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Sonderdruck aus

Lutz Käppel / Vassiliki Pothou (eds.)

Human Development in SacredLandscapes

Between Ritual Tradition, Creativityand Emotionality

With numerous figures

V&R unipress

ISBN 978-3-8471-0252-6

ISBN 978-3-8470-0252-9 (e-book)

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Inhalt

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Lutz Käppel and Vassiliki PothouPrologos – Prefatory Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Bettina Schulz PaulssonMemory in Stone: Ritual Landscapes and Concepts of Monumentality inPrehistoric Societies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Oliver RackhamGreek Landscapes: Profane and Sacred . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

Lukas ThommenSacred Groves: Nature between Religion, Philosophy and Politics . . . . . 51

Susan Guettel ColeUnder the Open Sky: Imagining the Dionysian Landscape . . . . . . . . . 61

Efrosyni BoutsikasLandscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos andDreros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

Jeremy McInerneyFrom Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Sarah HitchBarren Landscapes and Sacrificial Offerings in the Homeric Hymn toApollo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

Mercedes Aguirre CastroLandscape and Females in the Odyssey: Calypso, Circe and Nausicaa . . . 135

Richard BuxtonAn Ogre in Three Landscapes: Cyclops in Homer, Euripides andTheokritos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

Lutz KäppelLandscape and the Magic of Music in Pindar’s Twelfth Pythian Ode . . . 155

James RoyThe Distribution of Cult in the Landscape of Eleia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

Vassiliki PothouNewborn Babies and Newborn Islands: Insularity and Politics . . . . . . 189

Hamish ForbesA Greek Landscape with God and his Saints: A Case Study from theNineteenth and Twentieth Centuries AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Michael TeichmannThe Role of Archaeological Museums in Greece for ContemporarySocieties – Approaches and Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

Index locorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237

Index rerum et nominum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

Index verborum graecorum potiorum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

Inhalt8

Jeremy McInerney

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home

Davidson Kennedy ProfessorDepartment of Classical Studies

University of Pennsylvania

Like the gods of epic, the Olympian deities in the Homeric Hymns travel a greatdeal. Demeter wonders inconsolably, mourning the rape of her daughter, Hermesrustles cattle up and down the Greek peninsula and Apollo travels from Delos toDelphi to establish his oracle. The itineraries of these travels are often reported ingreat detail, however, they have generally received scant attention. Describing,for example, the route taken by Leto on her way to Delos, Diane Rayor notes nomore than that she moves roughly clock-wise.1 Apostolos Athanassakis com-ments that Leto’s itinerary is replete with references to Apollo’s (later) cult placesthroughout the Aegean, and a simple inference would be that this and otherOlympian itineraries are catalogues, influenced by the Greek construction ofodological space. As both Antony Snodgrass and Pietro Janni have shown, theGreeks weremore inclined to conceive space as specific, connected points, to andfrom which one moved, rather than as an entire dimension.2 Nicholas Richard-son, in the recent Green and Yellow commentary, offers more detail of theassociations with Apollo in the various itineraries outlined in theHomeric Hymn,but does not comment on the function of the list of places visited by the god’smother. One obvious observation – obvious but no less true – is that, as KenDowden noted twenty years ago, “No Olympian god is autochthonous.”3

Other approaches have taken us a little further down the road to a fullerunderstanding of divine itineraries. In the case of Apollo’s journey from Delos toDelphi, Eva Stehle sees the god’s travels as an analogue to the bard’s own wan-derings, and has suggested that the theme of the god’smobility is an ‘indirect wayfor a bard to claimmale authority.’4 Marcel Detienne sees the god reconnoiteringthe neighbourhood where he will eventually settle, although Silvia Montigliotakes references in the itinerary to many peaks and islands to ‘suggest univer-

1 Rayor (2004) 116.2 Janni (1984) and Snodgrass (1987) 83–85.3 Dowden (1992) 69.4 Stehle (1997) 191–192, who suggests that the theme of the god’smobility is an ‘indirect way fora bard to claim male authority.’

sality rather than locality.’5 It is extremely telling that Detienne and Montiglioshould see the itinerary’s significance leading in two such different directions, thelocal and the universal, because it is precisely as a negotiation between these twoopposites that the divine itineraries of theHomeric Hymns function. In this paperI propose that the archaic period was marked by a tension between the hold oflocal cults on the one hand and the emergence of a panhellenic network andOlympian order on the other. The Olympian system would transcend but notalways supersede the local. The theme of ‘Olympian propaganda’ in theHomericHymns has been explored with great subtlety by Jenny Strauss Clay, and I hope toshow that with this tension in mind the specific itineraries of the Homeric Hymnto Apollo, themost detailed in the extant corpus, reveal inmuch greater detail thenegotiation between local and panhellenic cults during the 6th century.6

Let us begin with the route taken by Leto. It will culminate, of course, in thegod’s birth on Delos, an event commemorated by athletic and musical contests:

ἀλλὰ σὺ Δήλῳ, Φοῖβε, μάλιστ᾽ ἐπιτέρπεαι ἦτορ,ἔνθα τοι ἑλκεχίτωνες Ἰάονες ἠγερέθονταιαὐτοῖς σὺν παίδεσσι καὶ αἰδοίῃς ἀλόχοισιν.οἱ δέ σε πυγμαχίῃ τε καὶ ὀρχηθμῷ καὶ ἀοιδῇμνησάμενοι τέρπουσιν, ὅτ᾽ ἄν στήσωνται ἀγῶνα.

But it is in Delos, O Phoibos, that your heart delights the most,For Ionians with trailing garments gather thereIn your honour together with their children and modest wives.And with boxing matches dancing and song,They delight you and remember you whenever they hold the contests.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 146–150 tr. Athanassakis)

And, as has long been noted, the hymn also offers an aitiology for the island’sname. The island is afraid of what the god may do to her, saying,

τῷ ῥ᾽ αἰνῶς δείδοικα κατὰ φρένα καὶ κατὰ θυμόν,μή, ὁπότ᾽ ἂν τὸ πρῶτον ἴδῃ φάος ἠελίοιο,νῆσον ἀτιμήσας, ἐπεὶ ἦ κραναήπεδός εἰμι,ποσσὶ καταστρέψας ὤσῃ ἁλὸς ἐν πελάγεσσιν

Thus I dreadfully fear in my heart and soullest, when he first sees the light of the sun,scorning an island whose ground is rocky,he overturn me with his feet and push me into the deep sea.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 71–74 tr. Athanassakis)

5 Detienne (1998) 21–22 and Montiglio (2005) 86.6 Clay (1989) and (1994).

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But instead the god will honour the island and guarantee that she will be seen,‘Delos’, rather than buried deep under the waves. The wanderings of Leto,however, are far from random, and certainly convey much more detail thanneeded if their function is simply to set up an aitiology for the cult of Apollo onDelos. Furthermore, the poet employs an unusual ambiguity in setting up Leto’sitinerary, because it actually begins as an invocation of Apollo and his travels, notLeto and her difficult journey:

ἦ ὥς σε πρῶτον Λητὼ τέκε, χάρμα βροτοῖσι,κλινθεῖσα πρὸς Κύνθου ὄρος κραναῇ ἐνὶ νήσῳ,Δήλῳ ἐν ἀμφιρύτῃ; ἑκάτερθε δὲ κῦμα κελαινὸνἐξῄει χέρσονδε λιγυπνοίοις ἀνέμοισιν,ἔνθεν ἀπορνύμενος πᾶσι θνητοῖσιν ἀνάσσεις.

Shall I sing how first Leto bore you, a joy to mortals,As she leaned against Mount Kynthos, on the rocky and sea-girtIsland of Delos, while on either side a dark waveSwept landwards impelled by shrill winds?Thence you arose to rule of all mortal men…

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 25–30 tr. Athanassakis)

The subject of the final verb, anasseis, is clearly Apollo, so in the list that followswe should take the names of the towns and locales as a roster of the places thatwere subject to the rule of Apollo, marked by the god’s passage across their spaceshortly after his miraculous birth. But the same list actually ends with the claimnot that these were visited by Apollo in his divine journey but by Leto during herlabour:

τόσσον ἔπ᾽ ὠδίνουσα Ἑκηβόλον ἵκετο Λητώ,εἴ τίς οἱ γαιέων υἱεῖ θέλοι οἰκία θέσθαι.

So many places did Leto visit, in travail with the far-shooter,Searching for a land which would give him a home.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 45–46 tr. Athanassakis)

It is tempting to see in this bifurcation of Leto’s and Apollo’s journeys some traceof the myths and stories told as a cluster of Apollo sanctuaries and cult placessprang up around the Aegean in the early Archaic period. The claim of a visit bythe god allowed a site to assert a position in the metageography of the Aegean,reconfigured in the hymn as a zone or network of places linked by their con-nections to Apollo. To give the network some coherence – so that the god’swanderings in narrative form did not seem random and pointless – the story ofLeto’s wanderings provided a narrative reason (within the story’s logic) for thegod’s visits : she was looking for a place to give birth. Place ‘x’ (any of the sites inthe itinerary exceptDelos) had been visited by Leto, but had rejected her. Apollo’ssubsequent visit was presumably presented as an occasion on which place ‘x’

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 105

expiated that insult to the god’s mother, probably played out in some ritualassociated with the cult. Anything more extreme than this would have entailed apunishment visited upon the site, something which the second half of the hymnshows was devastating.

Let us examine the itinerary, then, from the point of view of its Apollonianconnections:

ὅσσους Κρήτη τ᾽ ἐντὸς ἔχει καὶ δῆμος Ἀθηνῶννῆσός τ᾽ Αἰγίνη ναυσικλειτή τ᾽ Εὔβοια,Αἰγαί, Πειρεσίαι τε καὶ ἀγχιάλη ΠεπάρηθοςΘρηίκιός τ᾽ Ἀθόως καὶ Πηλίου ἄκρα κάρηναΘρηικίη τε Σάμος Ἴδης τ᾽ ὄρεα σκιόεντα,Σκῦρος καὶ Φώκαια καὶ Αὐτοκάνης ὄρος αἰπύ,Ἴμβρος τ᾽ εὐκτιμένη καὶ Λῆμνος ἀμιχθαλόεσσαΛέσβος τ᾽ ἠγαθέη,Μάκαρος ἕδος Αἰολίωνος,καὶ Χίος, ἣ νήσων λιπαρωτάτη εἰν ἁλὶ κεῖται,παιπαλόεις τε Μίμας καὶ Κωρύκου ἄκρα κάρηνακαὶ Κλάρος αἰγλήεσσα καὶ Αἰσαγέης ὄρος αἰπὺκαὶ Σάμος ὑδρηλὴΜυκάλης τ᾽ αἰπεινὰ κάρηναΜίλητός τε Κόως τε, πόλις Μερόπων ἀνθρώπων,καὶ Κνίδος αἰπεινὴ καὶ Κάρπαθος ἠνεμόεσσαΝάξος τ᾽ ἠδὲ Πάρος Ῥήναιά τε πετρήεσσα,

Over the inhabitants of Crete and of the town of Athens,Of Aigina and Euboia, famous for ships,Of Aigai and Eiresiai and Peparethos by the sea,Of Thracian Athos and Pelion’s lofty peaks,Of Thracian Samos and Ida’s shady mountains,Of Skyros and Phokaia and Autokane’s steep heights,Of well built Imbros and Lemnos enveloped in haze,Of holy Lesbos, realm of Makar, son of Aiolos,Of Chios, brightest of all the islands lying in the sea,Of craggy Mimas and the lofy peaks of Korykos,Of shimmering Klaros and Aisagea’s steep heights,Of well-watered Samos and Mykale’s towering peaks,Of Miletos and Kos, city of Meropian men,Of rugged Knidos and wind swept Karpathos,Of Naxos and Paros and rocky Rheneia.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 31–44 tr. Athanassakis)

First, it is not difficult to identify the cults of Apollo that merit the inclusion ofmost of these various locales. These include cults at Prinias and Dreros on Crete(line 31); Apollo Patroos and Delphinios at Athens (line 31), the temple of Apolloat Colonna onAigina (line 32), and the cult of Apollo Daphnephoros at Eretria onEuboia (line 32). Some locations evoke cults that would become very well known,such as Klaros, site of an oracular shrine (line 40), and Apollo Delphinios figures

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behind many of the locations: Samos (line 35) andMiletos (line 42) in particular.Other places may be more obscure now but seem to have enjoyed greaterprominence in the Archaic period: the mention of Pelion hints at the cult ofApollo Koropaios at Boufa, on the western side of Pelion (line 34); Skyros has anApollonian association thanks to an Archaic temple of Apollo at Phourka (line36); on Chios there is an Archaic temple of Apollo Phanaios (line 39), while themention of holy Lesbos (line 38) brings tomind both the cult of ApolloMaloeis atMytilene and Strabo’s remark that along the shore between Lesbos and TenedosApollo was venerated as Smintheus, Killaios or Gryneus.7

But the close correspondence between actual, attested Apollo cults and thelocations listed in the Apollo/Leto itinerary is hardly remarkable. That is to beexpected in a hymn honouring the god. Rather, it is the curiously uneventreatment of local topographic references that deserves comment. For example,her travels will bring Leto to Delos, which the poem explicitly describes as afavorite place of Ionians, but the hymn also recognizes the Aiolians, referring toholy Lesbos as the realm of Makar, son of Aiolos. The region of the northeastAegean figures quite prominently in the itinerary: Samothrace, Ida, Phokaia,Autokane, Imbros, Lemnos. And even if specific cults are not well attested herethe associationwith Apollo is firmly based inmyth and epic: it was on Ida that theyoung Apollo would tend the herds of Laomedon and the Iliad’s description ofhim as lord of Tenedos puts him right in this vicinity.8 The prominence of anAiolian portion in what will finally be an Ionian geography perhaps makes senseif at least part of the compositional history of the poem occurred near Chios, anotion supported by the greater specificity of local topography from nearby:Mimas and Korykos are undistinguished peaks located opposite Chios and Ai-sagea is a local toponym known only from the local poet Nicander.9 But I am nottrying to revive a positivistic reading of Archaic poetry in order to claim that thepoet of the hymn was from Chios. Rather I am suggesting that just as genealogyprovided a language for Archaic communities to assert connections, so too divinegeographies allowed panhellenic cults to map a network of affiliated places.

In this respect, exclusion may be as interesting a phenomenon as inclusion.Take, for example, the region around Miletos. The hymn recognizes Mykale asthe itinerary moves south down the coast, and so the poet has included a specificlocal marker. The subsequent mention of Miletos is probably an allusion to thewell-known cult of Apollo Delphinios, whose sanctuary, the Delphinion, waslocated ‘in the heart of the city.’10 There is, however, nomention of the prominent

7 Strabo XIII 618.8 Homer, Il. XXI 446 Apollo serving Laomedon; I 38 lord of Tenedos.9 Nicander of Colophon, Theriaca 218. See Richardson (2010) 89.10 Gorman (2001) 168.

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 107

Apollo cult known at various times as Branchidai or Didyma, despite the fact thatBranchidai was famous in the Archaic period. It was one of the oracles tested byCroesus and an oracular response from Delphi reported by Herodotus makesexplicit reference to the plundering of Didyma by the Persians.11 AlthoughHerodotus places Branchidai within the territory of the Milesians, it seems a steptoo far to take the mention of Miletos as an evocation of Branchidai.12 Itsomission is curious.

A more notable geographical oddity lies behind the treatment of the Dorians,once the catalogue of sites reaches the southeastern Aegean. Leto passes by Kos,Knidos and Karpathos, putting her in the region of the Dorian hexapolis whosetutelary deity was Triopian Apollo. The sanctuary of Apollo, the Triopion, waslocated, according to Thucydides, on a promontory in Knidian territory.13 ApolloDalios, the Doric version of the god being hymned here, was the recipient ofimportant cult on Kos and received offerings from theoroi before theymade theirway to Delos, so here we have a good example of an actual cultic analogue to thehymn’s itinerary.14 But just as wemight expect tomove into the rest of the Dorianhexapolis, to Halikarnassos and the three cities of Rhodes, Leto takes a suddenturn to the northwest and heads for the heart of the Cyclades, going to Naxos,Paros and Rheneia. Now, if one assumes that Apollo is the Ionian god parexcellence, as Charles Hedrick has written, this may be enough to explain Leto’sjourney, since we have to get her to Delos, but what the hymn seems to be offeringis an opportunity for Aiolians and Dorians to participate in this cultic network.15

Regardless of their ethnic or political development, or perhaps in counterpoint toit, a religious network is emerging. We risk missing the organic quality of this ifwe simply describe Delian Apollo as exclusively or primarily Ionian. It is pre-cisely because of the other elements at work here that a religious network servedthe needs of these archaic communities: the centre is symbolically rich butpolitically not powerful. It is the aggregation of clusters, Aiolian, Ionian andDorian which makes the Aegean into an Apollo network. The relationship be-tween this and the political landscape of the 6th century is difficult to pin down,but the sudden shift from the Dorian hexapoleis to the central Cyclades remindsus of a feature of the 6th century political landscape: Naxoswas ruled by the tyrantLygdamis, Parian marble was used by the Peisistratids to renovate the temple ofApollo at Delphi, and the tyrant Polycrates of Samos joined Rheneia to Delos by achain. That is to say, the shadow of Archaic tyrants looms over Leto’s arrival in

11 Herodotus I 46 (Croesus testing the oracles); Herodotus VI 19 (forecasting the sack ofMiletusand the end of Didyma). See Fontenrose (1988) 1–6.

12 Herodotus I 92 refers to ‘dedications at Branchidai of the Milesians.’13 Thucydides VIII 35.14 Kowalzig (2007) 77.15 Hedrick (1988) 206.

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the centre of the Cyclades. One is reminded of Adalberto Giovaninni’s thesis thatthe Catalogue of Ships represents an attempt by the priests of Delphi to ac-commodate those states that participated in the sacred truce and Pythian gamesby fashioning a heroic geography that actually reflects the political geography ofthe 7th century.16 So too the hymns look to an ancient past while keeping one eyeon the present.

More surprises will await us as Apollo moves from Delos to Delphi. Beforenarrating the god’s journey to Delphi, however, the hymn alludes to variousaccomplishments of Apollo in wooing girls and defeating competitors. In thiscoda between the two major sections of the poem, the lines refer to a cycle ofmyths presumably once well known but now usually dismissed as opaque:

πῶς τ᾽ ἄρ σ᾽ ὑμνήσω πάντως εὔυμνον ἐόντα;ἠέ σ᾽ ἐνὶ μνηστῆρσιν ἀείδω καὶ φιλότητι,ὅππως μνωόμενος ἔκιες Ἀζαντίδα κούρηνἼσχυ᾽ ἅμ᾽ ἀντιθέῳ Ἐλατιονίδη εὐίππῳ;ἢ ἅμα Θόρβαντι Τριοπέῳ γένος, ἢ ἅμ᾽ Ἐρευθεῖ;ἢ ἅμα Λευκίππῳ καὶ Λευκίπποιο δάμαρτι… πεζός, ὃ δ᾽ ἵπποισιν;

Or am I to sing of you as wooer and lover of maidens,sing how, wooing the daughter of Azan, you racedagainst godlike Ischys Elationides, possessed of good horses,or against Phorbas sprung from Triops or against Ereutheus?Or in the company of Leukippos and his wife,… You on foot and he with his horses?

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 208–214 tr. Athanassakis, modified)17

There are various threads of local myth being alluded to here. The first centres onArkadia. According to Pausanias, Azan and Elatos (as he is known in the prosesources) were the sons of Arkas, eponymof the Arkadians. Azan gave his name toAzania and Elatos was given the rule of Kyllene. Ischys was the son of Elatos, whoeventually moved to Phokis and gave his name to the important Phokian town ofElateia. This elaborate genealogy therefore represents a network of connectionsextending fromArkadia, in the central Peloponnese, to Phokis, in central Greece.Elatos’ departure to Phokis also allowed those connected by this fictive genealogyto plug into another set of local stories focused on Delphi. The key here is thetradition that Ischys, the son of Elatos, slept with Koronis while she was alreadypregnant to Apollo with Asklepios. For her reckless behaviour Koronis waspunished by Artemis, who killed her. Hermes snatched the infant Asklepios fromthe flames of Koronis’ funeral pyre. The connection to Delphi lies both in the

16 Giovannini (1969).17 Verrall (1894) 28. See also Hogan and Schenker (2001).

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 109

presence of Apollo behind the paternity of Asklepios, but also in the presence ofanother shadowy figure embedded, as it were, in the genealogy. Koronis is alwaysreported in these stories as the daughter of Phlegyas, eponym for the lawless tribethat raidedDelphi andwhich was renowned for its recklessness.18 It was to aid thePhocians against the Phlegyans when they were marching on Delphi that Elatoswent to central Greece and founded Elateia.19 The story, then, has elements thatdraw on Delphic accounts of attacks on the sanctuary by impious marauders.Pausanias’ account of Koronis’ punishment also uses the setting of a sanctuary,in this instance Epidauros, as the backdrop to the story, and it is likely that thethreat of the Phlegyans served as a trope deployed by a number of sanctuaries tostake their place in the sacred landscape. They too had been threatened. It is alsolikely that it was in sanctuaries that Pausanias encountered these various,sometimes inconsistent, stories. In recounting some of the genealogy of Arkasand Erato Pausanias refers to the sanctuary of Despoina in Arkadia, which in-cluded a shrine of Pan where Erato was said to have served as Pan’s oracularprophetess. Pausanias speaks of having read some of Erato’s verses and it is likelythat it was here that Pausanias learned of Apollo’s competition with the Arkadianheroes.20 Different threads of the story were teased out in different places andthen rewoven into versions that bound different cult locations into a great tap-estry of myth with local resonances.

The second cycle alluded to in the coda from the Delian to the Delphic sectionconcerns Phorbas, son of Triops. Once again, through the haze of mythicalreferences it is possible to see sanctuaries sharing stories, conducting a kind ofdiplomatic negotiation carried on through stories about the gods and heroes.Triops gave his name to the federal sanctuary of the Dorian Hexapolis of theKnidos peninsula (see above, n.13). Phorbas, his son, was believed to have cometo Rhodes from Thessaly and was worshipped there for having rid the island ofsnakes, a deed hinting at an equivalence between the hero and Apollo, whosegreat victory at Delphi would also involve destroying a snake. Here the cycle ofmyth links not Arkadia, Phokis and Delphi, but Thessaly and the Dodecanese.21

Whether the cult of Triops has an authentic Thessalian origin is unknown, but theputative Thessalian origins of Triops and Phorbas supply all the later elabo-rations with a common ancestry of place aswell as genealogy. TheHomeric Hymnto Apollo integrates Phorbas and Triops into the network of places, specificallysanctuaries, affiliated to Apollo. The references to competitions between the god

18 Versions of the Koronis story are told by Pindar, Pyth. 3, Pausanias II 26 and Apollodoros,Biblioth. III 118. For the Phlegyans as enemies of Apollo see Pausanias IX 36 2 andMcInerney(1999) 195.

19 Pausanias X 34 2 (Phlegyans threaten Delphi); Pausanias VIII 4 4 (Elatos migrates to Phokis).20 Pausanias VIII 4 2; VIII 37 11.21 Robertson 1984.

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and Phorbas recognize Apollo’s Dorian appeal and mark the move away fromApollo’s identification as an exclusively Ionian god. As in the stories of Koronisand the Arkadian heroes there is also a hint of a darker side to the story: in sometraditions Phorbas is cast as king of the Phlegyans, foregrounding the challengeto Delphi implicit in any story that concentrated on a hero whose accomplish-ments rivalled the gods. Philostratus has a detailed description of a paintingdepicting a boxing match in which youthful Apollo has smashed Phorbas to theground with a single punch.22 By selecting tamer versions of episodes in whichheroes vie with the god in athletic contests or erotic pursuits but without actingimpiously or being destroyed Hymn 3 offers the possibility of proper heroicemulation of Apollo. These are narrative components easily replicated. TheAthenians recast the same story, Phorbas was refashioned as Erysichthon, son ofTriops, and his daughter was named Mestra (“She who is wooed”). Their storywas told in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women where once again the story hascultic overtones: Apollo’s hereditary priests at Athens were the Erysichthonidai.

Accordingly, in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo we have but a sample of a storywhose fabric changed from place to place and time to time. Some tellings wereprimarily for local consumption, attached to local cults, but in theHomeric Hymnwe have stories stitched together to suggest a larger pattern. In sponsoring theseelaborate versions, sanctuaries and their dominant families made overtures toeach other by acknowledging the legitimacy of each other’s versions of the god. Inthis way the cultic, functional layer of Greek myth underlies the more literarymanifestations of it. TheHomeric Hymns draw on both. They hymn the gods, butthe theology serves the needs of an age grasping for ways to build cross-regionalnetworks.

Now Apollo’s itinerary leads to Delphi but the god takes an especially me-andering course by way of Olympos and Pieria. This allows the poet to mentionlocations that resonate with the myths of Apollo but without, as far as we can tell,strong local cultic associations. Pieria, for example, is the pasture land north ofOlympos where the god kept his herds and raised the horses of Eumelos.23 Fromhere the god moves south to sandy Lektos among the Ainianes. This was aThessalian ethnos which sent a theoria to Delphi every four years to make sac-rifices at the tomb of Pyrrhos. The Ainianes claimed descent from the Thessalianherowhose tombwas as important at Delphi as the hero Pelops’was at Olympia.24

This is a different type of movement from Leto’s itinerary. In that case all placesvisited by the goddess are guilty for having turned her away, so the Apollo

22 Philostratus, Imagines II 19.23 Homeric Hymn to Hermes IV 71; Homer, Iliad II 766.24 For Pyrrhos see Fontenrose (1960). For the Ainianes see Heliodoros, Aithiopika and Farnell

(1921) 315.

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 111

sanctuaries that come into existence after this myth time serve, as we saw, toexpiate that guilt. But the Pythian itinerary is more exclusively teleological: allpaths lead to Delphi, because now it is Apollo himself looking for a permanentabode.

There are no cult associations in Pieria or Iolkos, the next stage of his itinerary.In fact Apollo’s connections to the region derive from his youth, when he servesAdmetos, king of the Thessalian kingdom of Pherai.25 It is while herding Ad-metos’ cattle in Pieria that Apollo sees Hymenaios, falls in love with him andrefuses to leave the house ofMagnes, whereuponHermes steals his cattle.26 Thesenorthern locations, far from celebrating the god in the fullness of his power, focuson a youthful Apollo, a cowherd and a hired-man, who has not yet proved hispower nor found his place. Appropriately these territories were known as richcattle land. Jason refers to Iolkos as ‘well-pastured’ and a number of heroes andheroines from the area have names that recall the region’s reputation for itslivestock: Eumelos, son of Admetos, Polymele, mother of Jason and Perimele,daughter of Admetos all bear names that evoke the region’s rich pasture-land.27

From Iolkos Apollo makes his way to Kenaion, the northernmost part of Euboia,so called by Zeus, according to Hesiod, for its wealth in cattle.28 During theArchaic period the straits between Euboia and the mainland, from the PetalaiIslands to Cape Kenaion, were controlled by Eretria, whose most importantsanctuary was that of Apollo Daphnephoros.29 This section of the itinerary, then,is rich in associations with the story of Apollo, although the Eretrian sanctuary ofApollo is the only attested cult connected to the god’s northern travels. It comesas a shock, therefore, to find the hymn addressing Apollo thus:

στῆς δ᾽ ἐπὶ Ληλάντῳ πεδίῳ: τό τοι οὐχ ἅδε θυμῷτεύξασθαι νηόν τε καὶ ἄλσεα δενδρήεντα.

You stood on the Lelantine plain, but it did not pleaseYour heart to build a temple with wooded groves.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 220–221 tr. Athanassakis)

25 Apollo serving Admetos: Diodorus Siculus IV 71 3; Hyginus, Fabulae 49; Valerius Flaccus,Argonautica I 445. Apollo serving Laomedon: Homer, Iliad XXI 440–450.

26 Antonius Liberalis,Metamorph. 23. Apollo serving Admetos: Kallimachos, Hymn to Apollo ;Diodorus Siculus IV 71.3; Hyginus, Fabulae 49; Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 1 445; Apolloalso serves Laomedon: Homer, Iliad XXI 440–450. Like many other elements in Apollo’sstory, it is echoed in Hermes’ biography. According to the Homeric Hymn to Pan, Hermesentered the service of Dryops as a shepherd to win the hand of his daughter.

27 For these and other instances of the association between Iolkos and herding see Matthews(1977) 192.

28 Hesiod fr 296.29 IG XII 9 1273/4. For discussion see Cairns (1991).

Jeremy McInerney112

Given that the poem is utterly explicit about the god’s location – on the Lelantineplain – as he surveys the land and decides not to build a sanctuary, these lines aretruly astonishing. The dismissal of the Eretrian cult of Apollo is all the moreextraordinary since Delphic tradition maintained that Apollo’s first temple wasmade of laurel, a legend for which there is no archaeological evidence at Delphibutwhich exactly describes the late Geometric temple of ApolloDaphnephoros atEretria. The Homeric Hymn represents a quite deliberate attack on Eretria’scredentials as a sanctuary of Apollo, even to the extent of appropriating Eretria’sspecific emphasis on laurel, which subsequently became a cornerstone ofApollo’s prophetic role at Delphi.30

Quitting Eretria, Apollo continues into eastern Boiotia, past Mykalessos andTeumessos, places whosemythic resonances do not involve Apollo but which areconsistent with the bovine associations suitable to Apollo as cowherder andapprentice: Mykalessos, (from mukaomai, ‘to bellow’) was named after themooing of the cow that ledKadmos to Thebes andTeumessoswaswhere Zeus hidEuropa.31 Since Apollo has not yet slain the dragon or acquired the lyre, he is stilllittle more than a cowboy, his wanderings a cosmic expansion of the pastoralist’spassage across a landscape appropriately named Boiotia: cattle country. The godeven acknowledges asmuchwhen he tells Hermes of learning divination from thethree sisters dwelling in the folds of Parnassos, “when as amere child I tended thecows.”32 This portion of the itinerary is full of allusions to stories that eithermention Apollo directly or connect with the trope of pastoralism, but once againwhat is truly remarkable is the treatment of actual Apollo sanctuaries. WhenApollo reaches Thebes it is unpopulated, and no more than primeval forest.These are necessary details because, as with Eretria, any audience from theArchaic period onwards would have been familiar with an early and well-knownApollo sanctuary in Thebes, the temple of Ismenian Apollo where Herodotos sawa tripod inscribed with Kadmean letters.33 So, in time, Thebes would becomehome to a significant Apollo sanctuary. There are indications that his cult wasembedded in the local topography: the god’s epithet, for example, shows that thecult was connected to the river Ismenos, which ran past Thebes. This localimportance was in turn confirmed by genealogy: Pausanias explains that Apollofathered two sons by the nymphMelia. One was Teneros, to whomhe gave skill in

30 Sourvinou-Inwood (1979). On the conflict between the cults of Apollo at Delphi and Eretriasee Bruneau (1976) 15.

31 For Mykalessos see Pausanias IX 19 4. For Teumessos, see Pausanias IX 19 1 andWest (2002)127.

32 Homeric Hymn IV to Hermes 555. The association of herding with youth is also used in theHomeric Hymn I to Aphrodite 55–76, when the goddess first sees Anchises, “whose beautywas divine”, tending the cattle alone on Mt Ida.

33 Herodotos V 58.

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 113

divination and the other was Ismenos, who gave his name to the river flowingthrough Thebes.34 The cult of Ismenian Apollo, then, was just as important to thesacred topography of Thebes as Apollo Daphnephoros was to Eretria, yet as atEretria the hymn deliberately ignores a site which by the 6th century had distinctassociations with Apollo cult. In fact, the closer one gets toDelphi fromDelos, thegreater grows the threat of competition to Delphi from other regional sanctua-ries. Eretria and Thebes are written out of the Apolline itinerary. As he proceedswest through Boiotia, Apollo’s actions will become even more dramatic.

Apollo continues on to Onchestos, where the poem recognizes a shrine andcult, but not of Apollo. The location is identified as the “fair grove of Poseidon”,thereby acknowledging Poseidon’s ownership.35 Next Apollo approaches LakeKopais by way of two sites, Okalea and Haliartos, both of which occur in theCatalogue of Ships.36 Upon reaching Haliartos Apollo surprisingly announces hisintention of building his temple here and even goes so far as to lay the founda-tions. At this point the local nymph Telphousa speaks to Apollo, explaining thatthe sound of pounding hooves at her spring will annoy the god. At Onchestosnearby such traffic is already controlled, as the poem has suggested at lines 235–238. AndrewMiller has shown that Telphousa is able to persuade Apollo becausethe god’s preference is for a place that will guarantee his freedom from dis-turbance, a goal he will achieve with the killing of the dragon at Delphi, but it isalso worth noting that Apollo’s search is for a place in a landscape that alreadyhas sanctuaries in it. This space is taken, explains Telphousa, but Krisa in thefolds of Parnassos is not.37 When Apollo subsequently realizes that he has beendeceived, since Telphousa forgot to inform him of the dragon’s existence, hereturns in a rage and buries the Telphousa spring under “a shower of rocks” andbuilds himself an altar. In other words, Apollo will recognize the claims ofPoseidon, to whom all of Boiotia was sacred, but will take sanctuary land forhimself when such a seizure is justified as punishment for attempts to deceive thegod. The entire narration of Apollo’s journey to Delphi reflects a delicate balancebetween rival sanctuaries and powers: Poseidon is acknowledged, rivals toPhoibos are not.38

After the Telphousa episode the Hymn to Apollo describes the birth of Ty-phaon and the killing of the she-snake by Apollo. The mention of Typhaon castsApollo’s victory as a repeat of Zeus’ victory, but while Zeus’ victory is cosmic,

34 Herodotos V 59. See also Pausanias IX 10 5.35 The description of the broken chariot at lines 230–239 has produced a good deal of specu-

lation concerning the ritual practiced at Onchestos. For a survey of views of varying im-plausibility see Teffeteller (2001).

36 Homer, Iliad II 494–511.37 Miller (1986).38 Fontenrose (1969) 129.

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Apollo’s, like the victory of Kadmos over the snake at Thebes, is tied to a par-ticular place. The triumph over a monster is a regular part of the foundationnarrative of a town, and by modeling Apollo’s arrival at Delphi on ktistic tra-ditions the poem in essence creates an equation: sanctuary is to god as city is tomen.39 It is important to recognize this, since the traditions concerning theprevious owners of the sanctuary have been interpreted as evidence for thesuppression of older cults, dominated by female deities such as Gaia, by the newpatriarchal order of the Olympians. Yet the only evidence for these earlier, femaleearth cults is theHomeric Hymn itself. What looks to be the suppression of older,epichoric religious practice may be something quite different: an invented tra-dition designed to give the victory of the Olympians – in this case Apollo – ateleological impetus.40 The elevation of the locale to the special status of pan-hellenic sanctuary requires that there be an earlier indigenous cult, the sup-pression of which is not only necessary for Apollo’s triumph, but which must beinscribed in memory and topography:

ἐνταυθοῖ νῦν πύθευ ἐπὶ χθονὶ βωτιανείρῃ:οὐδὲ σύ γε ζώουσα κακὸν δήλημα βροτοῖσινἔσσεαι, οἳ γαίης πολυφόρβου καρπὸν ἔδοντεςἐνθάδ᾽ ἀγινήσουσι τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας:οὐδέ τί τοι θάνατόν γε δυσηλεγέ᾽ οὔτε Τυφωεὺςἀρκέσει οὔτε Χίμαιρα δυσώνυμος, ἀλλά σέ γ᾽ αὐτοῦπύσει Γαῖα μέλαινα καὶ ἠλέκτωρ Ὑπερίων.

Rot now right here on the man-nourishing earth;You shall not ever again be an evil bane for living menWho eat the fruit of the earth that nurtures manyAnd will bring to this place unblemished hecatombs,And not Typhoeus or ill-famed ChimairaWard off woeful death for you, but right hereThe black earth and the flaming sun will make you rot.

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 363–369 tr. Athanassakis)

The double figurae etymologicae – both πύθευ, “rot”, and Python, the serpent’sname, evoke the god’s epiklesis, Pythian – serve to reinforce the connectionbetween land, narrative and memory.41 The act of hymning the god’s passagethrough the landscape transforms it into amemoryscape, connecting all places he

39 Other episodes include Phorbas on Rhodes (snakes), Diodorus Siculus V 58 5, and Byzas atByzantion (a bull), Hesychios, FGrH IIIB 390 f1.11. See Buxton (1994) 90.

40 For suppression of female deities, see Clay (1994). For the argument that the evidence forthese earlier cults is part of the Delphic tradition created for Apollo see Sourvinou-Inwood(1979) and Chappell (2006).

41 On the importance of such word-play in epic and hymns (though not this one), see Reece(1997).

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 115

has touched upon, fashioning them into a network of cultural relations that cometogether at Delphi. The hymn allows Delphi to emerge from the landscape as alieu de mémoire, a central place whose significance is marked by the god’spresence, his coming of age, and the commemoration of this in the hymn’sperformance.42

From Apollo’s triumph over the serpent the hymn moves immediately to thestory of Apollo bringing the Cretan priests to serve him at Delphi. A recent studyof the hymn draws attention to the fact that the southern and western movementof the Cretan priests describes a broad arc that parallels the arrival of the godfrom the north and east, both arcs converging on Delphi.43 It is also notable thatthe Cretans’ exogenous origins parallel Apollo’s, each reinforcing Delphi’s claimto lie at the centre of the Greek world, just as Delos lies at the centre of the Aegeansphere. The claim of centrality is clearly critical to a sanctuary that boasted theomphalos, and was perhaps made pressing by the emergence of the Amphikty-ony, the “Dwellers-Around”, as the controlling power at Delphi. In fact, BeateWagner-Hasel has recently argued for a broad correspondence between theplaces visited by the god coming from Pieria to Delphi and the states of theAmphiktyony. Wagner-Hasel also draws attention to the late date (6th century)for the first epigraphic attestation of Apollo at Delphi, pointing out that there isno evidence for an Apollo cult here in the Mycenaean period. Moreover, theseasonal movement of Apollo, who quits the sanctuary in the winter to spendtime among the Hyperboreans parallels the seasonal rhythm of the Amphikty-ony, which rotated its spring and fallmeetings betweenDelphi andAnthela. All ofthis points to an Amphiktyonic setting for the Pythian hymn.44 The connectionsshould not be pressed too far, however. A number of Amphiktyonic states are notmentioned: the smaller ones include the Dorians, Phthiotians, Oitaians, Malians,while the powerful Thessalians and Athenians are also missing.45 On the otherhand, the itinerary is heavy with Boiotian sites while yet dismissing Thebes. Itwould be a mistake, therefore, to read the Pythian hymn as a charter for Am-phiktyonic control of Delphi any more than as an instance of Olympian prop-aganda at the expense of an earlier cult of the Earth-Mother. If there is a politicalmessage in the poem, it is surely in the downgrading of powerful political centres,such as Eretria and Thebes, and the dismissal of their Apollo cults. The hymndoes not tolerate potential competitors to the primacy of Delphi.

The trope of the god’s travelling is so familiar to us from the hymns to De-meter, Apollo, Hermes and other episodes that it is easy to ignore the oddities of

42 On impressing place into memory see Yates (1966).43 Frame (2006).44 Wagner-Hasel (2000).45 On the composition of the Amphiktyony see Hall (2002) 135–139 and Sánchez (2001) 37–41.

Jeremy McInerney116

their travels or to wonder why their journeys figure so prominently in myth andcult. It may be worth looking at a modern parallel, drawn from an Africanpastoral society, in order to shed some light on the possible origins of thispeculiar aspect of Apollo’s arrival in Delphi. The same combination of elements,from coming of age, to herding, adventure and even story-telling, can be seen inthe Yaaral and Degal festivals, celebrated twice a year by the Fulani and Peulpeople of west Africa. Young Fulani men spend months herding other people’scattle across the Sahel before returning to Diafarabé in December. After drivingtheir cattle across the river they celebrate the Cattle Crossing Festival. The firstday of this popular community festival is called the Promenade des Jeunes, whenthe young men and women, beautifully dressed and their hair carefully braidedmingle freely, while the young men recount their accomplishments.46 How theyand their stories are received influences their position as men (and especially ashusbands) in Fulani society. Those with the fattest, best kept herds are highlyesteemed; the worst herder is given a peanut, and stands little chance of at-tracting a bride.

At Delphi it is the rhapsodes who will perform in honour of the god, but ratherthan simply praise the god’s omnipotence the hymns explore the tricks andbattles of strength in which the god has been tested along the way from Delos toDelphi.47 In fact, as Marcel Detienne has shown, the Apollo worshipped at Delphiis a god “of murderous drives”, knife in hand, whose thirst for blood and meat,far from evoking a distant Olympian calm like the god’s portrait on the pedimentat Olympia, instead “makes public the extreme fragility of a cultural frontierbetween the blood-crime and the sacrificial meal.”48 Performances of the god’sadventure-filled journey, recreated by poets like Kynaithos, will be witnessed bysacred ambassadors, whose own journey to Delphi imitates and in some sensereplicates the god’s. Embassy, journey, bearing witness through hymns to thegod’s victory and presence are all aspects of the theoria, a recursive reinforce-ment of both the god’s stature and the status of those who come as pilgrims.49 Inthis way the entire landscape through which pilgrims travel is poetically re-configured as a sacred landscape, under the protection of Apollo. ‘How are wenow to live?’ ask the new acolytes of Apollo, but they need not fear:

δεξιτερῇ μάλ᾽ ἕκαστος ἔχων ἐν χειρὶ μάχαιραν,σφάζειν αἰεὶ μῆλα: τὰ δ᾽ ἄφθονα πάντα παρέσται,ὅσσα τ᾽ ἐμοί κ᾽ ἀγάγωσι περικλυτὰ φῦλ᾽ ἀνθρώπων:

46 Reisman (1977) 24. For a video summary see http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00011&RL=00132

47 For a convincing argument placing the hymn’s first performance in 522 on Delos see Burkert(1979).

48 Detienne (1986) 49.49 On the various meanings of theoria and the elisions between them see Rutherford (2000).

From Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home 117

‘With a knife in his right hand let each one of youslaughter sheep forever, and there will be an abundanceof them brought to me by the glorious races of mengathered here…’

(Homeric Hymn III to Apollo 536–538 tr. Athanassakis)

The god reassures them. Apollo has come home.

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