Context , London.• Zimmermann, F. W., 1981, Al-Fârâbî's Commentary and Short Treatise on

 Aristotle's De Interpretatione, Oxford.