apportionment final paper
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Apportionment 2
Apportionment: Analyzing the Different Methods That Accompany It
When studying the apportionment process, it is interesting to begin with its history and
how it had continued to change over time. Anyone beginning to study the different
apportionment methods will truly be shocked at how little the data really varies in the end. The
Malapportionment section of this project does well at laying out the information in an organized
way that can easily be read and understood by anyone who may be lacking an understanding of
the apportionment process. However, before seeing the results of the malapportionment section,
one should first try to see where the changes in the apportionment method have been over the
years and what may have caused them. The focus of this apportionment method should be on the
span between 1790 and the mid twentieth century, when the hill method had finally been adopted
and implemented up until present day.
Analyzing Each Method and its Place in History
With the first census being introduced in 1790, Congress could be seen looking to
support the less populated states by adopting Hamiltons method. Hamiltons method involved
rounding down each quotient (determined by dividing the total amount of house seats into the
states population) and then focusing on the fraction that was left was subtracting the new,
rounded down whole number from the original quotient. After determining the amount of
representation lost from rounding down, the fractions were then ranked. By taking the new
amount of representation and subtracting it by the desired amount of seats, one could then
designate an additional seat to the ranked fractions that fell equal to or under that number.
Smaller states that had been underrepresented with only one representative were now being
provided an additional one under this method. However, after becoming victim to Americas first
veto from Washington, Congress turned to Jeffersons method, which is completely opposite of
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Apportionment 4
mean. It erases that unfair bias we see with Websters method of only rounding up at .5 and
allows states that fall just below that mark a chance to also get rounded up. Its flaw comes
with the larger states that dont round up if below that .5 mark unlike the smaller states
that do have a better chance at rounding up. With this all occurring in-between that
timeframe of 1790-1940, Congress finally settles on the Hill method. Like Deans Method,
the Hill method incorporates a mean to compare with the quotient, however Hill chooses to
use the Geometric mean, which is determined by the following equation:
xy
With X and Y representing the same values used in the Dean method, this mean provides will
always provide a higher number than the Harmonic mean, which allows for less of a favoring
towards smaller states that can be seen with the Dean method.
Resulting Malapportionment Statistics
After determining the apportionment for each method, one should then move to focus on
the malapportionment statistics. This provides easy access to data such as the mean deviation and
voter equivalency ratio that becomes vital when determining which method should ultimately be
used. Using Table 1, one should be able to see right away that the Jefferson method is in no way
appropriate to implement as the apportionment method. With Hawaii being completely
underrepresented with only one representative acting for almost 1.4 million people and
Wyoming being overrepresented with one representative only acting for under 600,000 people,
we see that this method gives an outstanding Voter Equivalency Ratio of 2.41. The Percentage
Mean Absolute Deviation of 14.82% only verifies that this method has no place in a modern
America and should excluded from the ongoing analysis of the other methods, which all contain
relatively close data. With only five methods to analyze now, one should continue on the path of
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Apportionment 5
focusing on older apportionment methods. While each of methods may benefit one category of
apportionment, the focus should lie on a method that is solid as a whole, even if other methods
should better numbers in certain categories. This becomes true with the Adams method, which
shows the lowest Voter Equivalency Ratio at 1.66. However, this is only between the most and
least represented and when the Mean Absolute Deviation is viewed, it can be seen coming in at a
much higher number than the remaining four methods. Hamilton comes in at the exact opposite,
which makes sense, seeing that it required states to round their quotients up instead of down.
This means that one should now see a higher Voter Equivalency Ratio, but a lower mean of
deviation. The Adams and Hamilton Methods show their strengths and weaknesses in completely
opposite categories. There is really no argument for Websters method seeing that it doesnt
compete in any category, which may explain why it was never implemented into apportioning
seats. One should come to the conclusion that the mean divisor methods that the Jefferson,
Hamilton, Adams, and Webster methods use to apportion seats show too great of a bias. This
will leave either the Dean Method or Hill Method, which instead use mean divisor methods to
eliminate any obvious signs of bias to either these larger or smaller states. When comparing these
two methods, one will first notice that while the state of Montana is overrepresented with the
Dean method, it is underrepresented with the Hill method. As stated before, this can only mean
that the Geometric mean in the Hill method is larger than the quotient versus the Harmonic mean
in the Dean method, which is smaller than the quotient. While the Voter Equivalency Ratio
comes in smaller with the Hill method at 1.76, the Dean method provides both a smaller
percentage mean of deviation (6.11%) and also has a drastically lower max deviation percentage
(30.16%). The Hill method shows a percentage mean of deviation at 6.15%, which is only
slightly larger than that of the Dean method.
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Apportionment 6
Table 1
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Apportionment 7