•OCIOLOGY owitz

Robert E. Park Ernest W. Burgess

Roderick D. McKenzie

THE CITY

With an Introduction by

MOI•I•I8 JANOWITZ

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

CHICAGO AND LONDON

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Contents

lNraooucTm• by Morris ]anowitz

I. '/'he City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment Robert E, Park •

of the City •

• An Introduction to a Research Project • Ernest W/Burgess

III. The pproach to the Study of the Human Community

CHICAGO PRESS, CHtC•t¢0 60637 of Chicago Press, Ltd,, London

y of Chicago. All rights reserved •hed 1925. Midway reprint 1984 in the United States of America 01 00999897 56 789

ISBN: 0-226-64611-4 LCN: 66-23694

publication meets the minimum rican National Standard for •rmanence of Paper for Printed Z39.48-1992,

IV.

VI,

VII.

VIII.

vii

R. D. McKenzie

The •,,•1 ll;o• :

Newspaper

Community Organization and Juvenile Delinquency Robert E. Park 99

Community Organization and the Romantic Temper Robert E. Park •1•

Magic, Mentality, and City Life Robert E. Park

Can Neighbgrhood Work Have a Scientific Basis? Ernest W. Burgess

• CIT•

in a massive manner al/the human ordinarily obscured and suppressed ;y, in short, shows the good and s this fact, perhaps, more than any mt would make of the city a labora- •ature and social processes may be flied.

ROBber E. PAlate.

CHAPTER II

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY: AN INTRODUCTION TO A RESEARCH PROJECT

The outstanding fact•o•eLu•ty is the• growth o_•f_g•at ci•. Nowhere else have the enormous changes which the machine industry has made in our social life registered themselves with such obviousness as in the cities. In the United States the transition from a rural to an urban civilization, though beginning later than in Europe, has taken place, if not more rapidly and completely, at any rate more logically in its most characteristic forms.

All the manifestations of modem life which are peculiarly urban --the skier, the subway, the de_p_•j•t•re, the daily ne_w.Slm•r• :and •--are characteristically The more subtle changes• ".m our_social life which in their cruder manifestations are termed•social problems•problems that alarm and bewilder us, as divorce, delinquency, and social unrest, are to be found in their most acute fo:___•• American citics. The profound and "subversive" forces which have wrought these changes are measured in the physical growth and expansion of cities. That is the significance of the comparative statistics of Weber, Bilcher, and other students.

These statistical studies, although dealing mainly with the effects of urban growth, brought out into clear relief certain distinctive characteristics of urban as compared with r_L_r_r_r_r_r_r_r_rt•l populations. The larger proportion of women to men in the cities than in the open country, the greater percentage of youth and middle-aged, the higher ratio of the foreign-born, the increased heterogeneity of occupation increase with the growth of the city and profoundly alter its social structure. These variations in the composition of

THE CITY

population are ;•a;•o,; ¢ oll the changes gong on in the organization of •e co--unity, In fact, •ese changes are a part of •e grow• of the city and suggest the nature of the processes of growth.

•e o•y aspect of gtow• adequately de$c•db•fichet and Weber was •e ra•er obvious process of •e •f urban population. A•ost as overt a process, that o••i•as been •vestigated from a d•erent and very practica••iew by groups •terested • city play,g, zon•g, and regional su•eys. Even more sign•cant •an •e •creas•g d• of urban popula- tion is its correlative tendency to overflow, and so to extend over wider areas, and to •nco•orate •ese areas •to a larger communal life. This paper, therefore, will treat first of the ex• ci•and •en of the less-known processes of u•m and mobility which are closely related to expansion.

The expansion o• •e elty trom •e st•nd•t o¢ •e city plan, zon•g, •nd regional surveys is •ought o• •most wholly in terms o• its physical grow•. Traction studies have dealt with the develop- ment of *r•nsport•tion • its relation to the distribution of popul•-

: tion thro.ghout •e city. The survey• made by th•e• • C• •d other pu• have •ttem•ted to ¢orecast • •n •d •te o•ow• o• •e city in order to antlci•ate •e /

n of t•eir se=ices. In the city pl•n •e loc•tlon of parks end boulevards, •g of tra•c streets, •e provision •or a civic center, are all • •e interest of the future control of the physical development of the city.

This expansion • ar• of our largest cities is now being brought forcibly to our attention by •e Plan for • Study of New York and Its Environs, and by the fo•ation of the Chicago RegionM Pla•g Associa•on, which extends •e metropoli•n district of • e city to a radius of 5o m•es, embrac•g 4,000 square miles of

:TY

changes going on ;m •&e social fact, these changes are a part

t the nature of the processes of

iately described by Bficher and •ss of the •n of urban ess, that of•expan•o•, has been cry practical point of view by zoning, and regional surveys.

,'asing d• of urban popula- verflo_____w and so to extend over

e areas into a larger communal •t first of the ex• :esses of ur_b.an metab01is__m and expansion.

•SICAL GROWTH

he Standpo•t Of the city plan, :ht of almost wholly in terms of es have dealt with the develop- • to the distribution of popula- ys made by th%•ell Telephone']] have attempte_d_•to foreca•t•_.• | e city in ordering anticir•ate the | sorvice J the widening of traffic streets,

•ll in the interest of the future )f the city. gest cities is now being brought ,n for the Study of New York •tion of the Chicago Regional s the metropolitan district of •bracing 4,000 square miles of

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 49

•e • are attemptkug to measure expansion Lu •-•-

deal with •e changes that accompany city growth. • England, where more •an one-half of •e •habitants live • cities hav•g •

pop•ation of •oo,• •d over, •e lively appreciation of •e bear•g of urban expansion on social organ•ation is •us e•ressed by C. B. Fawcett:

One of the most impotent and str•ing d•elopments • the gowth of the urban populations of the more advanced peoples of the world dung the last few decades has been •e app•rance of a n•ber of v•t urban aggregate, or conurbations, far larger and more numerous • the •eat cities of any pre- ced•g age. These have usury been foxed by the s•ultaneous expansion of a n•ber of neighboring towns, which have go• out toward each other until they have reached a practical coalescence in one cont•uous urban area.

Each su• conurbation still has within it many nuclei of denser to• growth, most of which represent •e central are• of the various towns from which it • grown, •d these nuclear patches are co•ected by the less densely urban- i•d •e• which began • suburbs of these tow•. The latter are still usually rather I•s cont•uous!y occupied by buildings, and often have many open spaces.

These gent ag•egates of town dwellers are a new feature • the distribution of man 0vet • e•th• A• the present day •ere ale from •kty to forty of them, ea• conta]n•g more than a •[ion people, whereas only a hundred yearn ago there were, outside the great centers of •puhtion on the waterways of Chin•, not more than two or three. Such aggre•tions of people are phenom- ena of great geographical and social importance; they give •se to new prob- lems •n the organization of the life and we•-be•g of thek inhabitants and ]n • •n actlv•ties. Few of them have A •A soc•a! consclousnes• at •! proportionate to their mn•Jt•de• or fury realized themse!ve-s as definite group•gs of people with many •mmon interests, emotions •d thoughts.,

In Europe and America ••thg..gre•t city to •pa•d has been recognized • the te• "•e metropolitan area of the city," •hich far overruns its political I•its, •d • •e case of New York and Chicago, even state l•es. The metropolitan area may be t•en to •nclude u•ban territory that is physically contiguous, but it is com•g to be de•ed by •at facility of transportation that enables a bus•ess man to live • a suburb of Chicago and to

work • the

tE CITY

Marshall Field's and a•tend grand

,N AS A PROCESS

process has yet been made, although and intimations of different aspects

a city planning, zoning, and regional •es of the expansion of the city Can

•" a series of concentric clrcle_s, which

e both the successive zones of urban teas differentiated in the process of

leal construction of the tendencies of tdially from its central business dis- )p" (I). Encircling the downtown in transitio.n• which is b• • 'acture (II). A third area (lid is •es who hav•from the who desire to live within easy access

me is the "re•" (IV) of or of exclusive "restricted" districts n 1armer, out oeyonta the city tmaits, roan areas, or satellite, cities--within ,f the central business district. r the main fact of expansion, namely, te to extend its area_by the invasion aspect of expansion may be called

as been studied in detail in•.•t •.d to Chicago, all four of these zones ed in the circumference of the inner rict. The present boundaries of the .many years ago..tho•e, of the zone

wage-earners, and within the mere-

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 8x

o•e• of thousands of Chicagoans contained the residences of the "best families." It hardly needs to be added that neither Chicag9

CO/•/V•UTERS ZObl li•

CHART I. The Growth of the City

5• THE CITY

noran o•er cit fits erfectl into this ideal sche•ne. Compli- cations are introduced by the lake front, the Chicago River, railroad lines, historical factors in the location•try, the relative degree of the resistance of communities t•_n•etc.

Besides extension and succession • general process of expan- sion in urban growth involves the antagonistic and yet comple- mentary processes of•n and decentralization. In all cities there is the natural tendency for local and outside transpor- tation to converge in the central business district. In the down-

town section of every targe city we expect to find the departalent stores, the skyscraper office buildings, the railroad stations, the great hotels, the theaters, the art museum, and the city hall. Quite naturally, almost inevitably, the economic, cultural, and political life centers here. The relation of centralization to the other pro- cesses of city life may be roughly gauged by the fact that over half

a million people daily enter and leave Chicago's "loop." More recently •.ub-business centers have grown up in• zones.

These "satellite loops" do not, it seems r_u_•Eresent the "_•9.ped for" revival of •rather a telescoping of several locrd cg_•_munities into a larger economic unity. The Chicago of yester- day, an agglomeration of country towns and immigrant colonies, is undergoing a process of reorganization into a centralized decen- •stdm of local communities • into sub-busines• are..•as visibly or invisibly dominated by the central business district. The actual processes of what may be called centralized decentraliza- tion are now being studied in the development of the chain stor.e,•--" which is only one illustration of the change in the basis'of the urban organization.' • as we have seen, deals with the physical growth of

the city, and with the extension of the technical services that have made city life not only livable, but comfortable, even luxurious.

See E. H. Shldelcr, The RelMl Bus•ness OrganhaHon • an Index of Cornraun•ty Organlzat•n (in preparation).

• •..¢• e•,j,.• C l.'l•-

Certa throu millk

Yet, econ(

of wk The.

tion.

sion, deve izatl in it

qtl a

aria

llfe par by SOC

rat th• bu cit

[T¥

to this ideal scheme. Compli- ant, the Chicago River, railroad

the relative degree

the general process of expan- antagonistic and yet comple- and decentralization. In all

for local and outside transpor- •siness district. In the down- expect to find the department gs, the railroad stations, the :eum, and the city hall. Quite ,nomic, cuItural, and political :ntralization to the other pro- ged by the fact that over half we Chicago's "loop." More •rown up in•ing zone•s, ns• represent t•he "h•" ,r a tel._____esco_•ing of several lo•1 rdty_.__. The Chicago of yester- wns and immigrant colonies, tion into a centralized deceno coalescing into sub-bushiness.

z the central business district. ailed centraIized decen traliza- 'elopment of the chain stor.e,<-----" inge in the basis of the urban

with the physical growth of technical services that have

:omfortable, even luxurious. •an•at•o• as a• I•x of Cor•r•#y

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 53

Certain of these basic necessities of urban life are possible only through a tremendous development of communal existence. Three millions of people in Chicago are dependent upon one unified water ss•, one giant gas company, and one h.yge electric light plant. Yet, like most of the other aspects of our communal urban life, this economic co-operation is an example of co-operation without a shred of what the "spirit of co-operatiofi" is commonly thought to signify. The great public utilities are a part of the mechanization of life in great cities• and have little or no other meaning for • tion. "-•et the processes of expansion, and especially the rate of expan- sion, may be studied not only in the physical growth and business development, but also in the consequent changes in the social organ- ization and in personality types. How far is the growth of the city, in its physical and technical aspects, matched by a natural but ade- quate readjustment in the social organization ? What, f0.r a •aormal rate of .e.gpansion a•_•r•tc of expansion wi•h which_controlled/

soci - ssfully keep. _ ce </] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND DISORGANIZATIOIq AS

These questions may best be answered, perhaps, by thinking of urban growth as a resultant of organization and disor•anizatlon zalogous tO _¢_ at ,bolic processes of metabo i• In what way are individuals incorporated into the life of a city ? By what process does a person become an organic part of hls society? The natural process of acquiring culture is by birth. A person is born into a family already adjusted to a social enviromnent•in this case the modern city. The natural rate of increase of population most favorable for assimilation may then be taken as the excess of the birth-rate over the death-rate, but is this the normal rate of city growth? Certainly, modern cities have increased and are increasing in population at a far higher

54 THE CITY

rate. However, the natural rate of g•owth may. be used • the s of metabolism cau•excessive increas.•e •oll e the eati of south ". northern cities since_the war. In a similar way all cities show devia- tions in composition by age and sex from a standard population such

as that of Sweden, unaffected in recent years by any great emigra- tion or immigration. Here again, marked variations, as any great excess of males over females, or of females over males, or in the pro- portion of children, or of grown men or women, are symptomatic of abnormalities in social metabolism.

Normally the processes of disorganization and organization may be thoug as

• of social order toward an •--ff'd

•efmitely regard• So far as disorganiza- tion points to reorganization and makes for more efficient adjust- ment, disorganization must be conceived not as

pathological, but as

r" nodal. Disorganization as rel'tmin• to reor anlzation of • (• tudes and conduct is alm-"•-•'-"•st'-'-•variabl the lot of the newco'•et to

| the cit and the discarding of the habitual and often of what has •t been to him the m is not infre uently accompanied b sharp •ict and sense of erp..fs.• loss. Oftener, perhaps, the

•b change gives • •r late----• • feeling o'•- e--•ancipation and an urge toward new goals.

In the expansion of the c•ocess of distribution takes 1.p_•.e which sifts an•nd relocates individuals and•si- •. The resulting differentiation of the cos-

•n American city into areas is typically all from one pattern, with only interesting minor modifications. Within the central business district or on an adjoining street is the "main stem" of "hobohemia," the teeming Rialto ofthe homeless migratory man of the Middle West.' In the zone of deterioration encircling the cen-

tral business section are alw.ays to be found the so-called "slums"

For a study of this cultural area of city life see Nels Anderson, The Hobo, Chi-

cago• 192¢1,

and tion

•ITY

growth may be used to measur•- •u•sed by any excessive incre.•.•, im•lux of .southe.r• Negroe ".s_•t• •imflar way all cities show devia- from a standard population such cent years by any great emigra- marked variations, as any great emales over males, or in the pro- .en or women, are symptomatic

•,anization and organization m•._•..._y •tionship to each other, and as

m of social order toward an en• •gressive._ So far as disorganiza- nakes for more efficient adjust- eived not as

pathological, but as iin.•i• t0 re0rganiz£fioa of atti- ,bly.. the lot of the n¢.wcomer to habitual,...and often of what has •uently ac•arp ,hal los_.___..•s. Oftener, perhaps, the

ocess of distribution take s pla•e individuals and gro.ul•s by rcsi- ting differentiation of the cos-

is typically all from one pattern, ifications. Within the central g street is th• "main stem" of fthe homeless migratory man of deterioration encircling the cen-

be found the so-called "slums" life see Neh Anderson, TI• Hobo, Chi-

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 5S

and "bad lands," w•th their submerged regions of poverty, degrada- tion, and disease, and their underworlds of crime and vice. Within

/

CHART ll• Urban Areas

a deteriorating area are roomlng-house districts, the purgatory of "lost souls." Near by is the Latin Quarter, where creative and rebellious spirits resort. The slums are also crowded to over-

flowing with immigrant colonies--the Ghetto, Little Sicily. Greek.. town, Chinatown--fascinatingly combining old world heritages and American adaptations. Wedging out from here is the Black Belt, with its free and disorderly life. The area of d_eterioration, while essentially one of decay, of stationary or declining population, is also one of•, as witness the mission, the settlement, the artists' colony, radical centers--all obsessed with the vision of a

new and better world.

.• The next zone is also inhabited predomlnatingly by factory and shop workers, but skilled and thrifty. This is an area of second immigrant settlement, generally of the second generation. It is the region of escape from the slum, the Deutschland of the aspiring •i Ghetto family, For Deutschland (literally "Germany") is the

name given, half in envy, half in derision, to that region beyond the Ghetto where successful neighbors appear to be imitating German Jewish standards of living. But the inhabitant of this area

in turn looks to the "Promised Land" beyond, to its residential hotels, its apartment-house region, its "satellite loops," and its "bright light" areas.

This differentiation into natural economic and cultural group- ings gives form and character to the city. For segregation offers the group, and thereby the individuals who compose the group, a

place and a r61e in the total organization of city life. Segregation limits development in certain directions, but releases it in others. These areas tend to accentuate certain traits, to attract and develop their kind of individuals, and so to become further differentiated.

The division of labor in the city likewise illustrate•a- tion••n, and increasing_different•. The immigrant from rural communities in Europe and America seldom brings with him economic skill of any great value in our industrial, commercial,

or profe taken pl; or circm policem¢ ters, Be)

The fully men

some nc

tion a:

the diw of the mechan econom labor is sad re•

their d: world s

may m worlds monize

If

a mod•.__• organ[

insani what disord over

as a

of tel

louse districts, the purgatory of tin Quarter, where creative and •ns are also crowded to over- the Ghetto, Little Sicily. Greek-. combining old world heritages ;ing out from here is the Black life. The area of •terioratlon, •tionary or declining population, tess the mission, the settlement, -all obsessed with the vision of a

predominatingly by factory and ifty. This is an area of second • e second generation. It is the he D,utschland of the aspiring (litera!ly ,'Germany") is the derision, to that region beyond :hbors appear to be imitating But the inhabitant of this area

rod" beyond, to its residential its "satellite loops," and its

economic and cultural group- te city. For segregation offers mls who compose the group, a :ation of city life. Segregation lions, but releases it in others. in traits, to attract and develop :come further differentiated. likewise illustrates disorgan•a- .ifferentiatig•n The immigrant •d America seldom brings with in our industrial, commercial,

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 57

or professional life. Yet interesting occupational selection has tak n place by nattonahty, explainable more b•racial tempe••{. or circumstance than by old-world economic b•ck•ground, a•-•ri;h / policemen, Greek ice-cream parlors, Chinese laundries, •qegro pot- 1 ters, Belgian janitors, etc.

The facts that in Chicago one miIlion (996,589) individuals gain- fully employed reported 509 occupations, and that over men and women in Who's Who gave •6 different vocations, give some notion of how in the city the minute differentiation of occupa- tion "analyzes and sifts the population, separating and classifying the diverse elements.'" These figures also afford some intimation of the complexity and complication of the modem industrial mechanism and the intricate segregation and isolation of divergent economic groups. Interrelated with this economic division of labor is a corresponding division into social classes and into cultural and recreational groups. From this multiplicity of groups, with their different patterns of life, the person finds his congenial social world and•what is not feasible in the narrow confines of a village-- may move and live in widely separated, and perchance conflicting, worlds. Personal disorganization may be but the failure to har- monize the canons of conduct of two divergent groups.

If the phenomena of exl•_nsio_n and metabolism indicate that a moderate deg.._•ree of disorganization may• facilitate social o.•rganization, they indicate as we•pid urban expansion is ccom shied b excessive increases in disease• crime• disorder, vice, •uicide, rough indexes of social disorganization. But

what are the in•-hW•s of the causes, rat•er &an of•-•e effects, of the disordered social metabolism of the city ? The excess of the actual over the natural increase of population has already been suggested as a criterion. The significance of this increase consists in the immigration into a metropolitan city like New York a•_d..Chicago of tens of thousands of persons annually. Their • of the

Weber, The Growt• of Citle•, p. ¢4•.

58 THE CITY

city has the effect of a tldal wave inundating first the immigrant colonies, the ports of first entry, dislodging thousands of inhabitants

who overflow into the next zone, and so on and on until the momen-

tum of the wave has spent its force on the last urban zone. The

• whole effect is to speed up expansion, to speed up industry, to speed

• the "j• in the area of deterioration (II).-T--•e •$•ments of the population become the more significant • for study. What movement is going on in the city, and how may

this movement be measured? It is easier, of course• to classify movement within the city than to measure it. There is the move-

ment from residence to residence, change of occupation, labor

turnover, movement to and from work, movement for recreation

and adventure. This leads to the question: What is the significant aspect of movement for the study of the changes in city life ? The

answer to this question leads directly to the important distinction

between movement and mobility.

MOBILITY AS THE PULSE OF THE CO•I•ITY

Movement, per se, is not an evidence of change or of growth. In

fact, movement may be a fixed and unchanging order of motion, designed to control a constant situation, as in routine movement.

Movement that is significant for growth implies a change of move- •n-e-nt i•-•e•ponse to

• new

stimult•s or

situation. • merit of this t \ .lied rno.•lit.. Movement of the nature of

t-•routine finds its typical expression in work. Change of movement,

or mobility, is characteristically expressed in adventure. The

great city, with its "bright lights," its emporiums of novelties and

b•rgahas, its palaces of amusement, its underworld of vice and

crime, its risks of llfe and property from accident, robbery, and'• homlcide, has become the region of the most intense degree of adven• ture and danger, excitement and thrill.

Mobility, it is evident, involves change, new experience, stimu-

lation. Stimulation induces a response of the person to those objects

•HE CITY

1 wave inundating first the immigrant :ry, dislodging thousands of inhabitants me, and so on and on until the momen- its force on the last urban zone. The pansion, to speed up industry, to speed the area of deterioration (II). Thes•

•opulation become the more significant is going on in the city, and how may ? It is easier, of course, to classify

tan to measure it. There is the move- sidence, change of occupation, labor from work, movement for recreation

:o the question: What is the significant •tudy of the changes in city life ? The s directly to the important distinction bility

Pul•s•. oz" Wm•. co•mn, u•Y

an evidence of change or of growth. In •xed and unchanging order of motion, •at situation, as in routine movement. for growth implies a change of move-

imuius or situation. C__hange of.move•- •. Movement of the nature of .•ssion in work. Change of movement, :icaIly expressed in adventure. The ights," its emporiums of novelties and usement, its underworld of vice and ?roperty from accident, robbery, and ion of the most intense degree of adven. and thrill.

:volves change, new experience, stimu- response of the person to those objects

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 59

in his environment which afford expression for his wishes. For the person, as for the physical organism, stimulation is essential to growth. Response to stimulation is wholesome so long as it is a c_orrelated iniegrag reaction of the entire personality. When the reaction is segmental, that is, detached from, and uncontrolled •e organization of perscmallty; it tends to become d•.•nrggaxizing or pathologicaJ. That is why stimulation for the sake of stimula-

h•'ib-'•, as in the resdess pursuit of pleasure, partakes of the nature of vice.

The mobility of city life, with its increase in the number and intensity of stimulations, tends inevitably to confuse and to demor- alize the person. For an essential element in the mores and in •ersonal morality is consistency, consistency of •e type that is

•natural in the social control of the primary group. X•ghere mobility is the greatest, and where in consequence primary controls break down completely, as in the zone of dete'•bration in the modern city, there develop areas of demoralization, of promiscuity, and of vice. "--•'our studies of the city it is found that area•y are also the regions in which are found.jgyenile ddinquency, boys'• gangs, crime, poverty, wife desertion, divorce, abandoned infants, vice.

These concrete situations show why mobility is perhaps the best index of the state of metabolism of the city. Mobility may be thought of in more than a fanciful sense, as the "pulse of the com- munity." •of the human bod25 it is a process which reflects and is indicative of all the changes that are taking place in the community, and which is susceptible of analysis into dements which may be stated numerically.

The dements entering into mobility maybe classified under two main heads: (•) the state of mutability of the person, and (2) the number and kind of contacts or stimulations in his environment. The mutability of city populations varies with sex and age composi- tion, the degree of detachment of the person from the family and

6o THE CITY

from other groups. All these factors may be expressed numerically. The new stimulations to which a population responds can be meas- ured in terms of change of movement or of increasing contacts. Statistics on the movement of urban population may only measure routine, but an increase at a higher ratio than the increase of popu- lation measures mobility. In 186o the horse-car lines of New York City carried about So,ooo•ooo passengers; in i89o the trolley- cars (and a few surviving horse-cars) transported about 5oo,ooo,ooo; in I92I, the elevated, subway, surface, and electric and steam subur- ban lines carried a total of more than •.,5oo,cx•o,ooo passengers.' In Chicago the total annual rides per capita on the surface and ele- vated lines were 164 in i89o; 2• 5 in x9oo; 3•o in i9io; and 338 in

I92L In addition, the rides per capita on steam and electric suburban lines almost doubled between i916 (23) and i92I (4x), and the increasing use of the automobile must not be overlooked.* For example, the number of automobiles in Illinois increased from x3x,I4o in 1915 to 833,92o in •923 ,3

Mobility may be measured not only by these changes of move- ment, but also by increase of contacts. While the increase of population of Chicago in xgx2-22 was less than 25 per cent (23.6 per

•e,s •e,,•,•d •o ag,•ns was double

New York had 8.8 telephones; in xg• •6. 9 per zoo inhabitants. Boston had, in •9•, •o.z telephones; ten years later, •9-5 telephone• per xeo inhabitants. In •e same decade •e figures for Chicago •¢re•sed from •.3 to •L6 per •oo population, s But increase of the use of the telephone is probably more si•ificant than increase

Ad•pted from W. B. Monro, Munldpal Ge•.emment a• Admin•straHen, II, 377. Report of the Chicago Subway and Tract¢on C•mCssion, p. 8i, and •e Report on

a Phys•al PIan#r a Unified Tramportatlon System, p. 39t.

Data comp•ed by automob•e industfi•.

Statistics of ma•ing di•sion, Chicago Post-o•ce.

Detemined from Census Estima•s for Interc•su¢l Years.

tu the Chica• I922 only

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CITY

.ors may be expressed numerically. population responds can be meas- 'ement or of increasing contacts. •an population may only measure

•r ratio than the increase of popu- 86o the horse-car lines of New •o passengers; in •89o the trolley- rs) transported about 5oo,ooo,ooo; :ace, and electric and steam subur- e than •,5oo,ooo,ooo passengers.' per capita on the surface and ele- in zgoo; 32o in rgio; and 338 in

•r capita on steam and electric etween z9•6 (23) and i9• (4•), •mobile must not be overlooked.' mobiles in Illinois increased from 3, only by these changes of move-

;ontacts. While the increase of was less than 25 per cent (23.6 per •'ered to Chicagoans was double 4,•96 to Lo38,oo7,854). Inxg• r922, x6. 9 per zoo inhabitants.

es; ten years later, •9.5 telephones te decade the figures for Chicago • population.• But increase of )ly more significant than •crease ,al Government g• A•min•s•m•on, II, 371. •gon Commission, p. 8*, and •e Report on System, p. $0•.

Post•ffice.

I•tercensual Fears.

THE GROWTH OF THE CITY 6•

in the number of telephones. The number of telephone calls in Chicago increased from 6o5,•3•,9•8 in •9•4 to 944,om,586 in •9•2,' an increase of 55.7 per cent, while the population increased only •3.4 per cent.

Land values, since they reflect movement, afford one of the most sensitive indexes of mobility. The highest land values in Chicago are at the point of greatest mobility in the city, at the corner of State and Madison streets, in the Loop. A traffic count showed that at the rush period 3,,ooo people an hour, or 2 xo,ooo men and women in sixteen and one-half hours, passed the southwest corner. For over ten years land values in the Loop have been stationary: but in the same time they have doubled, quadrupled, and even sextupled in the strategic comers of the "satellite loops,", an accurate index of the changes which have occurred. Our investigations so far seem to indicate that variations in land values, especially where correlated with differences in rents, offer perhaps the best single measure of mobility, and so of all the changes taking place in the" expansion and growth of the city.

In general outline, I have attempted to present the point of view and methods of investigation which the department of sociology is employing in its studies in the growth of the city, namely, to •. describe urban expansion in ter•r•s of extension, succession, and con- centration; to determine how expansion disturbs metabolism when disorganization is in excess of organization; a•d, finally, to define mobility and to propose it as a measure both of expansion and metabolism, susceptible to precise quantitative formulation, so that it may be regarded almost literally as the pulse of the com- munity. In a way, this statement might serve as an introduction•2

•From statistics furnished by Mr. R. J'ohnson, traffic supervisor, Illinois Bell Telephone Company. From •9•-z3, land values per front foot increased in Bridgeport from 8600 to 8x,•5o; in Div•sion-Ashla, nd-Milwaukeedistrict, from82,ooo to 84,500; in"Back of the

Yards," from 8•,ooo to 83,000; in Englewood, from 8•,5oo to 88,coo; in Wilson Avenue, from 8r,ooo to $6,000; but decreased in the Loop from 8zo, ooo to

6• THE CITY

to any one of five or six research projects under way in the depart- ment2 The project, however, in which I am directly engaged |s

an attempt•thods of investigation to a cross-sec•on •_p_•t this areaz•as it were •_..•der the microscop..•_and

s__9..o to study in more detail and with rearer co trol and ecis'on e

•been described here in •: For this

purpose the West Side Jewish community has been selected. This community includes the so-called "Ghetto," or area of first settle-

ment, and Lawndale, the so-called "Deutschland," or area of second settlement. This area has certain obvious advantages for this study, from the standpoint of expansion, metabolism, and mobility. It exemplifies the tendency to expansion radially from the business

center of the city. It is now relatively a homogeneous cultural

group. Lawndale is itself an area in flux, with the tide of migrants still flowing in from the Ghetto and a constant egress to more

desirable regions of the residential zone. In this area, too, it is also poss•le to study how the expected outcome of this high rate of mobility in social and personal disorganization is counteracted in large measure by the efficient communal organization of the Jewish community.

ERNEST W. BURGESS

Nels Anderson, The Slum: An Area of DeAerloratlon In the Grototh oJ •he City; Ernest R. Mowrer, Fcra•/y DisorganizaEon in Chicago; Waiter C. Reckless, The Natural History of Vice Area* in Chicago; E. H, Shldeler, The Retail Bualness Or- ganlzaIion as an Index of Business Organization; F. M. Thrasher, One Thousand Boys' Gangs in Chicago; a Study of Their Organization and Habitat; H. W. Zorbaugh, The Lower North Side; a Study in Comrfvunity Organization.