anthropological survey of india

JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA Volume : 61(2) & 62 (1) July-Dec, 2012 & Jan-June, 2013

The Journal of Anthropological Survey of India invites original papers, theoretical as well as empirical,from the scholars working in social-cultural anthropology, physical anthropology, community genetics,palaeo-anthropology, sociology, folklore, sociolinguistics, tribal and rural studies, human ecology andenvironment together with the various facets of human development. In addition to these thematic papersthe journal will publish research news, book reviews, shorter notes and academic discussions, andprofessional announcements of specific importance.

The contributors are requested to send their manuscripts, written in English, accompanied by an abstractof not more than 250 words, which should reflect the summary of the paper. The manuscript should beclearly typed double spaced, in good quality bond paper and must always be submitted in duplicate. Eachpaper should bear the name, official designation and adress along with e-mail address of the author(s).The references in relation to any author pointed out in the body of the text should come in the followingorder:- last name of the author, year of publication of the work and page numbers. When the name ofthe author under references is already given in the text, then only the date of publication and page numberare to be written. The words other than English used in the article should be underlined which wouldbe italicized in the printed form. The contributors are requested to submit a declaration that thispaper/article is not published elsewhere.

The authors of the concerned papers are solely responsible for the opinions made therein and inno circumstances the Editor/Managing Editor would be responsible for these comments. Theauthors may send their papers in CD which should be accompanied by one hard copy. Notes andreferences should be given at the end of the paper and there must be an alphabetical order in thearrangement of the references cited. The arrangement given below must be followed.

Harris, Marvin (1980) Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science ofCulture, New York: Vintage Books

Firth, Roymond (1975) "The Skeptical Anthropologist? Social Anthropologyand Marxist Views on Society", in Maurice Bloch, ed,Marxist Analyses and Social Anthropology, London:Malaby Press, 29-60.

Sillitoe, Paul (2000) (ed.) Indigenous Knowledge Development in Bangladesh,Dhaka: The University Press Limited

Danda, Ajit, K (2009) "On Social Mobility Movement of the Rabha", Journalof Indian Anthropological Society, 44(3), 243-45.

Relevant photographs having specific qualities of illustrating the theme of the paper may be sent but theprinting must be clear on glossy paper. All the required diagrams must be drawn in black and white andthe letterings, in any, should be distinct to facilitate good reproduction. Please do not send any paperwhich has already been sent to any other journal/organization for consideration. All the papers are subjectto editing and the managing editor is at the liberty to edit the papers as he thinks fit, and in this connection no correspondence will be entertained. Manuscripts that are not accepted for publication in the journalcould be sent back to the authors concerned, if requested.

The articles, completed in all respects, are to be sent either to the Editor or to the Managing Editor inthe following addresses.

Prof. K. K. Misra, EditorDr. Amitabha Sarkar, Managing EditorAnthropological Survey of IndiaGovt. of India, Ministry of Culture27, Jawaharlal Nehru RoadIndian Museum Complex, Kolkata – 700 016.Phone: 033-2286 1733/81, Fax: 033-2286 1799Email: [email protected]

GUIDELINES FOR THE CONTRIBUTORS

Formerly Bulletin of Department of Anthropology / Anthropological Survey ofIndia / Human Science

Editor: Prof K. K. MisraManaging Editor: Dr. Amitabha SarkarPublished byDirectorAnthropological Survey of India27, Jawaharlal Nehru RoadKolkata – 700 016, India

The Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India is the official organ of theAnthropological Survey of India, which is published biannually. It publishes originalpapers in all areas of anthropology and allied disciplines. It also publishes reviewpapers, research notes, brief communications and book reviews. The views expressedby the author are those of their own and not of the Anthropological Survey of India.

Editorial correspondence, manuscripts and books for review should be sent to : TheEditor, the Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, Anthropological Surveyof India, 27, Jawaharlal Nehru Road, Kolkata – 700 016, India.

Subscription orders should be sent to:DirectorAnthropological Survey of India27, Jawaharlal Nehru RoadKolkata – 700 016. India

Subscription rate :Per copy : 400

Cheques / Drafts to be drawn in favour of Pay and Accounts Officer, Pay and AccountsOffice, Department of Culture, Kolkata.

The views expressed by the individual author do not necessarily reflect the viewsof the Survey.

©2012-13 Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata

JOURNAL OF THEANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

ISSN : 2277 - 436X

Volume: 61(2) & 62(1) Contents July-December, 2012 & Jan-June, 2013

The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha’s Vision of the 365Anthropological Survey of India - R. K. Bhattacharya

Indigenous Knowledge in India: Dimensions and Relevance - P. K. Misra 373

Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: The Nomadic Muslim 379Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka - Ajit Kumar

Understanding Haemoglobinopathies in Public Health Scenario of Andaman 409and Nicobar Islands: An Anthropological Approach - S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar

Twin Infanticide: A case study from Arunachal Pradesh, India - Nakul Chandra Sarkar 427

Model for impact assessment of awareness programme in sickle Cell Anaemia - Development 435initiative for survival and well being - Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay

Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village (with special reference to origin, 451History, Ethnic Identity, Social Structure and Dispute Solving Mechanism) - Nishant Saxena

465

Sacred Complex in Karbary Grand Village (with special reference 479to Gurkha community) - Karuna Shankar Pandey

Migration pattern and Kinship system among Gurkha community in Karbari Grants, 497Dehradun - A critical appraisal to bio-social perspective - Mr. Subrata Kundu

“Health Care Practices and Traditional Medicine of Gorkha Population in the 509Village Karbari Grant” - Arnab Mukherjee

A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population in Village Karbari Grant, 523District Dehradun, Uttarakhand - Minakshi Sharma

Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India - Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar 535

549

Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation in folk life and culture of 559Jaipur District, Odisha : An Introspection - R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda

Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe and Indigenous Healing Practices 569followed by the tribes in the Agency of Andhra Pradesh - S. Yaseen Saheb and T. S. Naidu

Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of Indigenous Knowledge on 583Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu - Anupam Datta

Traditional Life, Livelihood and Plantations : A study among the 595Mullu Kurumba - C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra

Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal - Dr. D. V. Prasad 617

629

Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India - Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya 639

Palaeolithic Tools of Siulibona, District-Bankura, West Bengal: A Typological and 651Morphometric Study - Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey

Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu - M. Sasikumar 667

Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches - S. B. Roy 681

Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients - Dr. Suja Ani 689

Brief CommunicationEconomic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village - Aheri Das 697

Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: Some observation on Mahali - Rapti Pan 719

Health profile of Gorkhas with special reference to Lifestyle vis-a-vis Hypertensive 727Condition in Village Karbari Grant of Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview - Priyanka Singh,Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik

ObituaryA Tribute to Professor N. K. Behura - Kamal K. Misra 743

The Holistic Approach to Anthropology:B. S. Guha's Vision of the

Anthropological Survey of India

R. K. Bhattacharya1

It is indeed an honour to have been invited to deliver the second B.S. Guha MemorialLecture at the Shillong office of the Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI). Leavingaside the Head Office, the establishment in Shillong is the second oldest in the Survey,the first being the one in Port Blair in the Andamans that was set up around 1951. TheSurvey seems to have maintained the pecking order when organising these MemorialLectures, as I learnt that the first one was delivered in Port Blair.

I thank the members of the Survey, especially the Director, Prof. K. K. Misra, for givingme this privilege. I am conscious of the fact that this is a tribute to one of the mostillustrious individuals of our country. Dr. Guha was the founder Director of the Survey.

In this deliberation I shall provide a brief biographical sketch of Dr. Guha, besideshighlighting his contribution in the making of the Anthropological Survey of India.Finally, I shall touch upon his scholarly work in anthropology with some discussion onits contemporaneity.

The intellectual journey of B.S. Guha is indeed remarkable. After completing masterdegree in philosophy he was inspired to go on to study anthropology in the U.S. afterwhich he qualified as a professional anthropologist specialising in physical anthropology.His transition from philosophy to a technical discipline with rigours of large-scalemeasurement, observation and recording is fascinating. This offers a glimpse into hiscapacities and the felicity with which he was capable of moving between the intellectualrequirements of liberal arts and science. It also points to the diligence and perseverancethat he must have had to pursue another discipline in his late youth. His perseverance ofcourse is revealed in the way he established the all-India organisational structure of theAnthropological Survey of India carved out of the Zoological Survey of India in 1945.

Biraja Sankar Guha was born on August 15, 1894 in Shillong, in the erstwhile Assam.He obtained an M.A. in philosophy from the University of Calcutta. Guha did not confinehimself to philosophy for long. In 1917, he took a government assignment as a Researcher

Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (365-371), 2012-2013

1Ex. Director, Anthropological Survey of India. 2nd B. S. Guha Memorial Lectureheld at Shillong, December 11, 2012

in anthropology under the Government of Bengal. During his tenure as a researcher, hestudied the Khasis in the erstwhile Assam. The merit of his fieldwork among the Khasishelped him earn the Hemenway Fellowship in Harvard University in 1920. In 1922, hereceived the degree of A.M. in anthropology from Harvard. He held a position of SpecialResearch Officer in the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C., undertaking fieldinvestigation among the Utes and the Navajos of Colorado and New Mexico. Guha wasawarded a Ph.D. in 1924 from Harvard for his dissertation on the racial basis of the castesystem in India.

Dr. Guha came back to India after completing his studies in the U.S. His return coincidedwith the introduction of anthropology as an academic discipline in Indian universities.In 1926, he joined, as a Lecturer, the Department of Anthropology in the University ofCalcutta. In 1927, the Government of India created for the first time a position ofAnthropologist for the Anthropological Section of the Zoological Survey of Indiaand Dr. Guha was appointed in the post. He was also made the Officer-in-Chargeof the Section.

Long before Dr. Guha joined the Zoological Survey of India, attempts were made by itssuccessive directors to impress upon the government the need for opening a separate,full-fledged institution similar to the Zoological Survey for ethnography or anthropology.The first recommendation made by Dr. Nelson Anandale for an institute of eminence tocarry out ethnographic survey was made in 1916, the year in which the Zoological Surveyof India was carved out of the Zoological and Anthropological Sections of the IndianMuseum. The next recommendation was in 1927 by Lt. Col. R.B. Seymour Sewell (seeR.K.Bhattacharya and Jayanta Sarkar (eds.) Anthropology of B.S. Guha, p.3, Kolkata,Anthropological Survey of India, 1996) . Finally, in December 1945, the AnthropologicalSurvey of India, headed by Dr. Guha, was founded. Dr. Guha as director served theAnthropological Survey for nine years.

I have named today's topic “The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B.S. Guha's Visionof the Anthropological Survey of India.” I am very conscious of my use of the term'holistic approach' in anthropology I am very conscious how holistic approach inanthropology is defined. Holistic approach is to understand the relationship betweenman's physical and cultural properties. If we look into Dr. Guha's organisation of researchin the Survey, we observe that he gave due coverage to develop and pursue both physicaland cultural aspects of the discipline. Under the physical or biological aspect, the followingstudies were undertaken: anthropometry, somatology, craniometry, osteometry andpalaeontology. Under the cultural aspect, Dr.Guha gave noticeable importance to anintegral part of culture, that is, language. Linguistics, namely survey of scripts andrecording of speech and music, was included. Language expresses man's feelings,perceptions and the inner world of his mind. Feelings and perceptions are as varied asculture and tradition. Language provides a community with the ability to continue itstradition and culture through generations. I enumerate the other items of study in thefollowing lines: folklore, i.e. study of oral history, tradition and custom; art, craft andtraditional or ancient technology; economics including land alienation, debt and barter

system. Besides, psychological, especially socio-psychological, studies added anotherdimension to cultural anthropology.

Dr. Guha's proposal submitted to the government with a view to successfully execute hisscheme of research in the Survey right after it was founded reads:

To study tribes and other communities that form the population of India bothfrom the biological and cultural points of view;

To study and preserve human skeletal remains, both modern and archaeological;

To collect samples of arts and crafts of the tribes in India

From the above we can appreciate the focus and brevity of the document of intent presentedto the government - the bureaucracy demands much more verbosity from us these daysand I leave to you to work out the reason!

Dr. Guha's proposal got its full support from the government.

Let me now look at the tangible aspect of the Survey's research infrastructure that Dr.Guha built. Dr. Guha established laboratories for biochemistry, radiology, human biology,osteology and psychology. For documentation of custom and tradition, art and craft,economic practice and technology, and way of living, photography and cine-photographyunits were opened. These units ushered in scope for visual anthropology in our countrylong before it became an established and recognised area of study in anthropology. Sincethe Survey's inception, a well-equipped library had slowly been put together through thepersistence of Dr. Guha. During his tenure, around 20,000 books on anthropology,psychology, linguistics, economics and related subjects and a sizeable collection of bookson European arts were procured.

Initially Dr. Guha thought of one centralised office of the Anthropological Survey in ametropolitan city, either Delhi or Calcutta. Later he realised it would be inconvenient tocarry out sustained field investigation in a comparatively inaccessible area located farfrom the central or head office. The study of little-known Andaman tribes and the imminentissue of rehabilitating refugees in the islands following Partition resulted in establishinga sub-office at Port Blair in the Andamans in 1951. Within a few years, the other importantsub-office, or sub-station, was opened in Shillong for carrying out fieldwork amongthe numerous tribes of the North-East living away from the plains and other parts ofthe country.

I have left out two of the policy resolutions - one, using the Survey as an advanced trainingcentre for students and administrators, and two, to publish research results collected bythe researchers of the Survey through books and periodicals for dissemination of thisacquired knowledge on the people of the country. This demonstrates the range of hisvision and plans in making the Survey's work relevant to the academic community.

Leaving aside a very short stint of teaching assignment in philosophy before he went tothe U.S., Dr. Guha took up his first professional anthropological work among the Khasisof the erstwhile Assam. This research was fieldwork based. Throughout his career spanning

367366 The Holistic Approach to Anthropology: B. S. Guha's Vision ......... Survey of India R. K. Bhattacharya

a period of roughly 40 years of active research, Dr. Guha was acutely aware of the strengthof fieldwork-based anthropological studies. The mainspring of anthropological researchis fieldwork and Dr. Guha felt excited about fieldwork and championed it. Dr. Guha'sexperience in field investigation was phenomenal. He did fieldwork among indigenoustribes of Colorado and New Mexico. Soon after returning from the U.S., and joining theZoological Survey of India as Anthropologist, Dr. Guha undertook field investigationcovering the length and breadth of British India. He had the rare experience of takingpart in a Government expedition to the North-West Frontier Area. Before coming to theAnthropological Survey of India, his research was largely confined to physical anthropology.His preoccupation was racial ethnology of India and he did seminal work on racialelements in the population of India (see B.S. Guha, Racial Elements in the PopulationLondon, Oxford University Press, 1944).

Dr. Guha, with his research colleagues from the Anthropological Survey, identified theareas, namely Andamans and the North-East, of the country that called for urgentinvestigation and research. This was done in the very early phase after founding theSurvey.

Now let us try to read the mind of Dr. Guha by consulting his “Report of a Surveyof Inhabitants of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands During 1948-49”, published in 1952in the Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology (Government of India), 1:1, 1-7. Iquote copiously:

The problem of the Aborigines of Andaman Islands...is not the same as that ofthe other...tribes of India. These people are some of the most ancient remnants of humanrace still surviving...The need among them is not so much the spread of educationand social uplift as the arrest of decline in population which has been most alarming.(emphasis mine)

...The hostile branch of the Andamanese tribes known as the Jarawa-Onge-Sentinelesegroup fortunately has been spared the fate of their more “friendly” kinsmen.

...Very little can be done now to save the Andamanese proper who have paid for theirfriendliness by being driven to the verge of extinction and it now is a question of timebefore they would completely disappear.”

In recent years the Survey undertook extensive work among the Jarawas. I am sure thosewho took part in the aforesaid investigation would feel how correctly Dr. Guha pinpointedthe crux of the problem concerning these pristine hunter-gatherer people. He was veryfocussed and direct and to the point in stating the priorities of our interventions - we haveto focus on population conservation going beyond national understanding of social uplift.

I quote once again from the same article, page 4 - “We gave them food, cigerettes...Thepresents given were iron nails, strip of red cloth, tea and tobacco leaves. Among all theseobjects what they liked most were the tobacco leaves.”

I quote from Dr. Guha's another article “A comparative study of the somatic traits of theOnges of the Little Andaman” published in Bulletin of the Department of Anthropology,Government of India 1954, 3:2, 117-143 - “No explanation for the persistent hostility ofthe Andamanese tribes towards strangers has so far been given from the time they cameto be known to the outside world...”

Dr. Guha was clearly bothered about the lack of explanation for hostility of the Andamanesetribes towards outsiders. This raises the question if the tribes are by nature hostile ordisplay hostility due to feelings of insecurity. I would like to direct attention to the generalapproach when we encounter the 'other' - the question of our protocol, etiquette andattitude. In our eagerness to know we probably show a disregard to these civilities. Wetry to buy friendship for building up rapport; we try to intrude into others' territory withoutbeing invited and carry presents that we perceive would be appreciated to assert ourfriendliness. It is noticeable that the Jarawas of the present day are picking up the habitsof tobacco, processed foods like biscuits and deep fried snacks (samosas) etc. for whichthey do not have the required dietary readiness. We are still to learn their biological/physiological responses to sugar and salt as additives to food items.

I quote from another article, “The Role of Social Sciences in Nation Building”, inSociological Bulletin, 7:2, 148-151, 1958:

...Integration of ethnic groups of India must...be achieved not on a mosaic pattern ofisolated separate groups with only common economic and political interests, but on thebasis of a quantum of common and shared values and traditions, although relating todistinctive cultural traits of the different groups.

Whenever we attempt to understand the composition of Indian society we find there aretwo poles - unity and diversity. It is not possible to ignore the unity of peoples within thebounds of nation-state while on the other hand, the vast array of communities with theirlanguage(s) and other attributes cannot also be denied. Often, even social scientists tendto view Indian society through the mirror of unity rather than through the observable andnoticeable diversities of communities living within a nation-state. India's strength is inher diversity, in displaying her plurality; we see this diversity even in the adjustments/changesthat each community makes to the changing times and situations and to the idea of nation-state. We need to appreciate and record this. We find in Dr. Guha's thoughts somereflection of this idea especially in his remarks on marginal groups in our country's mosaicof communities. Of course there can be many debates and arguments on the nature ofintegration and unity.

As a postscript, let me discuss a few other points. Dr. Guha's scholastic achievement isof eminence. He was Fellow of the National Institute of Sciences and of the AsiaticSociety of Bengal. He presided over the anthropology section of the joint session of theIndian Science Congress and the British Association of the Advancement of Science heldin Calcutta and served as Vice-president of the Section of Physical Anthropology andRacial Biology, International Congress of Anthropology, organised in Copenhagen inDenmark. He was known to be a good researcher and his research work bore an imprint


of thoroughness. In the academic field he was a stalwart. He was recipient of the AnnandaleMemorial Medal from the Asiatic Society of Bengal for his distinguished contributionin the field of anthropology. He was an able administrator. The government was awareof his capabilities. He was a government delegate to the first meeting of the InternationalCongress of Anthropology, held in London. He represented India in almost all internationalmeetings and conferences in anthropology and kept himself abreast of the most recentdevelopments in the discipline. On his retirement, he reorganised the Bihar Tribal ResearchInstitute in Ranchi. He was sincere, devoted and confident and worked hard to pursuehis commitment in research and administration. He established the Indian AnthropologicalInstitute in Calcutta. He excelled in his leadership role and could enthuse his colleaguesto join him in his endeavour of building up a research organisation of repute.

Dr. Guha's work was topical in his time. Racial Elements in the Population, publishedOxford University Press, 1944 is a seminal anthropological treatise giving an ethnicpicture of India. Dr. D. P. Sinha writes in an obituary published in American Anthropology,April 1963:382-386 that Dr. Guha iterated in various professional meetings that theoriescould be built up only after collection of complete data and had a positive dislike fortheoretical work based on insufficient data (ibid.:384).The obituary had an addendum byCarleton S. Coon (ibid.:386). Coon found during his time “Racial affinities of the peoplesof India” in Census of India, J. H. Hutton (edited) 1931:1 as the only complete coverageof physical and cultural anthropology of the peoples of India and Pakistan. The traditionalphysical anthropological investigation through anthropometry, somatology, craniology,osteometry is not anymore in fashion. We are in the era of genetic studies. It is not thatDr. Guha was unaware of genetics (cf. “Race and nationality” in Bulletin of the BiharTribal Research Institute, Ranchi, March 1959, 1:1, 1-6), but tools, techniques and methodsof the present day were not available in the 50's or 60's. Thus, it is very easy to discountthe work in Physical Anthropology of that time. However, I am sure that the value ofclassifying a population on observable, measurable and noticeable traits will help recoverthe validity, significance and relevance of Physical Anthropology of yesteryears. We mayneed to have different parameters and create acceptable rules in keeping with contemporaryknowledge. Sometimes simple arithmetic scores over complex calculus when the issueis one of keeping daily accounts but this is not to undermine the importance of one overanother - I am sure that that there is a place for genetics as there is space for more simpleranalysis when studying the human face of the world. If Dr. Guha had been a universityteacher may be he would have his gharana of sishyas. We who have worked in the AnSIare the ones to carry his torch forward.

We admit that in the light of contemporary academic interest Dr. Guha's work is no longerin fashion; we recognize that the studies created the base line for the evolution of modernstudies. Modern anthropology was built on those early works that for various reasons wedo not always acknowledge. The works of Dr. Guha had helped in the initial understandingof the vast diversity of our population; we may not agree with the parameters acceptedearlier. In his time, Dr. Guha's scholarship was consistent with the studies being conductedall over the world and that is why we need to remember him for laying the scientific

foundation of the discipline of anthropology in India and inculcating the value of scientificprocedures. He was comprehensive in his thinking and in formulating mega projects thatenhanced the reputation of the Anthropological Survey making it quite unique in theworld. It is this tradition of pan national studies that gives the AnSI the wherewithal toplan and execute mega projects with a view to comprehend the composite nature of Indiansociety with all its diversity.

I join with others in paying my homage to Dr. B.S. Guha.

I gratefully acknowledge the Library staff (present and former) of the AnthropologicalSurvey of India, Kolkata for their unstinted support and help.


Indigenous Knowledge in India:Dimensions and Relevance

P. K. Misra1

ABSTRACT

The paper discusses the dimensions of indigenous knowledge and attempts to highlightthe essential differences with the knowledge produced by modern science. While theknowledge produced by modern science grows out of indigenous knowledge system, inits growth it becomes highly specialized and it tries to establish its independence, in theprocess it shows it’s disconnect with society, culture and environment. The indigenousknowledge remains embedded in society and culture. While it promotes biodiversity, itis integrative and sustainable, it shows fault lines as societies and cultures grow.

INTRODUCTIONIn this presentation, I propose to discuss the dimensions of indigenous knowledge andwhether it is different from the knowledge produced by modern science. The indigenousknowledge system has promoted immense bio-diversity in India which of course isnegotiated and maintained in a variety of ways keeping the identity of Indian civilization. Peripatetic are one of the links in the complex process.

A couple of years ago, I attended a lecture given by Dr. Parpia, a renowned food scientistand the former director of the Central Food & Technological Research Institute, Mysorewhere he highlighted the wasteful agricultural practices of the farmers in India thoughIndia has a long and ancient tradition of agriculture. He pointed out that 50 to 70 percentof grains are lost in their journey from farm to consumer. He said that the farmers didnot prepare the soil scientifically and the techniques of cultivation too were poor. Hepointed out that 30% of the seeds did not germinate because either they were germ eatenor infected by fungus. There was further loss owing to poor techniques of thrashing,storing and transporting. Sacks loaded with grains were lifted by hooks which causefurther loss of grains besides whatever was eaten by rodents. Similarly he cited concreteevidences of huge losses of vegetables and fruits during their journey from farm toconsumer.

372 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61(2) & 62(1) : (373-377), 2012-2013

1Professor P. K. Misra, Mysore

From that lecture, I came back convinced that there were serious problems in traditionalagricultural practices based on indigenous knowledge. I thought if only ‘wasteful’practices could be avoided much deficiencies in food production could be minimized andcost of production could be significantly reduced which are crying needs of the hour.

Sometime back I had been to Rampura, a village near Mysore with a group of studentsof Anthropology. This village is well known for it was studied by Professor M.N. Srinivas,the doyen among social scientists. While making a round of the village we visited oneof the thrashing grounds where grains had been recently thrashed. Dr. Parpia’s lecturewas still very fresh in my mind. I began to point out to the students as well as to thevillagers who were accompanying us that though thrashing had been completed a fewdays ago still there was some grain on the ground which clearly indicated how ‘wasteful’the traditional thrashing practice was. An elderly village lady was over hearing us andunderstood the tenor of our conversation. Though normally rural women folk are reticentand shy, she could not resist but say with a deep sense of empathy and simple innocense‘doesn’t other creatures like ants, birds, squirrels also need some food.’ In other wordsthe grains left on the thrashing grounds were not by mistake or owing to inefficienttechnology but by choice which allowed maintenance of bio-diversity. I was absolutelyflabbergasted. I thought I got my evidence to show that the indigenous knowledge systemis integrated and holistic. But the euphoria generated by this incident did not last long.A few days later I read in Deccan Herald that in Bijapur district of Karnataka the practiceof dropping babies (between six months to two years) from a height of 15 to 20 feet intoa rag held just above the ground by a group of men, to appease the deity in the temple,is widely prevalent. How do I explain this practice and many other where people mutilatetheir bodies, or sacrifice a large number of animals, or torture themselves to fulfill somepromise to the deity, or the other. One can add numerous other practices which appearto be untenable from the stand point of modern science. Such practices are so widespreadthat they cannot be considered as aberration. Obviously they must have been sustainedand validated by the social system of the communities wherever they occur. But as theknowledge progresses many such fault lines come to the forefront while many new ideas,practices may be incorporated and also created. Such things take time to get integrated/reinterpreted in the fabric of the society1. It is a continuous process. The modern understandingis that any practices which is not validated by science, is wrong. So why do such unvalidatedpractices continue to exist. For Dr. Parpia many of the traditional agricultural practicesare unscientific. They are inefficient and wasteful. For village woman, on the other hand,though she is also concerned with production would like to leave some grains for theconsumption of other creatures. For her it is not waste. For modern science efficiency ofa technology is to be judged purely from the ratio between cost of production and output,the rest is irrelevant. For people the relationship between the two is never sostraight. It has to be mediated through culture which evolves over time.

Are we then talking of two kinds of rationalities, one represented by indigenous knowledgesystem intervened by culture and other by modern science? How it could be? After allhuman beings, have the same biological basis, their society and culture have evolvedover time. The modern science has grown out of indigenous knowledge system but thenit can be easily conceded that at some stage the knowledge generated by modern sciencebecomes qualitatively different from indigenous, very well represented by the two incidentsI have given at the beginning of this essay. Knowledge is derived by experience,experiments, explorations, intuition, systematization of information and refinement, whichgrows further by its own dynamics. In the process of its growth newer situations presentthemselves which lead to potentialities of further knowledge, and also indicate that manyfactors do not any longer fit or valid into the scheme of things. Taking a cue from thisis it possible to conceive of a continuum, one end of which is represented by indigenousknowledge system and the other by the knowledge generated by modern science, and inbetween lie the knowledge interspersed by the two systems. If that be so let us define thecharacteristic features of the two poles.

Indigenous knowledge is the knowledge possessed by the members of a defined community- a community in a typical Redfield’s sense of a folk community. The knowledge of thefolk community grows over time and hence could be assumed as processual. Indigenousknowledge by our assumption is shared, holistic, integrated with local fauna and flora.The rules of behavior in the community, its culture and values are tuned to that knowledge. It is ethical where values of right and wrong are defined based on which actions orthought are evaluated as fulfilling or disappointing. The indigenous knowledge is smallin scale. It is cognitive. It is generated by reasons and experimentation but may not behighly analytical. It is affective and conative. Its transcendental values are understoodin many ways. Its intelligibility is buried in hosts of symbols and their interpretations.It has to be relevant to the local situation and therefore has to be functional in some sense. It has the possibilities of profound paradoxes and contradictions. Facts and values getlinked. From this perspective when we review the Indian situation, it is noted that theindigenous knowledge system has promoted tremendous diversity of cultures. The Peopleof India project conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India identified 4635communities in India (Singh 1992). Each of the communities has their life-styles andidentities and enjoys a certain degree of autonomy. The Indian social structure and culturalsystem in India are intrinsically based on pluralism, diversity and autonomy. Srinivas hasrightly noted, “Indian culture is characterized by enormous diversity. It would not be anexaggeration to say the cultural situation in India varies every few miles. And even withina single village each caste has culture which is somewhat different from that of the other.In fact, it would not be an exaggeration to state that each kinship unit has its own distinctivecultural practices, representing a fusion of different incoming affinal strands modifyingthe culture of the main agnatic stem” (1996). Immediately the question arises how thisplurality is negotiated and maintained keeping the identity of Indian civilization. It isnot possible to get into this issue here in detail, it can be briefly mentioned that theperipatetics in India say in South Asia, a much overlooked and under estimated populationhave been one of the links in the complex process. Pre-historical, historical and classicalliterature have indicated that countless generation of rural, urban and pastoral populationshave experienced brief but usually recurrent contacts with spatially mobile people indulgingin a variety of occupations. Joseph Berland who has worked for many years among theperipatetic communities in Pakistan writes, “By relying on flexibility and resourcefulness,

375374

1Tea consumption provides an excellent example of this process. Tea as a drink was introduced in India towardsthe second quarter of the last century. For a long time it remained in the periphery of the society. People wereeven suspicious about it. But slowly it was incorporated in the local cultures of India. Each region has its ownword for it, own ways of preparation, taste, flavor, receptacles and its symbolic meaning. It has even enteredin the indigenous pharmacopoeia.

Indigenous knowledge in India: Dimensions and relevance P. K. Misra

spatial mobility, and judicious combination of specialized goods, services and skills,peripatetic communities of smiths, basket and broom weavers, toy makers, potion andjewelery peddlers, bards, impersonators, trainees of performing animals, jugglers andacrobats, singers and dancers, beggars and prostitutes, have been pervasive and persistentthreads running throughout the complex, and protean fabric of South Asia’s social systemsince the dawn of recorded civilization” (2003:104). Peripatetics have always been lookingfor gaps in the supply of goods, services and in innovating new strategies and techniquesto carve out a livelihood for themselves2. In modern India, many of them have switchedover to selling furnitures, plastic goods, decorative objects, toys and other tit bits on theroadsides. Their multi resource economic activities and cultural role compliment ratherthan compete with the sedentary providers, in that sense they promote pluralism in avariety of ways and they play an important role in the process of communication too(Misra 1982 and 1978).

On the other hand it is hard to define a community which lives entirely on the knowledgegenerated by modern science except in Brave New World. However, the technologygenerated by the knowledge of modern science is widely used and is becoming extremelyefficient and popular. Moreover the technologies developed at one place get quicklycommunicated at other places besides modern science stresses upon observable anddemands proofs of its assertions. It excludes any scope for transcendental values. It hasto be logical and insists on intelligibility. Its progress raises more questions needingfurther probings and researches which lead to further separation of questions. Thus it isable to probe into greater depths, minutest particles, maximum heights, many of whichare beyond human senses perceptions. In this process it achieves a very high degree ofspecialization. The knowledge generated by modern science may have universal reachbut is not shared and is not readily integrated into the society and culture. As a result ofwhich there is a disconnect between society, culture and knowledge generated by modernscience. It will be wrong to say that there is a disconnect only at the modern science sidebecause there is hardly a folk society which has remained untouched by the technologyor rudiments of the knowledge generated by modern science3. While the task at theindigenous knowledge pole is how to integrate the knowledge generated by modernscience to the society and culture of the communities there, the task on the other side ofthe pole is how to make societies and culture to come out of unvalidated beliefs andpractices and abide by science. The task at this pole is highly problematic and paradoxical.Problematic because the frontiers of knowledge are expanding rapidly and are becoming

highly specialized. They certainly challenge existing beliefs and practices. These are oneset of problems, the other set is posed by fierce competition trigerred of by the marketforces, power dynamics and above all fear of nature and the realm of unknown whichmany a times support irrationalities. The third set is that though human beings are abiological creature they alone have culture which has its own compulsions and identityissues. Identity issues are highly complex and support various kinds of idiosyncraticbehaviors. There is still a fourth set which is best described by the Hindu concept ofBhasmasur. The modern science though is so enabling and liberating force has generatedimmensely powerful technology. It requires huge investments of capital and establishmentof large manufacturing units. It promotes standardization of goods and homogenizationof consumption practices. It discourages diversity at all levels. It is depleting essentialresources at alarming rates and is generating enormous waste. It is degrading environment.Global warming is no more a matter of opinion. People from roof tops are shouting thattechnology generated by modern science is non-sustainable and is posing danger to allliving beings, but they are helpless before the forces they themselves have generated.Under such a grim situation, it is quite relevant to turn towards indigenous knowledgesystem and locate the wisdom contained in them. If it is conceded that the grains left onthe thrashing ground in spite of commodification of agricultural produce are not by defaultbut by design an entirely new vision appears which is less aggressive, more tolerant andsupports bio-diversity which is fully validated by the standards of modern science.

References :

Berland Joseph. 2003. “Servicing the ordinary folk peripatetic peoples and their nichein South Asia” in Nomadism in South Asia, (ed.) Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimin.New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Misra, P. K. 1977. The nomadic Gadulia Lohars of Eastern Rajasthan. Calcutta:Anthropological Surveyof India

Misra, P. K. 1978. “Nomads in a city setting” in Cultural Profiles of Mysore City (ed.)P.K. Misra, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India.

Misra, P. K. 1982 “Indian nomads” Nomads in India (ed.) in P.K. Misra and K.C. Malhotra,Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India

Singh, K. S. 1992. People of India: an introduction. Calcutta: Anthropological Surveyof India

Srinivas, M.N. 1996. “Indian Anthropologists & study of Indian Culture”. Economic andPolitical Weekly. March 16.

377376

2The Gadulia Lohars a nomadic artisan community provide an excellent example of these strategies . They aremostly found in Eastern Rajasthan and Western Madhya Pradesh. Their traditional occupation is blacksmithybut they have also added trade in their activities. The demand for the iron tools made by them has considerablydwindled as machine made tools are preferred by the people so they have mostly switched over to do repairwork. They have developed a specialty in reworking discarded pieces of iron which settled blacksmiths are notprepared to undertake. Besides specializing in the reuse of scrap iron they have developed a technique ofinserting steel blade in machine made axes for which there is a huge demand in those areas. This work is laborintensive and also requires lengthy heating and hammering. In case of the Gadulia Lohars these demands aremet as all the adult members of the house hold and if required members of the camp join in the work. The steelused for this work is obtained form broken automobile spring plates. The axe repaired by this technique is morelasting and does not require frequent sharpening (Misra 1977).3The Jarawa in Andaman Islands who were considered to be one of the most primitive communities of theworld have been using iron wires, nails etc., extracted from sunken ships etc and have been seeing sailing shipsand flying aircrafts. These and many such incidents have made deep impact on their lives.

Indigenous knowledge in India: Dimensions and relevance P. K. Misra

Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization:The Nomadic Muslim Hawadiga and Qalandar

People of Karnataka

Ajit Kumar1

ABSTRACT

The nomadic people are rarely mentioned in the discourses on Indian pluralism eventhough they have an ancient history and are an integral part of the composite Indiansociety. Society in India by definition meant a sedentary society because many of thenomadic people remained invisible to the mainstream society. This invisibility enabledthem to pursue asemi-nomadic life but that freedom is now coming to an end. Two forcesworking in conjunction are sedentarizing the nomadic people. One is the market economyand the other is the vigorous implementation of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, andthe Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960. These laws have affected in particularthe non-pastoral nomads whose livelihoods are centered on plant and animal life. Thispaper discusses the pauperization of two such communities of Karnataka: the Hawadigaand the Qalandar people and the complexities of both defining the problem and in framingintervention measures. The paper also examines the nature of the state response towardsthe plight of these communities and concludes by placing the livelihood crisis of theHawadiga and the Qalandar people in the broader context of Indian pluralism andnationality formation.

Introduction

The people of India live in a world of small and big communities that have emergedbecause of the divides of caste, religion, ethnicity and language and their intersections.“Unity in diversity” and “pluralism” are the expressions widely usedto conceptualise thelife ofthis mosaic world. In this array, one line of divide that is seldom mentioned, is thedivide between the settled population and the nomadic people. These people, in particularthe non-pastoral nomads, being small in number and leading a wandering life, haveremained invisibleto mainstream India. Any narrative of Indian pluralism to be complete

1Associate Professor MSS Institute of Social work Bajajnagar, Nagpur – 440010, Maharashtra


requires that a due place be accorded to the vibrant nomadic community. Even though“fromthe earliest times south Asians have frequently, and regularly, moved across large expansesin and around South Asia” the notion prevailing is of a society that is sedentary. Thenomadic people and their wandering life is a living testimony of how unfounded thisnotion is (Rao and Casimir, 2003:2). These tribes in India have an ancient past if onechooses to go by a decree found in the Arthasastra of Kautilya. The decree says that“musicians, actors and other mendicants should stay in one place during the rainy season,with penalties of fines or lashes for all who disobeyed” (Kane 1973: 253). This past couldbe even more ancient if one recalls the fact that the Aryan-speaking people who enteredIndia around 1500 B.C. also came from a nomadic stock of the human race.

Society in India, largely a sedentary society,sees the nomadic people asbeing merewanderers and itinerants. What they see but fail to notice is the highly specialised livelihoodsystem behind these wanderings. This system is completely dependent on “their continuousinteraction with the environment and the surrounding settled populations”. These twoelements give “rise to new situations which in turn motivate them to devise new strategiesfor survival” (Prasad, 1994: 3). Movement is central to the life of the nomads and inunderstanding it “the reason why people should habitually move is of primary importance”.The “other factors like where they move, how they move, what is the duration of theirmovement and what they do when they move are secondary and related to this factor”(ibid:2). These ever-changing conditions have led the nomadic people to evolve a verydiverse set of livelihoods. They can be classified into three broad categories: herders andanimal husbanders, gatherers and hunters and peripatetic. The word peripatetic is a genericterm covering many livelihoods related to trading, entertaining and crafts.

I. The study

This study was undertaken when I worked for a year (March 2011-march 2012) with theCentre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP), at the NationalLaw School of India University, Bangalore. The mandate of this Centre is to conductresearch and recommend inclusive policies and programmes for communities excludedfrom the Indian mainstream.

In the month of mayin 2011 a small group of people representing the Hawadiga and theQalandar communities led by the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, Bengaluru,visitedus and sought the Centre’s intervention in restoring their livelihood rights. Animal rightsactivists working in tandem with the forest and police department had seized the snakesand bears displayed by these non-pastoral nomadic communitiesin public performances.We began with a field study of the two communities with two objectives. One was tosketch out a profile of the two communities. The other, undertaken by my colleagueNadim Nikhat who is a trained lawyer, was to collect data on the nature of the legal actiontaken against these communities by the authorities and the legality of the laws underwhich the legal action had been initiated. This study led to a report titled ‘Law and Lossof Livelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka’. Itdocumented the life ofthe two communities from a social science perspective and discussed the legality of thetwo laws under which the bears and the snakes had been seized/were seized and the

possibility of creating some legal space for these communities. To carry the discourseforward I completed a library study titled Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities inIndia: A trend Report.

II. Data collection

The data collection which we undertook for our field study was quite, quite unlike themethod pioneered by Bronislaw Malinowski. In the anthropological method a trainedperson spends at least a calendrical year in the field. Our method was to collect someprimary data in a short period and use this data to initiate a discourse which could leadto some public awareness and action. The data collection for this study was undertakenwith the assistance of activists who have beenworking with these communities for years.Before collecting primary data we had two discussion sessions with leaders of the twocommunities.

The Hawadiga people reside in Bangalore and two days (20th and 21st July, 2011) werespent in observing the life in the community and talking to the people: men, women andchildren. Three Hawadiga artists put up performances for our benefit and showed us theequipment they used. While Nadim interviewed Hawadiga men and boys who had‘encounters’ with animal rights activists and state authorities I chatted with everybodyon all themes to gain an understanding of the nature of the Hawadiga life.

The data collection (July 30, 31, August 1 and 2, 2011) of the Qalandar people involveda night long journey to Bellary and a few hours bus ride to Koppal. One village in Bellaryand two villages in two different talukas of Koppal were visited for collecting data. Inone village we faced some hostility from one section of the Qalandar people because ofrivalries between two Qalandar leaders. In addition to these visits, we interviewed manycommunity leaders from both the Qalandar and Hawadiga communities and the activistsworking with them in Bengaluru.

III. Intervention

Our field study (Ajit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat) led to a report titled ‘Law and Loss ofLivelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka’. This report was used to createa discourse and public awareness about the plight of the two communities. It led to adetailed article in Frontline (March 9, 2012) titled: Tenuous Lives by Vikhar SayeedAhmed.This was followed by a library study which led to a report titled Nomadic andSemi-Nomadic Communities in India: A trend Report (Ajit Kumar). This put us intouchwith the Karnataka Nomadic tribes Mahasabha, Bengaluru. In collaboration with theMahasabha we had a one-day workshop where all organisations working with nomadiccommunities throughout Karnataka came together to discuss and debate the problems ofthese communities and the way forward. The one-day workshop was organised by CSSEIPin the NLSIU campus on 10th March, 2012 on the theme “Nomads of India and SocialJustice”. Policy makers, activists, media representatives and academicians met to debateon the following three sub- themes: (i) Identity and Indian Nomads (ii) Atrocities andNomads (iii) Constitutional Remedies and the Third Schedule. Shri Balkrishna Renke(Chairman of the erstwhile NCDNSNT commission), Shri C.S. Dwarkanath, (Former-

381380 Ajit KumarLegislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka

Chairman, Karnataka Backward Classes Commission and President, Karnataka NomadicTribes Mahasabha (KNTM) and Dr. Balagurumurthy, Secretary, KNTM led the proceedingsof the workshop.

Part A : The contexts in India

I. HistoryOrigins of nomadism

Most “nomadic communities fulfilled essential services, many of which were later tobecome redundant—as transporters and traders, as entertainers or bards; individual familiesfrom such communities were also often privileged to serve under feudal lords as hunters,fowlers and dancers, or were entrusted with the royal stables and camel herds” (Rao andCasimir, 2003:65 and 61). In addition to these need-fulfilling functions rendered bynomadic livelihoods, the social structure of the country also was conducive for theproliferation of groups of specialised service nomads (Hayden, 2003: 448 and 449).

What were these conducive factors? As one line of thought put it “the suppliers of particularservices or goods have thus, each had incentive to differentiate between their ownendogamous group and others with similar occupations, if by so doing they could maintaina claim for higher status than the other group”. This “identity of group with occupationwas seen by Misra (1977b:1) in his 1969 survey of nomadic groups in Karnataka. Hereported that each group specialized in an activity which acted as an identity-marker forthat group” (ibid:449). Beteille says “one is struck by the luxuriant growth of thediscriminatory process which had, in the manner of tropical vegetation, spread in everydirection, leaving no ground uncovered” (cited in Guha, 2011:15). Discrimination anddifferentiation working in tandem perhaps explains the how and the why of the proliferationof nomadic communities and their diverse livelihood niches.

The nomadic communities before Independence

Whatever “the incipient tensions, it appears that throughout the early history of SouthAsia various types of nomadic communities lived in relative symbiosis with one anotherand with more sedentary parts of the population; all of these were integrated into largerregional systems through a multiplicity of crisscrossing ties” (Casimir and Rao, 2003:53). This symbiosis was shattered during the colonial regime and many nomadic occupationscame to an end. The introduction of railways put an end to the pack-animal transportationbusiness of the Banjara-lambada tribe. Similarly the Forest regulation Act of 1887 putrestrictions on the use of forest resources whichaffected communities dependent on forests.Not “only did numerous nomadic communities have to rapidly seek new avenues, resources,and lifestyles, but many professions and occupations now additionally came to be declaredillegal” (Rao and Casimir, 2003: 65 and 61).

383382

The nomadic communities after Independence

It “was only in the 1970s that systematic scholarly interest in South Asian nomadismbegan”. This interest was grounded in an approach which viewed these communities asbackward communities and as obstructions in the path of progress. These attitudes, acarryover from the colonial period, came to be “flavoured by an upper caste, urbanised,sedentist bias” and a modern state whose objective was to settle “swidden agriculturists,migratory pastoralists, foragers and peripatetics” (ibid: 1 and 2). The state policy inprinciple had no place for nomadic people qua nomadic people in Independent India.

In practice this policy was not put into effect and the Indian state remained relativelyindifferent which in particular benefitted the non-pastoral nomadic communities dependenton plant and animal life for their living. There were no systematic efforts at curtailingtheir livelihoods. This began after India got integrated into the world market. The lawsbecame more stringent and implementation more rigorous by the second half of 1990s.The commercial use of wild animals, including performances with live snakes wasproscribed. Hunting “was curtailed under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, but anamendment in 1991 banned it entirely” (Radhakrishna, 2009: 14). This act and thePrevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960 are generally used to book a Qalandar (or aHawadiga) who own a bear (or a snake) and display it for commercial entertainment.These laws have been enacted to safeguard the bio-diversity of the country by conservingendangered species of plant and animal life. International perspectives which have gainedstrength in the last two decades are now decisive in the making of state policies and inits implementation. The state is now working in concert with these agencies both nationaland international.

The ‘Say No to Bear Dancing’ campaign initiated by the Wildlife Trust of India (WTI)and the World Society for Protection of Animals (WSPA) was directed mainly at touriston the Delhi-Agra-Jaipur highway. In Haryana this campaign became very severe afterthe central government gave directions about saving the bears in 1998. The campaignwas so successful that by 2001 the Qalandar people in Haryana were starving. Thecampaign for saving the ‘Indian Sloth Bear’ has become the centrepiece of the broadercampaign of saving endangered species dwarfing the other campaigns to save snakes(Saperas), birds (Bahelias) and monkeys (Madaris) (Radhakrishna, 2007:4222 and 4225).

II. Village India and the non-pastoral nomadsOnce people began to settle down forming village communities then exchange of goodsand services became the basis of interaction between them. Prasad says that in ancientIndia, “apart from pastoral nomads, there developed a class of spatially mobile specialistwho provided various kinds of goods, services, and entertainments” (1994:2 and 3).

Bokil narrative says that “rural Indian society had a number of artisans and service castesthat catered to the needs of agriculturists. They were residents of the same village andthe balutedari or jajmani (patron-client) systems governed their relationships. However,besides them, there were also a number of nomadic groups who frequented the villagesfrom time to time and provided a range of goods and services. They included pastoral

Legislated Sedentarization and Pauperization: ……Hawadiga and Qalandar People of Karnataka Ajit Kumar

385384

groups like shepherds and cowherds and non-pastoral groups like stone-cutters, blacksmiths,salt-vendors, basket makers, metal workers, medicine sellers and so on. They also includedvarious types of religious performers and entertainers like acrobats, fiddlers and magicians.A majority of them were permanently on the move and did not have any village or ‘nativeplace to call their own. They met once a year at a place of pilgrimage, which was alsothe venue to tie nuptial knots and resolve disputes” (2002:33). These communities werenot a part of the ‘jajmani’ or ‘balutedari’ systems but they “provided those goods andservices, which the artisans did not supply” (Bokil, 2002: 149).

The varna-jati social system was “well protected against competition and encroachmentfrom outsiders”. The non-pastoral nomads provided goods and services which the localisedproduction system did not provide. They occupied a niche in this system. The “varietyin life-styles of different jatis sustained the non-pastoral nomads, that is if one groupserved one cluster of castes, the other aimed at another cluster”.

This “diversified pattern of living is changing very fast in modern India” and it is gettingincreasingly homogenised and standardised (Misra and Prabhakar, 2011: 169 and 170).With a greater standardisation in all walks of life, “there is less room for movement andcamping” for the non-pastoral nomads. The “development process is convertingnon-pastoral nomads from being highly skilled and innovative people to unskilledpopulation” and they “are likely to join the overburdened sector of agriculture or becomeunskilled wage-labourers which in turn would adversely affect bio-diversity”. This methodof development through exclusion is partly because of the “lack of knowledge andgeneral dislike and ‘suspicion’ about mobile people” entertained by the sedentarypeople who have framed laws to restrict the nomadic way of life and to sedentarise them(ibid: 166, 171).

To sum up, the non-pastoral nomads over time and through their ingenuity had carvedout niche livelihoodsthatsupplied the much needed goods and services to the villagecommunity. These livelihoods are now coming to an end because the market economyis meeting these needs through low-cost, standardised products. It also means that thediversity of rural life is diminishing.

III. The context in KarnatakaThe People of India project, a survey conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India,identified 276 non-pastoral nomadic communities in India and they are mostly found inAndhra Pradesh, followed by Maharashtra, Karnataka and Gujarat (ibid: 171).

The campaign in Karnataka

The campaign in karnataka began some time in 2000 and has put a complete end to thetraditional livelihood of both the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people. While the two lawsare applicable in equal measure to both these communities the effect on them has notbeen the same. The campaign for protecting the sloth bear has been a more complexoperation. It began with a ‘wild within walls’ life timecare facility project in BannerghattaBiological Park (BBP) in Karnataka. It was conceived and developed, by the WildlifeTrust of India, International Fund for Animal Welfare, Karnataka Forest Department and

Zoo Authority of Karnataka with additional support from Ministry of Social Welfare &Empowerment and Central Zoo Authority, Government of India. The site chosen was a100 sq km mixed deciduous forest near Bannerghatta National Park (Ramnathan, Ashrafand Menon, 2008).

The work began in June 2001 and the facility was inaugurated in November 2002. Thiswas followed by a sophisticated campaign by animal rights activists to force the Qalandarpeople to surrender their bears. They were lured into getting their bears micro-chipped.The moment they stepped out of their habitats and went on their usual travel they werepicked up, their bears and equipments confiscated and often they were jailed or keptconfined in the forest department or police stations. This was preceded by flexing ofmuscles, roughing-up and brow-beating. They were ‘cajoled’ to ‘surrender’ their bearsto the Bannerghata Biological Park and some of them received Rs. 50,000/ as compensation.This compensation provision materialised because of the international priority to savesloth bears. That this campaign has been successful can be inferred from the fact thatmost of the Qalandar bears are in BBP and a large number of the Qalandar bear-ownersare now starving.

To know how the Qalandar people became pauperised one needs to know the workingsof the ‘bear’ based livelihood. The WTI report says that the ‘cajoling’ of the Qalandarpeople soon saw 25 bears being given to the BBP. The Qalandar people say that one bearis sufficient to take care of the livelihood of five Qalandar households which means that125 Qalandar households saw a complete end to their livelihood the day the 25 slothbears reached BBP. The compensation given, in instalments, was given to the bear-ownernot to other households who were as dependent on the bear as the owner of the bear. Inaddition to this monetary provision, some of the Qalandar people have been appointedto take care of the bears at the BBP.

The condition of the Hawadigas is even worse because the ‘international’ focus of thesecampaigns have been on saving the sloth bear and not reptiles. A field study reportedthat within a span of three years thirty cases of harassment and violence have taken placeagainst the Hawadiga people. The nature of violence ranged from minor physical violencewhere nothingwas visible to cases of broken bones and this was orchestratedthrough mobviolence. Similar instances were reported from the Qalandar community with one difference.In many cases they were jailed which entailed heavy costs because they had to employlawyers and had to pay fines (Nikhat, 2011:56-57).

Vulnerable communities in Karnataka

The Karnataka State Backward Class Commission has “provided information and insightson 25 Muslim communities in the State. However it is estimated that there are nearly52 such communities”. In Karnataka, “Muslims constitute 12 % of the total populationand form the second largest community in the state. Among them 9 % speak Urdu as theirmother tongue” (Kowdenhalli, 2007: 20). Kowdenahalli further says that, “although theKarnataka Minorities Commission made a study on the educational, economic and socialconditions of these communities they are still viewed as a monolithic community. Thereis no information on the distinct identities of the subgroups” (ibid: 20). The report of the


387386

Karnataka State Backward Class Commission (KSBCC) has highlighted the needs andproblems of people belonging to the following 14 nomadic, semi-nomadic and denotifiedcommunities: Kadugollaga, Kodagu, Pinjar, Kapali, Hawadiga, Qalandars, Dombidasar,Bai patthar, Jogis, Haranshikaris, Gondali, Davari, Darveshu and Sikkaligar communities.While all nomadic tribes are vulnerable, the Commission has identified the Kadugolla,Hawadiga, Qalandars and Sikkaligars as being the most vulnerable among them.

Part B : The Hawadiga universe1

INTRODUCTIONKowdenahalli says that “the snake charmer community is a nomadic tribe having originatedfrom Rajasthan and Maharashtra” and today are found in “many parts of Karnataka”where they are known as Hawadigas (2007:31). The KSBCC Commission made acomprehensive study of the Hawadiga community and highlightedtheir extensive knowledgeof snakes, their wide repertoire of skills as a magician and their use of music and musicalinstruments. They are adept in catching snakes and have medicines to treat snake bites.During our data collection the Hawadiga people told us that many of the current TVexperts on snakes in Bengaluru were people whom they had trained. The Hawadigas areprimarily magicians and display snakes for a short moment to attract an audience and toelicit alms. This Commission has pointed out that :

l The Hawadiga people are untouchables among Muslims having no bloodrelationship with other Muslims groups, or their support in any way.

l The majority of them are illiterate and live in dilapidated huts / houses

l They are landless with no other means of livelihood.

l Because of these reasons, a sizable number of families migrate to cities, andare forced to live in slums to earn their livelihood.

Reservations for the Hawadigas

Hawadigas come under category 1 as per government order SWD 225 (BCA) 2000,30.march.2002. There is no income limit in this category and there is 4 per cent reservationin education and employment for groups listed in category 1. The Hawadigas come underSr. No. 19 a. and are sub-classified as: (i) Hawadiga (ii) Haavgar (iii) Hougar. But thecommunity has not been able to obtain any benefit from this affirmative action policybecause they are totally illiterate, have no residential address and are ignorant of theoutside world.

I. The Hawadiga people as a nomadic community

Anthropologists have pointed out that the distinguishing feature of a nomadic communityis that they have one single leader. This featureis seen among the Hawadigas of JaiBhuvaneswari Nagarand AR is their unquestioned leader. He has two wives, thirteenchildren and two houses. The community accepted his leadership because of his persuasivetalking manners andalso because he is a teetotaller. He also had taken the initiative

in gathering his community people together who were scattered throughout Karnatakato Bengaluru. Further he helped them in getting a house in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar inBengaluru.

They also have their own pidgin language which none except a Hawadiga person canunderstand. It is a spoken language without a script. It has evolved over a long periodand is an admixture of many Indian languages. Another feature which marks them outis their cultural practice of all members meeting once a year to resolve many family andcommunity issues that have cropped up in the preceding year. They used to meet at Malurwhere a Hawadiga member used to take care of a dargah. This has now come to an endbecause this caretakerhas left Malur. Malur is about two hour’s bus ride from Bangalore city.

Geographical spread of the community in Karnataka

(i) Outside Bengaluru city: (1) Malur (six families) 2) Mysore (200 families) 3) Anampalli(10 families) 4) Moodbagal (7 families) 5) Audogodi (4 families) 6) Hoskote (10 families)7) Sirihalli (10 families).

(ii) In Bengaluru: 1) BL Nagar (2 families) 2) Yashwantpur (2 families).

l The total comes to 371 Hawadiga families excluding the families residing inJai Bhuvaneswari Nagar. This estimate is based on the figures given by AR.

II. Sedentarization of the Hawadiga people: The colony at Jai BhuvaneswariNagar(Bengaluru).

The Hawadiga colonyat Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar (JBN) came up in 2000. This communitybegan as a small group of 20 families living as squatters in the cantonment railway stationin Bengaluru about ten years back. They were evicted from this area because of a proposedflyover project. Many organisations fought for them including the Peoples Union forCivil Liberties (PUCL) and the Samata Sainik Dal (SSD) and finally the Karnataka StateSlum Development Board (KSSCB) resettled them in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar (JBN)which is, opposite to the Raj Kumar Samadhi, an important landmark in Bengaluru city.The leader of this community is AR. His brother had first migrated to Bengaluru followedby his mother and then AR himself. Over a period of time some of the Hawadiga memberscame to visit AR and stayed back. AR’s role in settling the Hawadiga people in Bengaluruis somewhat akin to the role played by Girdhari for the erstwhile nomadic Gadulia Loharof Beawar in Rajasthan (Misra, 1977:172-173).

When the KSSCB decided on a plan of rehabilitation the Hawadiga people were askedto submit a list of families who needed houses. At that time AR got in touch with hispeople staying in different parts of Karnataka and their names were included in the listsubmitted to KSSCB. That is how the numbers jumped from 20 to 70. They were givena one room + bathroom tenements. The house is theirs but not the land. They can rentout their house but not sell it for fifteen years. Initially, there were 70 brick housesbutas children grew up and married they needed to be accommodated. So these familiesnumbering fifty now live in tents and make-shift shelter by side of the brick houses. Thecolony at JBN has four rows of houses. The first two rows of houses are occupied by


389388

dalit people and migrant communities. The third and fourth row of houses hasbeen allottedto the Hawadiga people.

III. The Hawadiga Life in Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar

Indebtedness and starvation

l Most of them are indebted. They have mortgaged many of their belongings topawn shops.

l Women of the community told us that, with the enforcement of the new laws,they have become so poor that none of them have lunch. They have some foodin the morning andthen in the evening.

l All the households have been issued ration cards. Earlier each household wasgiven 20 kg of foodgrain but now it has been reduced to less than half. Mostof the families also have BPL card.

Water, toilet, cooking fuel and education

l They buy water – one rupee per container - from the Sarwajanik Pay and Usetoilet-cum-bathroom complex and spend on an average one hundred rupeesonce every three days. This will vary depending on the size of the family. Thesame water is used both for drinking and other purposes. They have no othersource of water. This complex is less than a kilometre from the place wherethey stay.

l For toilets they use the public ground in front of their settlement. The neighboursresent this and throw stones at them.

l They scrounge and collect fire-wood. Two basket-loads will see them for aweek. They eat rice and the cheapest vegetable of that day.

l Young girls are sent to a lady tutor for learning the Koran and Urdu. She staysclose by and charges Rupees five per student. Fifteen boys go to the Maktabrun by the local Masjid. The very small children go to the centre run under theSarva Shiksha Abhiyan. They are the first generation learners of their community.

l Boys go to the Masjid to pray on Fridays before which they have a bath at thepublic bathroom after paying rupees ten.

l Families known to them when they earlier used to live in the cantonment areagive them old clothes.

Inter-community relationsIn addition to the Hawadiga people, this colonyhas people from Kanada and Tamilspeaking communities and Rajasthani Muslims.Common to all of them is their povertyand destitution. Even though all these people are immediate neighbours and they are allpoor there is hardly any social interaction between these communities. The first lane ofthis house has mostly dalit households, with whom the Hawadiga people are on friendlyterms. But there is an in-built tension between the Hawadiga people and the neighbourhood

communities residing outside Jai Bhuvaneswari Nagar. This is because of class andreligious differences and because of the growing Hindutva mindset in the largercommunity.As a general rule, none of the Hawadiga people stir outside their lane exceptto go to the main city.

The political dimensions

A decade back a joint action committee was constituted to fight the land mafia in Bangaloreand at that time the Samata Sainik Dal (SSD) was given the responsibility of enlistingthe support of the Hawadiga community. There is a board of SSD right in front of thehouse of AR and his house is painted in blue. The joint action committee (JAC) hasdisintegrated and the issue of housing also has been resolved. So why is the board of SSDdisplayed prominently? This board affords them some protection from the police andfrom the rowdier elements of the larger community. For this powerless people, theAmbedkarite movement serves as a protective mantle.

IV. Marriage and death : The Hawadiga outlook

Marriage among them is a simple matter. They have only one ritual: during the formalmeeting to discuss the proposed alliance the boy’s family must come with betel leavesworth rupees twenty while the girl’s family comes with leaves worth rupees ten. The totalcomes to rupees thirty. There is no other monetary transaction. What does marriage amongthem mean? On an average marriage expenses will range between Rs. 40,000 to Rs.50,000. But if required, marriages can be conducted even within Rs. 10,000/. Finding abride or a groom among the Hawadigas is not difficult. It is a small community and allare interrelated in one or the other way.

The wealthy Hawadigas

One biriyani feast for everybody in the community: 50 kg rice and 40 kg mutton is enoughfor this feast. One or two gold ornaments for the girl and a watch for the boy and a setof dresses for both the groom and the bride: enough for the marriage to get going. Thisis how the wealthy Hawadigas marry.

The poor and the poorest Hawadigas

Those who have no money will just provide a rice and dal/lentil combination to thecommunity members. Some may even give an egg and what the Hawadiga people do isto eat only the egg and come away. Those who are the poorest will not even do that. Theyorder hundred rice plates in bulk from an inexpensive restaurant and somebody goesaround delivering rice plates, only two per family irrespective of the family size. Thereis no function, celebration or ritual of any sort. This is not the last word about povertyamong the Hawadigas. There are families who cannot afford even the rice-lentil combination.They pay rupees five hundred as fees to the Masjid authorities for performing the marriageceremony, after which all those who have assembled – generally a small number – aregiven a half-cup of tea and a biscuit. The marriage ceremony ends and the young couplebegin their wedded life.


391390

DeathDeath is to be laughed at. They crack jokes about it and they complain. They complainof carrying the bier of their dead and how their shoulder muscle aches. Their worry isnot death but the expenses of the funeral. The expenses come up to Rupees 5000/. Amatador has to be hired and the mourners taken to the graveyard. The expenses worrythem.They view death in a matter-of-fact manner.

V. The Hawadiga artist: Entertainers and performances

The Hawadiga people perceive themselves as artists and magicians. They are jadugarsfamed for their vanishing trick, the smoke emitting act and the eater of iron. Snakes aremere accessories meant to attract an audience.

Performance in the open in the cityWhat is the nature of their performance? The performance begins by releasing a snakeor two. They are harmless water and rat snakes. This is accompanied by a catchy talk.Soon a crowd gathers, the snakes disappear and the performance begins:

l One artist [DP] has a huge basket where a small boy gets in and accompaniedby talk and gestures the boy is made to disappear and reappear.

l Another artist’s speciality [SB] is in showing how coins disappear and thenreappear. Again a running commentary with some witty talk and gesturesaccompanied by a side-kick who mockingly mimics the master. It is a crosstalkbetween the master and the side-kick. The show ends, the snakes reappearand the public is asked to give some money to feed the snake and his devotee.

The second day’s visit started with an impromptu performance by SSH. It took abouthalf an hour and he speaks enough English to carry on a witty conversation. His spiel isliberally laced with names of the high and mighty of India. They were spell bound by hisacts: scions of the Gandhi family roll off his tongue smoothly. The act begins by placingtwo cups and three round balls on the ground. These balls have names and they arefriendly names which will appeal to the audience – daddy, mummy and daughter. For thenext few minutes each character, in turn, disappear and reappear and what makes itcharming is the spiel of the artist, which/that describes a life of domesticity: the familyeating idly, drinking tea and so on.

The highlightof his performance is an act which combines smoke, fire, iron nails and a500 rupee note. The audience is drawn into the performance: Someone in the audienceis requested to give a five-hundred. Since Nadim and I constitute the entire audience,Ihesitatingly hand over a note and with this the act begins and it is impressive:

l First a small piece of cloth is lit and it goes into SSH’s mouth.

l Then a number of sleight-of-hand movements and the climax in a sequence:continuously SSH spews smoke from his mouth for a few minutes, then themouth is opened wide and we are shown a red-hot burning ember followedby the mouth spitting out an impressivequantity of terribly rusted nails. FinallySSH takes out of his mouth the Rs. 500 rupee note I had given him. It iscompletely dry.

l SSH declares that he can if necessary spit out almost one kilo of rusted nailsfrom his mouth.

l Finally he requests us for some money for his breakfast which we owe himfor putting up a remarkable performance.

l He has completely given up the use of snakes because he is terrified of animalrights activists and the authorities. His performances have almost come to anend. Occasionally, he is invited to perform in schools.

Performance outside the cityDuring festival seasons the Hawadiga men accompanied by their wives and children visitmarket places and fairs outside Bengaluru. Many of these places have important Hindutemples where annual festivals take place and where pilgrims come regularly. They carryplastic sheets and poles and erect a tent in any convenient spot. The show begins. Thisis done for a month or two and after accumulating any amount from Rs. 10,000/ to Rs.15,000/ they return to their homes. This niche which the Hawadiga people had carvedout has now almost come to an end.

VI. The Hawadiga predicament

What is the Hawadiga predicament? Without a snake no audience, without an audienceno show and without a show there is no livelihood. To obey the law of the land they gaveup their snakes and tried out with plastic snakes and even snakes made up of straw butthe audience jeered and left. The audience want snakes in flesh and blood. What do theHawadiga people do? The obvious answer to this predicament is a change of occupation.Why should they not take up some other occupations? Many in India have done so? Thequest for many an Indian has been for any livelihood which will fetch a better income.But for the Hawadiga people the case is different. Their quest is not for any livelihood,but for a livelihood in which they are specialised and which is their tradition inheritedfrom their forefathers.

Their self- perception is that of artists and performers and it carries a meaning beyondthe economic domain. Their pride and prestige is attached to their performance. Eachperson has his own repertoire which has evolved over generations. To give up thisrepository ofperforming knowledge and skills for something of which they know nothingof and for which they are unfit is a terrible predicament. The only alternative is to workas labourers which so far they have resisted. Some of the Hawadiga men have completelydeformed fingers and handsbecause of repeated snake bites. These men In spite ofthe bites refuse to draw out the fangs of their snakes. Their pride is to live and playwith danger.

To understand the present predicament of the Hawadiga people one also needs to understandthem as a community. It is a small community and the bonds of solidarity among themare strong. Their interaction with the larger world is minimal. Till the recent livelihoodcrisis the needs of individual Hawadiga people were met within the community itself ledby one leader. In a sense this was self-sufficient community. Their insularity, communitybonds and the simplest of all possible living have enabled the community to act as asingle entity. How long this will continue is yet to be seen.


by one leader. In a sense this was self-sufficient community. Their insularity, communitybonds and the simplest of all possible living have enabled the community to act as asingle entity. How long this will continue is yet to be seen.

VII. The Hawadiga temperament

Their temperament is very striking: though starving they are unwilling to give up theirperformances. Because of the fear of being harassed by the larger community they donot stir out of their one-lane colony throughout the day. This enforced idleness and anempty stomach is their fate now. But even on an empty stomach they are willing in a jiffyto put up a show. They are showmen par excellence.

In spite of starvation, harassment by the authorities and enforced idleness they are cheerful.They crack jokes and are ready to laugh. There is a remarkable give-and-take in theirpersonal relations. Very little hierarchical relation is visible among them with the youngand the old enjoying an easy comradeship. Possibly, this is because the community isvery small. Marriages take place within this small group because of which the communityis like a big extended family. What further adds to their camaraderie and solidarity is thattheir life now is as minimal as is humanely possible.

How do they pass their time? They do not come out of their small one-lane colony becauseof the fear of being harassed by the middle-class neighbourhood people. They do not gointo the main city because they cannot put up performances. They have no money. Theauthorities, the animal rights activists and the larger society have completely ghettoisedtheir life. What do they do? They have devised a game with sticks and scraps and wherethe play involves adroit wrist movement. This invention is what keeps them busy now.

VIII. Coping with the crisisAlternate occupationsDuring the eight hours I was there for the two days of our visit I was witness to thefollowing alternate occupations:

(i) One member returned after selling some flutes. He buys it for four rupeesfrom Mysore and sells it 10 to 15 rupees. This person succeeded in sellingsix flutes. Some of them also sell plastic toys and garlands.

(ii) Another man makes a ‘Do-tara’ (mandolin) and sells it for Rs.. 20/ It takesabout 10 days to make seven to eight “Do-taras’. He claims that he couldhardly sell anything.

(iii) Some members took a risk toput up a show on the sly and earned Rs. 30.per head.

(iv) Some women go and beg near the Masjid. In one instance a woman whowent begging in the neighbourhoodwas arrested and taken to the beggar’shome.

(v) One old man was selling fried snacks.

(vi) Some of these artists are occasionally invited by schools where they putup shows

393392

But these are not sustainable occupations because the income is very low, it is not a fixedincome and there is no continuity to it. The people of the community say that they grewup in a culture where earning was for meeting their basic needs. They never thought ofearning more or saving or of building up of assets. They never thought of education. Theynever thought of these things because their parents and elders in the community neverthought of these matters. Now suddenly they are caught in a trap.

Their demandThey have relatives in Singapore and Malaysia plying the same trade. The governmentthere has given them licences: One license for one snake. The Hawadigas want to knowwhy the authorities in India cannot have a similar system. Give them licenses to keeptwo snakes and they are quite willing to be regulated by the authorities. Otherwise theysay that they have no choice but to go with their traditional practice, laws or no laws.

Part C : The Qalandar universe2

INTRODUCTIONThe word Qalandar, an Urdu word, refers to a nomadic gipsy tribe and their “professionof bear dancing date back to the pre-Mughal era of 13th century”. They “gained prominenceas royal entertainers in the courts of the Mughal emperors where they also performedmagic tricks and staged wrestling bouts”. Once “the emperors and kingdoms becamehistory, they started to perform bear dancing for the general public” (Kowdenahalli,2007:33). The Karnataka State Backward Class Commission (henceforth KSBCC) hasrecognized Qalandars as folk artists who engaged in bear charming as the traditionaloccupation of their culture. The bears are born and brought up as family members andbecome a part of their life.

Reservations for the Qalandars

As per the government order No. DPAR 1 SBC 77, DT. 4-3-1977, The Madari andHowadiga community come under backward tribes in Karnataka. But the government ofKarnataka ORDER NO. SWL 12 TBS 77, BANGALORE DATED 23RD JANUARY1978 AND order no swl 12 tbs 77 dated 22nd February 1977 deleted the Madari communityfrom the list. The present status is that the Madari/ Khalandar are not in the list ofreservation category of Karnataka. The term back ward tribe is official category inKarnataka. The Madaris have been excluded from the reservation list.

I. The Qalandars and the village communityThe bears are made to dance and in earlier days in villages there used to be wrestlingbouts between the Qalandar-owner and his bear. The demand from the crowd was thatthe bear should lose. People in the villages revere the bear. Children are made to sit onthe bear and the bear walks about. This was based on the belief that such a child willbecome as strong as the bear. It was also believed that the child will stop wetting the bed.There is also a belief that bear hairs and nails have healing properties and are seen asgood omens. The Qalandars make small packets and they are sold as amulets and talisman.


In the village the bear is revered. The clinking and jangling of steel bangles is a clarioncall for the villagers for it means that the Qalandar and his bear are visiting their village.They are treated with respect and given food and old clothes. The bangles are an integralpart of the Qalandar equipment. They are in pairs - one big and the other small.

The nomads were, at one time, organically linked to the village community and “any Indianvillage” would be “visited by at least 30 different nomadic groups in a year” providing “avariety of goods and specialist services to the settled people” (Misra and Misra, 1982:1).The striking feature of the Indian village was its social structure rooted in the varna-jatisystem based on local production. The nomads were a part of this system and they reproduced“a mini caste like model within their own groups” (Misra, 1982: 20).

II. The geographical spread of Qalandar population in KarnatakaThe Qalandars belong to a category which scholars have termed as semi-nomadic tribeshaving ‘home villages’ to which they returnat regular intervals.

Table 1 - Population of Qalandars in Karnataka

District Taluk Village Households

Kolar Sreenivaspur Arlakunta 25Bellary Hospet Hampinakatte 100

Hadagali Ainali 130Koppal Koppal Manglapur 30

Gangavati Hulihyder 125Chikkada 50

Dharwad Kalkatgi Yergudi 50Shivnapur 25

Gonar 50Belgaum Ramadurga Halleli 1 5

Khanapur Chikk-Angroli 19 to 22

Total 489 households

[Source:Information provided by RH a community leader from Manglapura on 2ndAugust, 2011].

From the above table it is evident that the Qalandars are spread over five districts, eighttalukas and eleven villages. This study undertook data collection in two districts, threetalukas and three villages.

The Qalandar people like the Hawadiga people also have their own pidgin languagewhich none other than a Qalandar person can understand. It is a spoken language withouta script and is a mixture of many Indian languages which developed over a long periodof time.

395394

III. A profile of Qalandars of Hampinakatte village in Hospet taluka ofBellary district

The Qalandars have their own settlement in Hampinakatte village.

PopulationThe Hampinakatte settlement of the Qalandars had begun with five families and over aperiod of thirty years it grew into a settlement of 70 families.

Caste structure in Hampinakatte villageThis village, in addition to the Qalandar settlement, has people from four different castecategories: Lingayats, scheduled castes, Kurubas and Panjewadar castes.

OccupationSome of the Qalandars have become petty traders or have found jobs in mining concernswhile a few have been employed to take care of the bears in Bannerghata Biological Parkbut the majority have no stable occupation.

PanchayatThis village along with five other villages comes under the Danapur panchayat. Hampinakattehas sent three members to the Danapur panchayat – two from the Lingayat caste (oneman and one woman) and one from the scheduled caste. None of the Qalandars aremembers of the panchayat.

FacilitiesSixteen of the families who had first settled in Manglapura had applied to the localauthorities for house plots and had been pursuing their application. These families wereallotted plots of lands on which they built a house. Subsequently, many families receivedhouses which they constructed on plots to which they have no legal ownership rights.

The Bears of HampinakatteSometime in the 1990s, the government set up a zoo for bears in Bellary and sought thehelp of the Qalandar people of Hampinakatte to stock the zoo. The zoo was supplied witha male and a female bear by the Qalandar people who when asked as to what they wouldlike to have in return said that they would like to have licences. The authorities gavethem six licences. Since then they have been plying their trade with these six licences.Photocopies of these six licences came to be used by the entire community. These licencesattested to ‘ownership’ rights and not to rights of ‘performance’.

IV. A Profile of Qalandar people of Manglapura (Koppal taluka, Koppal District)

PopulationThe Qalandar settlement in Manglapura has 30 houses.

Castes of ManglapuraManglapura has 300 houses and 800 voters. In addition to the 30 Qalandar households(HH), the village has Lingayats, Muslims (100 HH of Sheikhs, Sayyeds and Pathans) anddalits (10 HH). The Muslim community is hierarchically organised with the Sheikhs,Sayyeds and the Pathans ranked much higher than the Qalandar people.


OccupationsSome have turned to other occupations. RH and his younger brother have started brick-making units. RH also owns a tractor and seems to be associated with the sand miningbusiness going on in the area. Some Qalandars ply auto rickshaws. Many work as casuallabourer in sand mining, in fields or in any available job.

PanchayatManglapura comes under Kolur GP which comprises 18 members from the scheduledcastes, scheduled tribes, Lingayats and Muslim communities. One lady from the Qalandarcommunity is a member of the Kolur GP.

FacilitiesThere is a common toilet facility for all the village women while the men use the openfields. The Qalandars have piped water supply. Fifteen houses are brick-structures.

Bears of ManglapuraManglapura had 15 bears and all of them were micro-chipped. Ten of them got compensationwhile five did not get compensation.

DeathAccording to the Qalandars of Manglapura, one of their people (HS) died of grief afterhe surrendered his bear. His wife and two daughters work as coolies. One daughter isdeaf and dumb.

Religion and syncretism in ManglapuraA striking feature of the Manglapura Qalandars is their religious practice. They have awell-kept dargah around a kala jamun tree where every day in the evening they light alamp and agarbattis. The dargah is dedicated to Mehboob but no one knows who Mehboobwas except for the fact that he hailed from Baghdad. Probably, he was a historicalpersonage from the days of the past. Today, he is revered as a saint. Just adjacent to it isa shrine of Bothana and Chaudeswari. Both are Hindu deities but their caretaker is aQalandar family. On auspicious days the Hindus of Manglapura pay a visit to this shrinefor worship. Why is a Qalandar family taking care of a Hindu shrine? Legend says thatsome time in the distant past these deities had helped the Qalandars who continue tocherish those memories.

MusicAn elderly Qalandar (MS) sang (Marsia) for us. One song is about the love story ofJaitunbi and Hanif. Jaitunbi proclaims that she will only marry a boy who can defeat herin wrestling. Many come but they all are vanquished till she meets her match in Hanif.Since bear wrestling was an important act of their performance it became the motif oftheir songs. The origin of the lyrics is not known. Marsia is a genre of songs whichextols the virtues of important people of society.

Marriage among the Qalandars

Dowry is now a regular practice and for a marriage alliance to be formalised a sumbetween one and a half lakh to two lakh rupees would be required to pay to the boy’s

397396

family. While alliances are normally arranged within the Qalandar community there havebeen certain cases where it has been with a Syed or a Pathan family whose social statusis much higher than that of the Qalandars. From the two such cases in Manglapura itseems that such alliances have taken place where the Qalandar boy is earning well.

V. A Profile of Qalandars of Hulihaider village (Gangavathi taluka ofKoppal District)

The Hulihaider village “has been home to Qalandars for several centuries” andit was considered to be “an important town in the Vijaynagara empire (1336-1646C.E.) and the seat of a local lord”. For ten months of a year they would travel withtheir bears and for two months they stay put in the village. This would be “before,and during the Islamic month of Moharram” where they would have “grandreligious and cultural celebrations” (Sayeed, 2012: 95).

Population

In Karnataka this is the largest village of Qalandars. This village has a voting strengthof 3500. Hulihyder has 125 households of Qalandars.

Caste

In addition to the Qalandars, the Hulihaider village also has people from the Lingayat,Nayaks (scheduled tribe) and Dalit communities. The Nayaks are numerically the largestcaste and they dominate the panchayat.

Occupations

Apart from petty business and cultivation most of them work as coolies, both men andwomen. They used to go to Bangalore but gave it up when one Qalandar person wasmurdered. Now they migrate to Bellary.

Land

About 10 Qalandar households own between 3 to 4 acre land which they cultivate andthen work as coolies while 20 Qalandar households lease in land.

Panchayat

The Hulihaider gram panchayat has 12 elected members including two from the Qalandarcommunity.

Housing facilities

Out of the 125 Qalandar households 100 stay in their own houses while 25 stay in rentedplaces. Fifty people got Janata houses from the government.

Other Facilities

Water is from a hand pump. Fifteen aged Qalandars receive old age pension.

The Bears of Hulihaider

After losing their bears five men died out of grief and a loss of nerve.


Inter community conflictsThere is a conflict between the Qalandar and the Lingayat people over rival claims overa patch of land. Apparently, the “Nayak-dominated panchayat has meddled with theissuance of” Below Poverty Line cards to the Qalandar people (ibid: 96).

Part D : Perspectives

I. The changing and unchanging universes: The Qalandar and the Hawadigapeople

Community in a sociological sense refers to a group of people living in one geographicalarea, having similar socio-economic features and a ‘we-feeling’ which ties people togetherthrough bonds of solidarity. This definition would exclude the nomadic tribes becausethey roam about. Their roaming got curtailed during the colonial era and their nomadiclife became a semi-nomadic one. But now even this semi-nomadic life is coming to anend. They are settling down and becoming a part of a composite urban or a villagecommunity. In the sociological sense now they are becoming a community.

The Qalandar people while becoming a community is also witnessing other changes. Asmall section has emerged among them who have abandoned their traditional livelihoodand are now into small business. This category, very tiny, marks the incipient beginningof a slightly well-off stratum within the Qalandar people. These business people haveformed organisations to fight for the rights of their people and these are modern organisationswith networks, access to media and to the structures of power. What is clear is that theleadership of the community is in the hands of two such members from Manglapura andHulihaider villages. It is this modern segment who has taken a lead in community affairs.There is also a development - common to democratic structures- of intense rivalry betweenthese two personalities and their networks. This rivalry is undermining the unity of thecommunity but this multiplicity of centres of power need not inherently be a negativefeature for the Qalandar people. The Qalandars are ranked much below Syeds, Sheikhsand Pathans in the Muslim hierarchic order and none of them would normally have anyrelationship with the Qalandar people. But there have been a few cases of well-offQalandar grooms finding brides from these superior categories. In contrast to this tinysection the majority of the Qalandar people have neither assets nor any skills. This is howthe forces of change are affecting the Qalandar people.

In contrast, the Hawadiga people are relatively insulated from these forces. There is nointernal differentiation within them: all are uniformly poor. Many of them have takento petty-street selling but this is undertaken on a part-time basis. But more crucial is thefact that they do not have a leadership and organisation in the modern sense of the term.Authority and leadership is still centralized in one personality and they seem to be a tribalband as in the bygone days when during “the early stage of human civilization, peoplemoved in bands (small groups of families) in search of food and shelter” (Singh, 1996:26).Possibly, because of this band structure the internal differentiation of theHawadiga people is yet to take place as in the case of the Qalandar people.

399398

II. Complexities of Rehabilitation – The Hawadiga people and the Qalandarpeople

This paper is a study of small communities who are subject to discrimination at threelevels simultaneously. One, as tribes, two as members belonging to a minority religionand three as people whose livelihood is today outlawed by law. What is the question thatneeds to be answered? The first question is how can the Hawadiga and Qalandar peoplesurvive? This leads to the next question. Under what terms is this survival to be ensured?These terms should center on their identity, their legitimate rights of livelihood and accessto their share in the development resources.

Even though both these communities are semi-nomadic tribes, share the same religion(they being Muslims) and are today being pauperised by the same law; yet the differencesbetween the two are so vast that there cannot be one standard scheme of rehabilitationfor both of them. What are the differences? One major difference is that the Hawadigapeople are completely urbanised while the Qalandar people are an integral part of thevillage community. The other difference is that, legally, there could be some space forthe display of snakes which are not listed as an endangered species in public performances.This is not possible in case of the sloth bears which is an endangered species. The thirddifference is that the Hawadiga people refuse to take to any other occupations unlike theQalandar people. The fourth important difference is that even though both the nomadictribes are Muslim communities their actual religious practices vary considerably. TheHawadiga people, while not overtly religious, is completely dependent upon the Masjidfor meeting their religious and spiritual needs. This is not the case with the Qalandarpeople who to a great extent have kept themselves away from the Masjid-based religiousstructure. They practice a kind of folk Islam and have some organic connection with folkHinduism. Both of these communities also have their own pidgin languages which canbe understood only by the respective community members.

What measures of rehabilitation are possible? Temporarily, can the older generation ofQalandar men be allowed to keep bears for a certain period of time? These can be regulatedand a system of licensing be instituted where yearly their bears are checked by the localveterinary doctor or a Zoo and a health certificate be issued. Microchips can be implantedto ensure implementation of the rules. In fact these bears have been micro-chipped byanimal rights organisation but that was to keep track of them. In case of the Hawadigapeople could they be permitted by law to keep one or two species of non-endangeredspecies of snakes? In India a large number of snakes are killed every day both in urbanand in rural areas. They can be subject to a system of controls and monitoring. Apparently,such a system is in vogue in Singapore and Malyasia. Generational changes are alreadyvisible and the smaller children are going to school. In a matter of a decade and half theyounger generation will seek other occupations.

III. The Indian Muslim world and the nomadic people

The “Muslim community in India too has developed a caste-based hierarchical socialstructure” and the upper caste leaders take pride in “being of foreign extraction – Arab


or Iranian – and considered other Muslims, who are all of indigenous Indian origin, asbelonging to the ‘low’ caste” (Ali, 2012: 75 and 78). Broadly speaking, the Muslim peopleof India can be classified into two categories, the Ashraf and the Ajlaf. The Ashraf (Sayyad,Sheikh, Moghul and Pathan) constitute the Muslim elite and historicallyhave exercisedleadership over the entire Muslim community in India. This leadership rests on the ideaof the Muslim people being a single, unified community without any divisive interests.In recent years this idea is being challenged by the OBC and dalit Muslims who constitutea majority among the Muslim people. That the Muslim people are internally differentiatedlike other religious communities is now being clearly articulated in public discourses.

What is of significance in this contestation of ideas and for material resources betweenthe OBC and the dalit Muslim on one side and the Musim elite on the other side is thecomplete absence of any reference to the nomadic Muslim people. Just as the Indiannomadic people remained invisible to the Indian mainstream so have the Muslim nomadicpeopleremained invisible to the Muslim mainstream.

Part E : State and the Indian nomads

I. The Indian approach

In the Indian approach laws are seen as an instant and complete solution by the urban,educated settled population. They take up a complex situation, frame it as a problem andturn towards the law for a solution. This ‘legal’ solution often is not able to comprehendthe complexity of the human category involved.

There could be some justification for the rigorous implementation of the Wildlife(Protection) Act, 1972 and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960 to conservethe biodiversity of the environment. But what justification can be given for using thePrevention of Begging Act to pick up nomadic people putting up performances in publicplaces even if no animals or reptiles are used.This act defines begging as an act “solicitingor receiving alms, in a public place” which means that “any one who approaches anaudience to get paid for entertainment he/she has provided, can be booked for ‘obtainingor extorting alms”. (Radhakrishna, 2007:4223).

The trend in law making on beggary is to equate begging with crime. As the “KarnatakaProhibition of Beggary (Amendment) Act, 2002 shows, its jurisdiction has been expandedby repeated amendments”.

l This is because these communities are entering new areas in search of workand new territories to sell their goods and services.

l A large number of people rounded up by the police in Delhi under the anti-beggary law are from denotified and nomadic communities (Radhakrishna,2008: 20).

There is a change in “law’s perception of poverty and criminalisation”. The nomadicpeople engaged in their traditional occupations came to be treated as “actual or would-

401400

be criminals, rather than as labouring poor”. In fact “the views of the Indian law-makersand laws relating to nomadic communities hardened by the beginning of the 21st century”(ibid: 21, 22).

As the Qalandar people told us during data collection “the authorities of the BannerghattaBiological park charge Rs. 190 per head. They are earning money by displaying our bearswhile we are left to die in hunger and grief”. How does one explain this anomaly ofQalandar-bears being displayed to the sedentary population while the bear-owners arestarving?The state is getting increasingly organised and regulating the life of manycommunities which earlier was outside the state structure. This increasing reach of thestate is integrating the Qalandar people into the Indian mainstream but on terms whichare unfavourable to them.

II. State policy and the nomadic people

Nomadism is a strategy which permits a better access to resources. It is a “resilient,rational response to a variety of ecological, economic, political, and social circumstances”(Rao and Casimir, 2003:3). What are these circumstances? The nomadic people and theirlivelihood have been viewed as a stumbling block in the country’s progress. It “is seldomunderstood here as a major risk-spreading strategy in regions where the vagaries ofweather often lead to partial or total crop failure, where intensive or extensive agriculturemay not be viable or ecologically sustainable”. Nomadism “is not seen by bureaucratsand politicians as a logical response to scattered resources” constituting a “practical andviable alternatives to wage labour, settled agriculture” (ibid: 28, 29).

The “independent states of South Asia largely followed colonial concepts and continuedconsidering mobility as a ‘law and order problem’ and the nomad by definition as‘backward’; even anthropologist toed this official line” (Bharal 1968:358 cited in Raoand Casimir, 2003:69). The brown men became the colonizers shouldering the burdenof the white men. The policy was spelt out more clearly in the 1958 Report of the Sub-Committee of theCentral Advisory Board for Tribes, Government of India. This reporthas a chapter titled Methods and Measures for Nomadic Tribes which affirms thatsedentarization ‘has first to be achieved’: either by ‘coercion or persuasion or sometimesa subtle mixture of both’. Two ways have been proposed for sedentarization. One is toimprove the infrastructure of the areas the nomads roam in and the other way is toaccustom them to the pittance of “daily wage labour – rather than traditional independentresource management” (ibid: 69-70). This policy enunciated in 1958 is now becominga reality in case of the Hawadiga and Qalandar people of Karnataka. Now that they nolonger possess animals and reptiles they travel little and are getting sedentarized. Nowthat their ancient repository of skills and knowledge are of little use many of them areslowly taking to the pittance of daily wage labour.

The Constitution of India recognises the vulnerability of the De-notified and Nomadictribes (DNTs) but not as nomadic communities. Bokil says that the “foremost problemof the DNTs is that of classification and enumeration” since they are “not categorised asa class under the constitutional schedules like the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled


tribes (STs)”. Some of “them have been included in the respective state lists of SCs andSTs but there is no uniformity across the country”. The problem of non-uniformity hasarisen because “the DNTs are not a homogenous group” (Bokil, 2002:148). Thisheterogeneity can be judged from the fact that approximately there are today 1,500nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes and 198 denotified tribes.

The nomadic community in India comprises a significant section of the Indian populationnumbering about 150 million people. A liberal state cannot completely ignore so largea number and one step which the state took in 2003 was to appoint a non-statutorycommission to study this large category of people. It was reconstituted in 2005. It startedfunctioning as a three-member body in 2006 and submitted its final report to the primeminister in 2008. Recently “the National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes (NCDNSNT) proposed that these people should be notified as a scheduledcommunity by amending the Constitution and 10 per cent of government jobs should bereserved for them even if the total reservation quota exceeds the 50 per cent ceilingimposed by the Supreme Court” (Editorial, EPW, 2008). Leave aside the question ofimplementing the recommendations made by NCDNSNT even their report has yet to betabled in the Lok Sabha. The possibility of the nomadic tribes being accorded a scheduledstatus is not even a remote possibility. The very fact that the NCDNSNT commissionconstituted to study the problems of the nomadic people was a non-statutory one indicatesquite clearly the helplessness of the nomadic people and their ability to influence statepolicy.

Conclusion: Sedentarization, wage labour and pauperization

The nomadic people right from the colonial period have had their livelihood and theirway of life contested by the sedentary society. They could circumvent these threatsbecause they were ‘invisible’ to the mainstream people and also because of theirextraordinary entrepreneurial skills. These attributes allowed them, on a much diminishedscale, to continue with a semi-nomadic way of life. But today the nature of contestationis qualitatively quite different. The coercive powers of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972and the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals 1960 have ended the customary occupationsof the Hawadiga and the Qalandar people. It is also stigmatizing them with traits ofcriminality. They are Muslim communities and more insidious associations being arrivedat are a foregone conclusion. The reach of the modern state and the terrifying instrumentalityof its ‘laws’is putting a complete end to the self-sustaining livelihoods of the Hawadigaand the Qalandar people. But, is this desirable? In the absence of any viable approach,as Rao and Casimir have put it, it would be “irrational and undemocratic to try andsedentarize mobile communities. On the contrary, government should help strengthensuch multi-resource economies…..” ( 2003: 29).

There is an element of irony in the campaign to protect the bio-diversity of the countrybecause this campaign however laudable its objective, is also diminishing the humandiversity of the country. The people of India are not the same as India the modern nationstate. The people have an ancient past while the nation state is very new: just six decadesold. The contestations between these two histories and the forces propelling these

403402

contestations will determine whether India as a modern nation state will continue to bea nation of rich and complex pluralities.

Notes

1. and 2. This section is based on the chapter titled “The Hawadiga and QalandarUniverse” which is a part of the report titled “Law and Loss ofLivelihood: TheHawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka” by Ajit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat. Thisreport was prepared for the Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy,National Law School University of India, Bangalore.

3. I would like to acknowledge the patience and courtesy with which Professor P. K.Misra in Mysore would reply to my all kinds of queries. His detailed emails did muchto help me gain some understanding of the nomadic way of life. He drew my attentionto the fact that nomadic people being small are ‘invisible’ andthis has enabled themto survive. Dr. M. Bokil drew my attention to the entrepreneurial abilities of thenomadic people and the fact that they have never sought state help. The many peoplenow seen selling trinkets in cities or going around in carts with images of Gods andGoddesses are nomadic people. I would also like to acknowledge the time whichProfessor R. Siva Prasad gave me and the instructive late – afternoon I spent withhim in his department at the University of Hyderabad talking about the state responseto the problems of nomadic people. This was on the last day of January, 2012.

4. I would also to thank Shri Balkrishna Renke the Chairman of the erstwhile NationalCommission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes for the time spent withhim and the discussions I had with him when he was with us for two days in the NLSIUcampus in March 2012. Dr. Dr. Balagurumurthy, Secretary, Karnataka Nomadic TribesMahasabha had many perceptive comments to offer about the nature of the flux in whichthe nomadic people are in now. For example he drew my attention to the fact that nowthese people are acquiring an ‘identity’ in the modern sense of the term.

5. I would like to acknowledge the courtesy and help received from V. J. Bomanwar,Librarian of the Anthropological Survey of India, Nagpur office and his staff.

References

Ali, Mansur (2012): “Indian Muslim OBCs: Backwardness and Demand for Reservation”,Economic and Political Weekly, September 8, Vol. XLVII (36), (PP. 74-79).

Bokil, Milind (2002): “De-notified and Nomadic tribes: A Perspective”, Economic andPolitical Weekly, January 12, (PP. 148-154).

Bokil, Milind (2002): “ Facing Exclusion: The Nomadic Communities in Western India”,Indian Journal of Social Work, Volume 63 (1),(PP. 33-45).

Casimir, M.J. and Aparna Rao (2003) : “The Historical Framework of Nomadism in SouthAsia: A Brief Overview” in Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in SouthAsia, Delhi, Oxford University Press: (PP.44-72).


Editorial (2008): “Branded for Life”, Economic and Political Weekly, October 4, (PP. 6-7).

Guha, Ramachandra (2011): “The Career and Credo of Andre Beteille” , In RamchandraGuha and Jonathan P. Parry (Eds.) Institutions and Inequalities: Essays in Honour ofAndre Beteille, New Delhi, Oxford University Press.

Hayden, R. M. (2003): “Conflicts and Relations of Power between Peripatetics andVillagers in South Asia” in Aparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in SouthAsia, Delhi, Oxford University Press: (PP.448-467).

Kane, P. V (1973): HISTORY OF DHARMASASTRA (Ancient and Medieval religiousandCivil law), Vol.III, Second edition, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute.

Kowdenahalli, S. Babu (2007): Muslim Communities Engaged in Traditional OccupationsIn Bangalore Urban District – A report on their social, economic, andcultural status,Bangalore, Human & Institutional Development Forum.

Kumar, Ajit (2011) : “The Hawadiga and Qalandar Universe” in Law and Loss ofLivelihood : The Hawadigas and Qalandars of Karnataka by Ajit Kumar and NadimNikhat, CSSEIP, Bangalore, National Law School of India University.

Misra, P. K. (1977): The Nomadic Gadulia Lohar of Eastern Rajasthan, Calcutta,Anthropological Survey of India.

Misra P. K (1982) : “Nomadism in the land of Tamils between 1 A.D. and 600 A.D” inP. K. Misra and K. C. Malhotra (Eds.) Nomads in India –Proceedings of the NationalSeminar, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, (PP.15-22).

Misra, P. K and N. Prabhakar (2011) : “Non-Pastoral Nomads: A Review”, The Journalof the Anthropological Survey of India, July-December, Vol. 60 (2), (PP.165—215).

Nikhat, Nadim (2011) : “Hawadiga and Qalandars in Karnataka vs The wildlife (Protection)Act, 1972 and The Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960: Stories of Humiliation,Harassment, Threat and Abuse” in Law and Loss of Livelihood : The Hawadigas andQalandars of Karnataka byAjit Kumar and Nadim Nikhat, Bangalore, CSSEIP, NationalLaw School of India University.

Prasad, R. R (1994) : Pastoral Nomadism in Arid Zones of India – Socio-Demographic& Ecological Aspects, New Delhi : Discovery Publishing House.

Rao, Aparna, M. J. Casimir (2003): “ Nomadism in South Asia: An Introduction” inAparna Rao and Michael J. Casimir (eds) Nomadism in South Asia, Delhi, OxfordUniversity Press: (PP.1-38).

Radhakrishna, Meena (2007): “Civil society’s Uncivil acts: Dancing Bear and StarvingKalandar”, Economic and Political Weekly, October 20, (PP.4222-4226).

Radhakrishna, M. (2008) : “Laws of Metamorphosis : From Nomad to Offender” inKalpana Kannabiran and Ranbir Singh (Eds) Challenging The Rule(S) of law – Colonialism,Criminology and Human Rights in India, New Delhi, Sage : (PP. 3 – 27).

Radhakrishna, Meena (2009): “Starvation among Primitive Tribal Groups”, Economicand Political Weekly, May 2, Vol. XLIV, No. 19,(PP. 13-16).

405404

Ramanathan, Anand Ashraf N.V.K and Vivek Menon (2008) : The beginning to the endof dancing with Bears (Occasional Report _o.15), NO MAST KALANDAR, Copyright© WTI 2008 Photo credit: Title page, Pg. 2 & 4 by Idris Ahmed all other photographsby Anand Ramanathan.

Singh, K.S. (1996): Identity, Ecology, Social Organization, Economy, Linkages andDevelopment process: A Quantitative Profile, Calcutta & New Delhi : AnthropologicalSurvey of India and Oxford University Press.

Sayeed, V.A. (2012) : “Tenuous Lives”, Frontline, March 9, (PP.95-100).

AnnexuresAnnexure A : The Qalandar People

The total numbers of households in the three villages are as follows: (1) Hampinakatte-70 (2) Manglapura -30 (3) Hulihaider – 125. The data presented below is from those HHhead and spouse who were available and ready to give us the required data. Even thoughHulihaider is the biggest Qalandar settlement the data collected from that village has beenfrom a very small number of households because one section of the Qalandar peopleturned hostile. The community is divided into two hostile sections because of the rivalrybetween two leaders. One of them resides in Manglapura while the other person lives inHulihaider.

Table 1 : Education of Household Head (HH) and Spouse

Name of the Village No. of Households Illiterate Illiterate Spousein the village HH (%) (%)

Hampinakatte,Bellary District 54 80 87

Manglapura,Koppal District 28 75 86

Hulihyder,Koppal District 29 93 97

Total 111

What is of significance is that among the small percentage of Qalandar men and womenwho have had some schooling there is not a single case of a person reaching even upto the 10th standard.


Table No 2 : Occupation Household Head (HH) and Spouse

Village HHs Household Head Spouse

CW No. Work CW No work

Hampinakatte 54 8 (15 %) 46 (85%) 11(20 %) 43 (80 %)

Manglapura 28 – 28 (100 %) – 28 (100 %)

Hulihyder 29 27 (94%) 2 (6%) 29 (100 %) –

CW: casual worker in fields and mines.

Table 3: Average Age of Household Head and Spouse

Average AgeName of the Village HH Spouse Gap

Hampinakatte, Bellary District 43 35 8

Manglapura, Koppal District 39 34 5

Hulihyder, Koppal District 35 30 5

Table 4 : Children up to 10 years of Age (Gender wise)

Children up to 10 years of age (Gender wise)

Name of the Village Male Female Total

Hampinakatte, Bellary District 42 51 93

Manglapura, Koppal District 21 25 46

Hulihyder, Koppal District 31 35 66

Total 104 111 205

Annexure B: The Hawadiga People

One Hawadiga youth (SI) who is college-educated gave us some data about his people. Based on his data the following tables were prepared.

Table No. 1: Family Size among the Hawadiga People

Family Size

Category Frequency Percentage

Below 3 member 18 24.66

4 to 5 member 41 56.16

6 to 7 member 13 17.80

8 plus member 1 1.36

Total 73 100.00

407406

Table No 2 : Type of Houses among the Hawadiga people


Brick wall+tin roof 43 58.90

Tent 30 41.09

Total 73 100.00

Table No 3 : Children (age-group) among the Hawadiga people


Families with children ofthe age 5 and below 5. 37 50.68

Families with childrenbetween 6 and 10. 15 20.54

Families with childrenAbove the age of 11 21 28.76

Total 73 100.00

Literacy

l Out of the 73 families only 10 families have adult members who have schoolingranging from the 4th class till the 10th class. In case of the remaining 63families none of the adults have received any schooling.

l The present generation Hawadiga are going to Balwadis and school and possiblecould become the first generation learners.


408

Understanding Haemoglobinopathies in PublicHealth Scenario of Andaman and Nicobar

Islands: An Anthropological Approach

S. S. Barik1 and B. N. Sarkar2

ABSTRACT

Haemoglobinopathies are various types of inherited structural and functional abnormalities,occur in á and b-globin chains of the haemoglobin molecules due to mutation and come-out with wide spectrums of clinical manifestations. Among those, b-Thalassaemia andSickle-cell anaemia (HbS) are drawing much attention so far as the clinical importancesof both are concerned. However, prevention and management of some other types ofhaemoglobin disorders such as HbD, HbE etc. are also equally significant, when thoseco-inherit with b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) in human population.

It has also established that migration plays an important role in our evolutionary processes.It may bring change in physical as well as social milieu in a given space; thus consequentlymay affect disease susceptibility in some ethnic groups. Large scale movements of peoplefrom particular ecological and ethnic background even in certain occasion, wide intra-group divergence in traditional norms; may be appeared with significant consequencesfor the pattern of disease occurrence and for public health issues. Since, all geneticvariations are derived from mutation, genetic drift and random mating between species(individuals); large scale human migration into the islands’ situation for colonial interestsmight have played an important role in spreading as well as prevalence of fatal disorderslike haemoglobinopathies in successive decades in island’s situation.

In view of severity of haemoglobinopathies in India, as a whole and the peopling historyas well as cultural plurality of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands; it was urged to initiatean anthropological exploration for better understanding of degree and dimensionhaemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands; particularly its’ status in publichealth scenario of the island territory.

This study was carried out among 432 unrelated individuals of both genders, havingvarious ethnic backgrounds; including 19 individuals of Particularly Vulnerable Tribesof these islands.


1Anthropological Survey of India, Port Blair.2Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata.

State wise prevalence rate varies from 17% in Gujrat to very low frequency in Kerala,while abnormal haemoglobin variants like HbD, HbS, HbE are primarily endemic insome ethnic groups some geographic zones in India. For instances, HbDPunjab is morecommon among the people genetically belong to the ethnic groups of North Western partof India with carrier prevalence rate up to 10%. North-Eastern and eastern part of Indiais prevalent in HbE, having a load of carrier of this gene varies about 5-50% and in samemanner of confinement, HbS is widespread among the ethnic groups of Central andSouthern India with prevalence rate of 30% carrier are there (Kate 2008).

In Andaman & Nicobar Islands, prevalence rate of haemoglobinopathies is yet to beexplored and whatever had been reported earlier, based on retrospective medical follow-ups or as case studies; not as like as large scale unrelated individual screening atschool/community level. Available records reveal there were no reported cases of HbSin any population (other than settler migrants) groups of these islands. However, thereare sporadic distribution of HbE and â-Thalassaemia among the population of NicobarIslands.

In view of severity of haemoglobinopathies in India, it was urged to initiate ananthropological exploration for better understanding of degree and dimensionhaemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands; particularly its’ status in publichealth scenario of the island territory. Considering the peopling history as well as culturalplurality of these islands; a well designed field-cum-laboratory investigation was carriedout by the Anthropological Survey of India under 11th Plan National Research Scheme“Community Genetics Extension Programme”, during 2007-2012.

Islands’ scenario - peopling, bio-cultural mosaic & haemoglobinopathies:

In this occasion, it may mention that the territory of A&N Islands had only been inhabitedby the tribes, before colonial invasions in seventeenth century and thereafter by variousEuropean agencies. Annexing of these islands with colonial rule in mid-nineteenth centuryby the British; drastic changes appeared in these inlands in terms of high magnitudepopulation influx there, as colonization policies. As soon as these islands came undercolonial power in 1858; the then administrative head quarter at Port Blair and itssurroundings had flooded by 15000 migrants (Man 1883) from various parts of undividedIndian and neighbouring colonial establishment of Burma. Processes of colonization tookits’ momentum with establishment befriending contacts with the native islanders throughoutthese islands. Simultaneously, gradual increasing of migrant population from diversegeographical and cultural backgrounds became phenomenal in next decades; which isstill in the process of framing aspects of the islands’ societies including populationdynamics and disease profile.

During course of 150 years and above; except a few; rest of the native tribes havemarginalised in the fold of exotic culture and the Andaman & Nicobar Islands has emergedwith new identity, Mini-India- melting pot of Indian diasporas; where ‘Local’ (prisoners,convicts and their descendants, formed between 1885-1942), Coorgi (Kodagu district ofKarnataka), Burmese (during 1907-1923), Moplah (in 1921 from Malabar coast), Karen(hunter-gatherer tribes from bordering districts of Myanmar and Thailand; during 1925-1927), Bhatu (de-notified wandering tribe of bordering districts of United Province andCentral Province, during 1926-1928), up-rooted Bengalese from East Pakistan (during

This study reveals 12.268% individuals have been suffering from various types ofhaemoglobinopathies in various states; with 4.86% cases of b-Thalassaemia trait/carrier(â-Tt); which is higher than National average (3.96%) and out of 16 Great Andamaneseindividuals, two persons were reported as HbE carrier with 31.1% and 29.9 % A2respectively. This study endorse the threats in terms of increasing load of carrier andpatient in these islands due to its’ own nature of demographic and social dynamics whichin turn to be a great deal to health management heamoglobinopathies.

INTRODUCTIONHuman haemoglobin is one of the important red cell protein markers. Its’ variations,occurrences, contribution in evolutionary processes and subsequently, clinical manifestationsare well established (WHO 1966, Basu 1978, Bansal et al 1988, Weatherall 2000, etc.).Inherited structural and functional abnormalities in molecular chains of human haemoglobin,due to impaired genetic actions are commonly classified under haemoglobinopathies;which are by and large appear with common aetiology of moderate to severe forms ofhaemolytic anaemia among individuals that in many occasions emerge with fatalconsequences in life. Noteworthy to mention; in India, anaemia often neglected as commontype nutritionally deficient health problem; which are in turn supplemented with ironenriched diet and/or medicines to facilitate natural haemoglobin production in body. Even,until or unless there are episodes of continuous deterioration in health condition of thepatient/individual; lion’s share of the sufferers could access opportunities for properdiagnosis of severe anaemia of patient/individual due to unawareness of mass, thusbecome with one of the major national burden in public health, in terms of preventionand systematic management of haemoglobinopathies in India for decades.

Haemoglobinopathies are because of various types of mutations, occur in á and b-globinchains of the haemoglobin molecules and come-out with wide spectrums of clinicalmanifestations. Among those, b-Thalassaemia and Sickle-cell anaemia (HbS) are drawingmuch attention so far as the clinical importances of both are concerned. However,prevention and management of some other types of haemoglobin disorders such as HbD,HbE etc. are also equally significant, when those co-inherit with b-Thalassaemia andSickle-cell anaemia (HbS) in human population. Individuals who inherit thalassaemiagene, along with any other type structurally abnormal haemoglobin gene like HbE, HbS;that appears with severity and complications alike to thalassaemia major (patient).

Patho-physiology, clinical manifestations, distribution and molecular structure ofb-Thalassaemia and other abnormal haemoglobins are being studied extensively. Globalestimation of b -Thalassaemia trait/carrier alone is about 240 million. Every year about300,000 infants born with thalassaemia (30%) or sickle-cell anaemia (70%) (WHO 2006).Prevalence of haemoglobinopathies in India, presents an alarming picture of 4-17%,dispersed thorough out the country with some regional and ethnic exclusiveness inoccurrence. Alone, b-Thalassaemia is prevalent in almost all states and all ethnic groupsirrespective theirs’ different socio-cultural backgrounds, with an estimate of 4% carriers(Kate 2008) those are potential for approximately 40 million carriers in next generation.In addition, every year our country receives approximately 10,000 new born babies withb-Thalassaemia major from those carrier parents.

411410 Understanding Haemoglobinopathies ………An Anthropological Approach S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar

Beside, roots of migration; most observing population dynamic of migrants is passingthrough low sex-ratio under tremendous population influx, since its’ emergence as Indiancolony (FIG. 2 & FIG. 3).

FIG.2 Population growth of A&N Island during 1901-2011 FIG. 3 Trend of low sex-ratio over-time

Apart from family units, migrants comprised of more single male individuals than female,particularly in most biologically potential age groups; thus has consequently lead to setvery flexible marriage rules among the migrants in due course and had formed a consolidatesettlers communities; heterogeneous by nature, without having rigid cultural boundaries,as are prevailing at their place of origin.

For instance, in practice; conventionally it is easy to identify an individual under culturalcategory of a ‘community’, like Bengali, Telugu, Tamil and so on. However, that isidentified and based on the mother tongue of the father of the individual. Once, anextended family history would draw on cultural traits for last three-four generation ofthat individual; multi-ethnic components would appear in the lineage of both parents ofthat individual. Village or group endogamy had no longer been a strict norm for marriagenegotiations among these migrants. Precisely, two numerically prominent communitieslike, ‘Ranchi-wala’ and ‘Local’, denotes a large heterogeneous group, comprising thedescendants of tribe/non-tribe ethnic groups of Ranchi (Chotonagpur region) and thedescendants of convicts respectively. In such manner, gradually and finally, human-scapeof these islands; truly has formed a melting pot of large number of human being, irrespectivecultural identities and stigmas.

It has established that migration has played an important role in our evolutionary processes.It may bring change in physical as well as social milieu in a given space; thus consequentlymay affect disease susceptibility in some ethnic groups (Neel 1969, Ward et al 1980,Young et al 1990, Watherall 2000). Large scale movements of people from particularecological and ethnic background even in certain occasion, wide intra-group divergencein traditional norms; may be appeared with significant consequences for the pattern ofdisease occurrence and for public health issues (Smouse and Teitelbaum 1990, Rao et al1992). Since, all new genetic variations are derived from mutation, genetic drift andrandom mating between species (individuals); large scale human migration into islandsituation for colonial interests might have played an important role in spreading as well

1949-1970), repatriated Tamil and Telugu of Burma (during 1950-1962), Ranchi-wala(tribal and non-tribal communities from Chhotanagpur region, arrived in 1950’s ),Malaylam (during 1952-1958), families (of Punjab, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu)of District soldiers, Sailors, Airmen Board of Ex-serviceman Association and Indian Ex-serviceman Association during 1969-1980; have been appeared as major ethnic componentsof colonized Islands in 20th century (Singh 1994).

Interestingly, these migrant populations of present days Andaman & Nicobar Islands arethe counterparts of various caste based endogamous groups of all stratums of lingualgroups. Moreover, theirs’ migration to these islands had been guided by socio-politicalcompulsion; not by choice. Search of luck and search of habitat was primary reason forsettling over decades in the island situation. Significantly, theirs’ places of origin in preand post-independent era, belongs to those specific geographic zones of India mainlandand neighbouring state; which have already identified as endemic for various types ofabnormal haemoglobin genes among the natives of those areas (FIG. 1).

FIG.1 Haemoglobinopathies in India: endemic areas and migration of genes

Note:Apart from nation-wide scattered distribution of â-Thalassaemia carriers; (1) areas around northern part areendemic for HbD (Punjab); where from ancestors of ‘Local Born’, Bhatu, Valmik, Ex-service Men and otherethnic groups arrived, (2) vast areas eastern India and adjacent areas are endemic for HbE; where from Bengalee,Burmese, Karen, Nicobares and Shompen migrated in different points of time, (3) almost central part and somesouthern areas of the country are endemic zones for HbS; where from Coorgis, Ranchi-walas, Telugu and Tamilmigrated, (4) coastal plain of Malabar borrows genetic signature of HbO (Arab), because of marriage relationswith Arabian traders; where from Moplas migrated.

413412 Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar

Blood Cell indices had done within 6 hours of collection at laboratory through automatedcell counter (MS4e). Fraction haemoglobins were estimated through HPLC (Bio-RadVariant System) techniques.

Table: 1 Ethnic variation among screened individuals

Ethnic groups Academic Institutes PVT Total(N:19) (N:432)

I II III IV IV(N: 51) (N:91) (N:199) (N:24) (N:48)

Bengali 22 27 70 07 37 163

Ranchi-wala 04 11 55 01 03 74

Tamil 00 11 22 02 04 39

Telugu 13 17 05 03 02 40

Malayalam 00 08 10 02 00 20

Kannadi 06 00 00 00 00 06

Local Born 04 10 00 02 00 16

Nicobarese 02 01 25 00 00 28

Burmese 00 00 01 00 00 01

Punjabi 00 01 02 02 00 05

UP 00 04 08 01 01 14

Bihar 00 01 00 00 00 01

Karen 00 00 00 01 00 01

Nepali 00 00 01 00 01 02

Bhatu 00 00 00 03 00 03

Great Andamanese 16 16

Onge 02 02

Shompen 01 01

Findings & discussions:I. Prevalence rateThis study was carried out among 432 unrelated individuals of both genders, havingvarious ethnic backgrounds; including 19 individuals of Particularly Vulnerable Tribesof these islands.

Out of those, altogether 53 individuals had been detected under various categories ofhaemoglobinopathies at various state of severity. Beta-Thalassaemia Major was detectedwith frequency of 0.694% and carrier of the same disorder estimated about to be moderatelyhigh (4.86%) rate, whereas HbE and HbS carrier frequency was 3.24% and 1.62%respectively. Significantly, three individuals with compound heterozygote for HbE / Beta-

as prevalence of fatal disorders like haemoglobinopathies in successive decades in islandssituation.

HypothesisSince, the social history of Andaman & Nicobar Islands has strongly built on colonialfoundation and the people of these islands has comprised thousands of migrants fromvarious part of Indian sub-continent; having a trend of low sex-ratio among biologicallymost potential groups over times; hence, it may presume, that such intermingled bio-cultural attributes would contribute in great extent in understanding the degree anddimensions of haemoglobinopathies in public health scenario of these archipelagos.Hypothetically, it is also presumed, when population with and without a high prevalenceof haemoglobinopathies carriers unites; ultimately through inter-marriages (exogamy),the affected genes would scattered more widely and thus would increase proportion ofcouples ‘at risk’. Subsequently, a non-endemic zone for any particular disease/disorderwould turn into a disease/disorder endemic zone over decades automatically.

In view of the social milieu as well as population dynamics of A&N Islands, an attempthas been made to delineate to understand whether the both has been acting as ‘limiting’or ‘de-limiting’ factor for haemoglobin disorders in A& N Islands.

Inquiries

This study was guided by some specific issues-

I. What is the prevalence rate of various types of haemoglobinopathies among thepeople?

II. How far social history and the bio-cultural attributes could make road inunderstanding the issue?

III. Where these islands do stand in management of haemoglobinopathies, in publichealth domain?

ExercisesIn search of answer of those pertaining inquiries; an intensive study was carried outamong the students of various academic institutes of the Port Blair town during2007-2009. Simultaneously this study was extended to the individuals of Great Andamanese,Onge and Shompen; in response to the request of Andaman Adim Janjati Vikas Samity,A&N Administration. This study had components of awareness programme amongthe students, field investigations and then through laboratory executions followingstandard protocols.

Socio-economic information at individual level was recorded among 432 unrelatedstudents from various academic institutes of Port Blair town, some self-motivatedindividuals and 19 Particularly Vulnerable Tribal (PVT) individuals (table 1). Thereafter,K2 (Potassium) based EDTA vaccutained venous blood samples were collected from pre-consented volunteer donors. Three tyre haematological screening were thoroughly followed.For detection of osmotic fragility test; NESTORFT test carried out on-spot at fieldsituation. Estimation of haemoglobin, Red Blood Cell count and haemogram of Red


417416

Thalassaemia and one individual for HbS/Beta-Thalassemia were detected respectively(table 2). Significantly, was detection of one individual of Delta-Beta Thalassaemia withfrequency of foetal haemoglobin 14% and A2 with apparently normal haemoglobin(13.3 grm/dL.), RBC (5.91^106/ml.) count but significantly low MCV (68.8 fl.) andMCH (22.5 pg.).

Table: 2 Prevalence of haemoglobinopathies among screened individuals

Haemoglobin Academic Institutes PVT TotalVariants (N:19) (N:432)

I II III IV IV(N: 51) (N:91) (N:199) (N:24) (N:48)

Beta-Thal Major 2 1 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%)

Beta-Thal Trait 8 8 3 0 2 0 21 (4.86%)

Hb AE 6 1 3 0 2 2 14 (3.24%)

Hb AE/Tt 2 1 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%)

Hb AS 2 0 4 1 0 0 07 (1.62%)

Hb AS/Tt 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 (0.23%)

HbAS/AE 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 (0.0%)

HPFH 3 0 0 0 0 0 03 (0.694%)

Delta-Beta-Thal 1 0 0 0 0 0 01 (0.23%)

Total 25 11 10 1 4 2 53 (12.268%)

Molecular characterization of a few selected samples revealed two Beta Thalassaemiacarrier/trait had confirmed with common IVS-1-5-G>C mutation. One of those also co-inherited with Alpha Thalassaemia 1 with more severity. One case of HbE carrier confirmedwith Cd 26 G>A mutation. Significantly one case of HbE-Beta Thalassaemia confirmedwith IVS-1-5-G>C and Cd 26 G>A mutation detected, which also co-inherited with AlphaThalassaemia 1 with devastating clinical outcome.

More significantly out of 19 Great Andamanese individuals, two were reported as HbEcarrier with 31.1% and 29.9 % A2 respective to those individuals; who though had RBCcount of apparent normal range i.e. 4.72^106/ml. and 5.01^106/ml respectively. Apart fromthat, a general trend of anaemic state has also been observed among Great Andamaneseindividuals, who have participated in this study. Ranges of their red blood cell count(RBC), haemoglobin level and red blood cell indices are shown (FIG. 4) for betterunderstanding of their haematological health.

FIG. 4 Individual variation in RBC, haemoglobin and red blood cellindices among the Great Andamanese sample

II. Bio-cultural attributes:

Formation of islands’ society with migrants of plural cultural back ground has discussedearlier that revealed immense migration of diverse ethnic groups from various geographiczones of Indian subcontinent and finally settlement of those people in these islands indifferent point of time, since these lands became open wide to all for colonial interests.

However, demographic feature of Andaman & Nicobar Islands has been suffering withremarkable imbalance sex-ratio since initial days. Female population has been outnumberedby male, because of higher magnitude of migration of male individuals for reasons. Havocof migrants to these islands during early and mid-twentieth century and a trend of lowsex-ratio within that frame is enough to explain possibilities socio-cultural cohesionamong the islanders through marriage practices over decades.

Low sex-ratio has been great hindrance in matrimonial negotiations, thus set flexiblemarriage rules among the migrants and to some extent among Great Andamanese. Inter-ethnic (exogamous) marriage is wide common among individuals/families, particularlywho have withdrawn socio-cultural contacts with native places thus lead marriage allianceout of their own culture background.

So far as origin of island’s population and it’s bio-cultural dynamics, both are conscientiousin framing migrant groups; are together also de-limit further load of haemoglobinopathiesgenes in island society over times. Inter-ethnic marriages alliances are in many extendcome with cases of combined heterozygosity like HbAE/b-Tt, HbAS/ b-Tt, as reported.Simultaneously, maintenance of traditional marriage rules in islands scenario within low-

Understanding haemoglobinopathies ………An anthropological approach S. S. Barik and B. N. Sarkar

419418

sex ratio; is keep probabilities more open for increasing haemoglobinopathies in homozygoteas well as heterozygote conditions in coming generations.

For instance, here we may refer a few case studies for better understanding of the bio-cultural attributes for increasing cases of haemoglobinopathies in the island situation.

Case-I: A girl of class 5th standard, who is a patient of Beta-thalassaemia Major (FIG.5). She was detected at her age of 10 years. She belonged to a ‘Local’ born settler family,whose grand-grandparents were the natives of diverse eco-cultural zones. She was thesecond daughter of her parents. Her parents had only concerned about her prolongedepisodes of illness and blood transfusion in regular interval; except the knowledge ofdiseases transmission. That little girl could survive hardly a few months after her casewas properly diagnosed by the project team of the Anthropological Survey of India. Later;it was decided to detect some of the members of her family and close kin. This study foundthat both of her parents were carrying Beta-thalassaemia traits and her elder sister too.

That findings further encouraged in framing an extended genealogies of that family asback as possible, thus revealed high magnitude of admixture of genetic traits along withdiverse cultural background, through inter-ethnic marriage alliances at generations at bothof her parental root. Finally; some of the members of close kin groups were voluntarilyapproached to the study team for detection of probability of these disorders and detectedsome cases of carrier genes for Beta-thalassaemia, Hb E and one combined case of Beta-Thalassaemia trait and Hb E (b-Thal/HbAE).

Above could classically exemplify the relation between inter-ethnic marriages due topopulation pressure and extending probabilities of haemoglobinopathies in such isolateterritories like island situation.

Case-II: It was a case of a girl of 18 years, who was detected Beta-thalassaemia carrier/traitby the study team. She revealed that her younger brother had been going through regularblood transfusion and had splenectomy in the local hospital. She was then requested tomeet with her parents and discuss on the facts. Finally both of her parents and relativesof paternal and maternal line came forward voluntarily for clinical detection. Simultaneouslyan extended genealogy (FIG. 6) was also framed on the basis of the diagnosis of theirs’samples. It appeared that family originally belong to some district of south-central partof India and they have been for three decades in search of better livelihood opportunitiesin these islands. Since, theirs’ arrival to these islands is comparatively recent; they aremaintaining orthodox culture core and strictly consanguinity in the islands scenario. Itwas found, consanguineous marriages between cousins and consanguinity up to seconddegree relatives; ultimately confines abnormal haemoglobin genes within the boundaryof the family and relatives. Interestingly it appeared that where marriages out of consanguinekin were solemnized, probabilities of Beta-thalassaemia major and/or Beta-thalassaemiacarrier/trait cases had been naturally eliminated from next generation members.

Case-III: It’s a case of a Great Andamanese boy of 12 years (FIG. 7 & FIG. 8), who haddetected as a carrier of HbE (HbAE) having apparently normal haemoglobin (11.2 gm/dL)

level and normal RBC count (5.01^106/ml.) but with very high frequency of A2 (29.9%)through HPLC column detection. It was observed that both of his parents belong to theGreat Andamanese tribe; who had genetically never been carried any type of mutanthaemoglobin genes, as they remained as breeding isolate human group of the AndamanIslands alike to Jarawa and Onge. However, fast transformation of these islands undercolonial rule; had hardly left any option for them in maintenance traditional way of life.Marginalization, rampant depopulation since late of mid-nineteenth century; compelledthe Great Andamanese to be assimilated with non-traditional systems of survival; includingselection of mate from migrant communities like Karen, Burmese, Ranchi-waladuring initial decades of 20th century and from Bhatu, Mopla, Bengalee during the lastfew decades.

Marriage alliance with a Burmese person of that boy’s mother line has identified througha extended genealogy; which could has been the root of acquiring HbE in the family.However, both of the parents that boy were not available during the screening programme,which could throw light in understanding the flow of HbE; as one of the elder sisters ofhis father was also detected as carrier of HbE (FIG. 9).

Dwindling population size with low sex-ratio (over all 88 female over 100 male membersamong only 55 population strength in 2007) of the Great Andamanese; inevitably putthem in the threshold of acquiring many genetically controlled diseases/disorders, includinghaemoglobinopathies through random selection of marriage partner from non-GreatAndamanese settler communities.

Three different cases, as stated above are representatives for understanding bio-culturalattributes of disease spectrum and vulnerability in a geographic isolate island situation,under its’ own demographic perspectives.

III. Where, we stand

Prevention of haemoglobinopathies, simultaneously clinical management of the wholeis a challenging tusk, in a nation with diverse culture practices and massive populationsize like ours’. Moreover, every year our country receives approximately 10,000 newborn babies with b-Thalassaemia major (patient) from carrier parents, in addition tothousands of other abnormal haemoglobin variants like HbS, HbE, HbD and Alfa-Thalassaemia; while those combines with another; leads multiplication of victimsproportionately.

Scenario of these disorders in public health domain of Andaman & Nicobar Islands isno exception. High prevalence rate alone in Beta-Thalassaemia carrier/trait i.e. 4.86%(higher than national average, which is 3.96%), enable endorse the threats in terms ofincreasing load of carrier and patient in these islands due to its’ own nature of demographicand social dynamics which in turn to be a great deal to ready stock of packed-cell forblood transfusion for patients.


421420

Andaman & Nicobar Islands are comprised of numerous islands, spread over remoteareas; where facilities of blood transfusion (fresh blood), under medical guidance are notaccessible. Visiting to Port Blair for such purpose, in regular interval from those remoteareas even are not so feasible for reasons. During this study; study team came acrossmany cases, while many parents of those remote islands neither had familiarity with thetown nor with its’ civic society. Those unfortunate parents used to roam around; peep into local clubs, offices, if those could come out with silver line in distress. It was alsoperceived that many of them dare to disclose their sufferings to the next door neighboursor even close relatives in scared of getting to be isolated from social network.

Noteworthy to mention that prior to blood sample collection; the study team initiatedawareness programme on some pertinent issues of haemoglobinopathies among thestudents. Those students were knocked with few basics questions to understand their levelof knowledge. Surprisingly, they hardly came with anything on the very basics, like causeof the disease, affected organ/body-part of the disease, consequences of the diseases andtransmission. Awareness programme then initiated from preliminary level ofhaemoglobinopathies.

In that circumstance, initiation of that study was eye-opener to all. It threw light onenigmas; where we never had any information base earlier on detection of such largescale screening of haemoglobinopathies in these islands; which was equipped withadvanced bio-molecular technologies that too complemented by anthropological devicesfor studying human groups in understanding the magnitude and dimensions ofhaemoglobinopathies in Andaman & Nicobar Islands. However, it strongly felt that wehave to walk miles not only for preventive and clinical management of the disorders butalso in understanding silent contribution of haemoglobinopathies to infant and childmortality rate in public health point of view.

ConclusionHaemoglobinopathies, the most widespread single gene abnormal haemoglobin disordersin human have also made road in to Andaman & Nicobar Islands; with expansion ofcolonial establishment during 19th and 20th century. Noteworthy to mention, massivepopulation influx over decades, from endemic areas for various abnormal haemoglobingenes and in addition, general trend in low sex-ratio among the islanders; has increasedsusceptibility of various type of haemoglobinopathies among the islanders throughextensive inter-ethnic marriage practices.

Study reveals 12.268% individuals have been suffering from various types ofhaemoglobinopathies in various states; with 4.86% cases of b-Thalassaemia trait/carrier(b-Thal); which is alarming, so far as clinical management of the diseases with sophisticationare concerned in the island situation.


This study came out with detection of haemoglobinpathies (carrier state) among the GreatAndamanese; who have been marginalized and surviving in small population size; whichis eye-opening for all; who are concern on the survival chances of this tribe. Already,they are acquiring mates from different migrant communities indiscriminately; thus couldincrease magnitude of affected individuals within small population in future; if pre-marriage screening would not follow mandatorily among the Particularly VulnerableTribes (PVT) of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands. Significantly, those Great Andamaneseindividuals showed a trend of anaemic state; which cannot be granted as always as chronicnutritional deficient anaemia.

Since, persons having haemoglobinopathies, particularly b-Thalassaemia (major) andpersons with combined heretozygote cases need more clinical attentions; mass-awarenessprogramme on haemoglobinopathies would strategically more effective preventivemanagement for the incurable disorders; arresting further disease load in these islands.

425424

Acknowledgement

Authors express deep sense of gratitude to each individual; who had participated in thescreening programme as the primary component of this study. Sincere thanks to Prof.V.R. Rao; former Director-in-Charge of the Anthropological Survey of India; for hisimmense academic and logistical supports during this study.

References

Bansal R. K., V. B. Sharma, J. Madhulika Singh and S. Saxena 1988: Haemoglobinopathiesin anaemic children of eastern Rajasthan. Ind. Pediat. 25: 1012.

Basu S. K. 1978: Haemoglobinopathies and allied disorders in India- A public healthproblem. Health and Population-Perspectives and Issues 1(4): 319 - 339.

Kate S. L. 2008: Haemoglobinopathies in India: Prevention, control and future direction(in) Proceedings of National Conference on Community Genetics Approaches in Preventionof Beta-Thalassaemia, organized by Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India,7-9 March 2008, Calcutta; p-17.

Man E. H. 1883 (rprntd in 1975): On the aboriginal inhabitants of the Andaman Islands,New Delhi, Sanskaran Prakashan.

Neel J. V. 1969: Some changing constrains on the human evolutionary process. Proc. XIIInt. Congr. Genet. 3: 389 – 403.

Singh K. S. 1994 (ed.): People of India, Andaman & Nicobar Islands (Vol XII), NewDelhi, Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, Affiliated East West Press.

Smouse P. E. and M S Teitelbaum 1990: Genetics, demography and Epidemiology (in)Convergent Issues in Genetics and Demography Adams J, D A Lam, A I Hermalin andP. E. Smouse (ed.) New York, Oxford University Press: 209 – 218.

Ward R. H., P. Raspe, M. Ramirez, R. Kirk I Prior 1980: Genetic structure and Epidemiology:the Tokelau study (in) Population Structure and Genetic Disease, Erikkson E, H R Forsius,H R Nevanlinna, P L Workman and R K Norio (ed). Associated Press, New York.

Weatherall D. J. 2000: Single gene disorders or complex traits: lesions from the Thalassaemiaand other monogenic diseases, Br. Med. Jr., Vol. 321 (4: November), 1117-1120.

World Health Organization 1966: Haemoglobinopathies and allied disorder: Report ofWHO scientific groups, Tech. Rep. Sr. No. 338.


World Health Organization 2006: Thalassaemia and other haemoglobinopathies, reportedby Secretariat to the Executive Board, 118th Session, Provisional agenda item 5.2,EB11815, 11th May 2006, Geneva.

Young T. K., E. J. Szathmary, S. Evers and B. Wheatley 1990: Geographic distributionof diabetes among the native population of Canada: A national survey. Soc. Sci. Med.

Rao V. R., A. C. Gorakshakar and K. Vasantha 1992: Genetic heterogeneity and populationstructure of Gond related tribes of Maharastra. Hum. Biol. 64 (2): 903 – 917.


Twin Infanticide: A case study fromArunachal Pradesh, India

Nakul Chandra Sarkar1

ABSTRACT

Normally twins are treated equally with their singleton sibs in most of the societies butamong some communities of Arunachal Pradesh, the Muklom of ChanglangDistrict inparticular the situation is different. The Mukloms do not allow their twins to survive. Theyare in an age old tradition of killing twins immediately after birthbecause of prevailingsuperstitionthat twins are the indication of misfortunes, miseries, calamities to the familyand the entire community. Presently because of their awareness and changed attitude theMuklom youths are not in favour of killing twins any more.

INTRODUCTIONGeneral belief among some of the communities of North East India is that three vitalevents – birth, marriage and death, along with some others, are beyond the control ofhuman beings. Those are regulated by the God / the Creator / the Super Power / the Natureas conceived by different religious communities. In humans, unlike most of the othermammals, maximum pregnancies result in the birth of one child (singleton) which is theusual form of birth. But sometimes, human beings also give birth of twins (two babies),triplets (three babies), quadruplets (four babies) and so on. These are due to certain specificfactors – genetic or non-genetic, occurring at the time of fertilization or at the initial stageof conception and generally remain untraced / unnoticed. Superstition prevails that if apregnant woman eats some twin eatables (fruits/vegetables etc.) she may give birth oftwins. Some believe that misfortune also may cause twin births. It is certain that there

1Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata.This paper has been read in the National Seminar on the Problem of the Aged, Weaker section and Disables,held in the Department of Anthropology, Calcutta University on March 29-30, 2000.

is no role of any misfortune, superstition, evil power or eating of any particular food itemcausing multiple births (Sarkar 2003).

Specific reasons may be responsible for formation of particular type of twins. Neel andSchull (1954) advocated for at least two distinctly different biological situations forformation of twin in man – the proliferation and fertilization of (1) two ova and (2) onlyone ovum. Twins are of two types – (a) Monovolar (i.e. twins originating from just onefertilized egg) are on the other hand always alike in sex and are termed “monozygous”(MZ) or ‘identical’ twins (b) Binovolar (i.e. twins originating from two fertilized eggs)may be alike or unlike in sex and are called “dizygous” (DZ) or ‘fraternal’ twins.Monozygotic twins owe their origin to the remarkable phenomenon of a single embryointo two at early embryonic stage is yet to be clear. Dizygotic twins may form due tofertilization of two ova, discharged due to abnormal ovulation, by separate sperm (Vogeland Motulsky, 1979).

According to the Encyclopedia Americana (Ward, 1979) “Infanticicde is killing an infantor newborn baby or allowing it to die. The term is sometimes extended to include theabortion of a foetus, the killing of a baby during birth or immediately after birth or killingof children under the age of puberty.

Infanticide is an accepted practice among some primitive peoples, for whom the strugglefor existence is the hardest. It is found for example among the aboriginal Australians andthe Eskimos, both hunting peoples in whose sparse economies the rearing of a child isdifficult. It was once common in China and in some of the densely populated pacificIslands (Sarkr 2003).

A further economic factor behind the practice of infanticide is that parents eventuallyhave to pay to obtain marriage partners for their children. In most primitive societiesmarriage involves the exchange of material wealth and the amount involved may be sogreat that a family can afford to marry only a limited number of children. In most of thesecultures an unmarried person remains in an anomalous position without a means oflivelihood.

Infanticide has had a sacrificial aspect in some cultures. Killing the first-born in orderto placate the gods was prevalent in India until the 19th century and it is thought that thiswas also the custom among the ancient Hebrews. In some societies, superstitions attachedto the birth of twins, to abnormal birth, or to irregular marriage led to killing babies. Theexecution was carried out in a prescribed way, frequently by poisoning or strangulation.”

Twins, triplets etc. should have the same right and privilege as their singleton counterpartsenjoys. But, among some communities of Arunachal Pradesh, particularly the Muklom,one of the endogamous sub-groups of the tribe Tangsa of ChanglangDistrict, Arunachal

Pradesh, the situation is different. The Muklom, istead of providing equal treatment totheir twin babies as it is provided to the singleton babies, kill the twins immediately afterbirth because they believe that twins are nothing but the indication of misfortune, misery,natural calamity to the family and the entire village. So, to avoid those, they are in a habitof killing the twins immediately after birth. This is their traditional prescription for theremedy (Sarkar 2003).

Similar tradition of killing twins immediately after birth by the Noctes of Arunachal Pradeshhas been reported by Kar and Gogoi (1996: 124) who have opined that “Twins are notallowed to live in the society. They are killed immediately after birth. Deformed babiesare also killed. Twins and deformed children are considered unnatural. Their presence isbelieved to bring calamities and misfortunes to the entire community (Sarkar 2003).

Material and method

Material for the present report comprised of 498 births out of that 4 (four) pairs were twins,collected by the author during collection of House Hold Census among the Muklom ofChalang District, Arunachal Pradesh, pertaining to the national Project, entitled, “GeneticStructure of Indian Populations”, launched by the Anthropological Survey of India.

Present investigator collected demographic information on 100 Muklom households(Sarkar, 1996) which include information on reproductive performance of 123 ever marriedMuklom women. It has been observed from the collected information that out of a total494 pregnancies (Sarkar, 1997) only four pairs of twins were the outcomes of fourpregnancies. Out of such twins, sex of one pair could not be recorded. Among the remainingthree pairs, only one pair, both girls born in the District Hospital, Changlang, are thesurviving twins.

Twinning rateUsually a twin birth occurs in 85 singleton births, a triplet in (85)2 or 7225 singleton birthsand a quadruplets occurs in (85)3 or 614125 singleton births and so on (Stern, 1960). Thefrequency of twin birth varies from population to population. As per Mckusick (1972)“The frequency of twinning varies in different ethnic stock. Environmental factors probablyalso influence the rate of twinning.”

The rates of twin births among some communities of North-East India (Table-1) varyfrom as low as 0.46% among the Khamti of Lakhimpur District, Assam (Sarkar, unpublished)to as high as 2.03% among the population of Dibrugarh, Assam (Sarkar, 1958). BothLakhimpur and Dibrugarh are plains, whereas the hilly areas like Meghalaya and ArunachalPradesh show frequencies within the range of lowest and highest values, noted above.The Muklom of Changlang, Arunchal Pradesh shows 0.80% twin birth which is more orless equal to the Monpas of Arunachal Pradesh. The differences in the occurrences oftwin births between various communities of North-East India may be postulated as dueto difference in ethnic stocks and perhaps ecological factors along with food habit alsomay be responsible for such variation.

429428 Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India Nakul Chandra Sarkar

Treatment of Twins among the Muklom

The Muklom kill the twins because they believe that twin birth is the indication ofmisfortune and misery to them. They also believe that if they do not kill the twinsimmediately after birth, the entire village, particularly the family in which the twins wereborn will face famine, drought, disease, and thunder may damage their crops and otherproperties in the village. So, with a view to protect the community and its properties frommisfortunes and misery, the Mukloms are in age old practice of killing the twins immediatelyafter birth.

Soon after birth of twins, the mother herself wraps the mouth of the twins by cloth sothat the unfortunate twins die due to suffocation. They also pierce the palms and solesof the twins by thorns (Kangtang). Incase, the mother disagrees, the attending midwifeperforms the job. After killing, the father of the twins, accompanied by his his brother-in-law or an elderly person of the village, carries the dead twins kept in a bamboo basketor chicken-pen and leaves them on the branch of a Pipal tree (Ficus religious) or let themdown the steep hills away from the village. On return home, the maternal uncle of thetwins’ closes the door of the house from outside keeping all members of the family insidethe room to keep them away from the sunlight during population period of three days.He then puts some thorny branches at the entrance of the house so that none could enterthe house, nor could anybody come out of the house. All members of the family areconfined in the room for three days during which they observe complete silence and areallowed to eat only boiled rice with little salt without any spice or vegetable. On thefourth day morning, the maternal uncle of the twins’ father opens the door of the houseand the family members come out of the room being protected from direct sunlight bywearing an elongated headgear made of palm leaves and bamboo stripes and take bathin a sacred river and come back home. At home they worship their God by sacrificinghen, pig or buffalo depending upon the economic condition of the family and offer a goodfeast to the villagers and relations. This is called Morungphu. During the three dayspollution period, no villagers go out for work. The adjacent (nearest) village observespopulation for two days. The distant village, that received the bad news, observes oneday abstinence from work. All properties, movable or immovable, of the family are tobe disposed of within a period of one year from the date of the ill-fated incident. Thefamily is, however, allowed to stay in the house for a maximum period of one year withinwhich they are required to construct a new house at a different place, keeping the old oneabandoned. One such abandoned house was seen at the village Jungsum duringfieldinvestigation by the author. During this period of one year, they are to earn moneyeither by selling their properties to others or by taking loans/donations from their relations.The socio-religious customs observed during the period of four days is known as firstMorungphu. The same rituals/ceremonies and restrictions are mandatory in the case ofthundering on house or on agricultural land or on crops and also in the case of unnaturaldeath such as death due to accident. They consider these three events as indicators ofmisfortune.

The second Morungphu is to be observed after one month of the first one. During thisperiod of one month, the villagers do not accept anything hand to hand from any memberof the ill-fated family because they believe that while accepting anything hand to handfrom members of the affected family, misfortune may get transmitted from the affectedfamily members to the unaffected ones.

Deformed babies as already stated are killed by the Mukloms. Twins are consideredunnatural. Their presence in the society as indicated is believed to bring calamities,miseries and misfortunes to the entire community.

Now days, the Mukloms of Changlang, the youths in particular, because of their awarenessand changed attitude are not in favour of killing twins. They have realized that neitherany misfortune nor any evil power could be responsible. Because of the changed attitudeof the Muklom of Changlang towards twins, a pair of twins (both girls), which were bornin the District Hospital (former community Health Centre) was accommodated in thefamily who are growing up happily under the care, love and affection of their near relations,the parents in particular as well as the villagers. However, further detailed study may helpto unveil what caused the real transformation.

AcknowledgementsI am thankful to the Muklom of Changlang for their kind help and co-operation duringfield investigation. I express my sincere thanks to Prof. K. K. Misra, Director,Anthropological Survey of India, for providing necessary facilities for the present work.I am also thankful to Dr. D. Tyagi, Anthropological Survey of India, for his help,encouragement, and constructive criticism, offered at the time of drafting the manuscript.Help and co-operation extended by the Deputy Commissioner, Changlang, ArunachalPradesh is thankfully acknowledged.

References:

Barua, S. 1983 The Hajongs of Meghalaya: Abio-demographic Study. Human Science32: 190-200.

Barua, S. 1984 Tribes in Comtemporary India – Monpaof Arunachal Pradesh (UnpublishedTechnical Report. AnthropologicalSurvey of India, NERC, Shillong).

Kar, R.K. and Juri, Gogoi, 1996 “Health Culture and Tribal Life: A casestudy among the Nocte of ArunachalPradesh.” In: Communities of North-East India. Edited by Farida AhmedDas and Indira Barua, pp. 109-127. NewDelhi: Mittal Publications.

431430 Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India Nakul Chandra Sarkar

Khongsdier, R. 1992 Some demographic traits among thePnar of Sutnga and Moopala in JaintiaHills district of Meghalaya. Man inIndia. 72: 491-495.

Mckusick, Victor, A. 1972 Human Cenetics. New Delhi, PrenticeHall of India Pvt. Ltd.

Mondal, B. 1999 Personal communication.

Neel, J.V. and W.J. Schull 1954 Human Heridity. Chicago: TheUniversity of Chicago Press.

Sarkar, N.C. 1993 Twins among the Khamti of LakhimpurDistrict, Assam (Unpublished).

Sarkar, N.C. 1996 Anthro-genetical study in a smallMongoloid Group: Demography,A1A2BO, Rh D and MN Blood Groupsamong the Muklom of ArunachalPradesh, Journal AnthropologicalSurvey of India. 45: 81-91.

Sarkar, N.C. 1997 Opportunity for Natural Selectionamong the Muklom of ArunachalPradesh.Current Anthropology. 38(1):140-143.

Sarkar, N.C. 2003 Twin Killing among the Muklom ofArunachal Pradesh: A case Report. Jr.Indian Anthropo. Society. 38: 95-97.

Sengupta, S. and JinaBarua 1996 On Neonatal Twinning in a Hospital ofDibrugarh, Assam. J. Hum-Ecol. 7(3):207-210.

Stern, C. 1960 Principles of Human Cenetics. FirstIndian, Reprint Edition. New Delhi:Eurasia Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., 1968.

Vogel, F. and A.G. Motulskey 1979 Human Genetics: Problems andApproaches. Berlin: Springer Verlag.

Ward, Priscilla C. 1979 Infanticide. In: The EncyclopediaAmericana: International Edition. Vol.XV, pp. 142. American Corporation,International Headquarter: Danbury.

Table – 1: Twins in North-East India

Community Area Total Twin births Sourcebirths (Pairs)

N %

Monpa Mandalaphundung, Arunachal Pradesh 466 4 0.86 Barua, 1984

Minpa DjongDirang, Arunachal Pradesh 567 4 0.71 -do-

Muklom Changlang, Arunachal Pradesh 498 4 0.80 Present Study

--- Shillong, Meghalaya 1171 10 0.85 Sarkar, 1958

Hajong Garo Hills Meghalaya 999 10 1.00 Barua, 1983

Pnar Jaintia Hills, Meghalaya -- -- 1.37 Khongsdier, 1992

--- Dibrugarh, Assam 1526 31 2.03 Sarkar, 1958

Khamti Lakhimpur, Assam 434 2 0.46 Sarkar (Unpublished)

Hindu Dibrugarh, Assam 36923 461 1.25 Sengupta&Barua, 1996

Twin Infanticide: A Case Study From Arunachal Pradesh, India Nakul Chandra Sarkar 433432

434

Model for impact assessment of awarenessprogramme in sickle Cell Anaemia –

Development initiativefor survival and well being

Shampa Gangopadhyay1

Prodyot Gangopadhyay2

ABSTRACT

Survival and well being of persons with sickle cell anemia require surveillance at regularintervals. The study focus on the need for pre-test and post test evaluation of sharedperceptions about health and developmental initiatives through mass screening andawareness programme. The model of the study emerge as an essential tool not only forthe impact of awareness programme but also to minimize the occurrence of death undersickle cell disease with expected decline in percentage of carriers in the society and thusprovide the awareness programme it’s ultimate success.

INTRODUCTIONSickle cell disorder was first detected in India by Lehman & Cutbush (1952) among theveddoid of Nilgiri Hills and almost at the same time by Dunlop & Majumdar (1952) inAssam among the tea garden labourers. Within a decade Anthropological Survey of India,took initiative (Negi, 1962) in fact finding of this hereditary blood disorder caused bythe presence of abnormal heamoglobin (HbS) which causes an early childhood deathamong the affected homozygotes (HbSS).

Presence of HbS gene in chromosome No.11 is an example of adaptation. Individual witha single gene (HbS) is known as carrier. They are apparently normal and prevented frommalarial infestation because of the presence of sickle shaped red blood cell along withnormal RBC. Whereas the double dose of the gene (HbSS) which comes from the marriagebetween two carriers i.e. Homozygotes, suffer from severe anemia, associated with severejoint pain, enlarge spleen, require regular blood transfusion and dies an early deathgenerally before adolescence.

1Anthropological Survey of India, Nagpur2Central Regional Centre, Nagpur


Figure – 1

Inheritance pattern of Sickle Cell Gene

Figure – 3

Normal Red Blood Cell and Sickle Cell

437436

World statistics of hbs hemoglobinAs per WHO (1983) Report 60 million carriers of Sickle Cell (SCA) and 1,20,000 SickleCell homozygotes (SCD) are added every year in world (Cross reference Balgir, 2002).

Domestic statistics of hbs hemoglobinWith a population of more than 100 million at New Millennum (2000) and a birth rateof 25/1000 live borns, there would be about 45 million carriers and about 15000 infantsborn each year with hemoglobinopathies in India (Balgir, 2002). Based on the prevalencerate of Sickle Cell hemoglobin it has been estimated that there would be over 50 lakhcarriers (HbAS) and 2 lakhs homozygous (HbSS) Sickle Cell disease cases among tribalsalone in India (Malhotra, 1993). However, the exact share of Sickle Cell trait and diseasesis still unknown in India.

Worldwide distribution of Sickle Cell Gene

With the emergence of human adaptability project under international Biological Programmeduring 1962–1974, it has been felt that Biological Anthropology should be concernedwith the health issues of Indian population. The barrier of multifaceted caste and socialsystems under diverse beliefs, customs, social norms, stigma often impede theimplementation and dissemination of knowledge about health related studies. Since,approaches towards Sickle cell and other hemoglobinopathies till date are largely confinedto the diagnostic camps, therefore, assessment on the effect of screening and awarenessprogrammes are required follow up studies at regular interval to achieve actual goaltowards decline of SCD.

Model for impact assessment ……Development initiative for survival and well being Shampa Gangopadhyay and Prodyot Gangopadhyay

439438

Being related with health conditions Sickle Cell attracts interest from scholars of differentfields in India and it reveals from published data that Central India is one of the mostaffected zone. Apart from Government agencies, health practitioners under the umbrellaof Lions Club and Rotary Club and other welfare organizations set up diagnostic campsannually in villages in and around Nagpur, Amravati & Wardha district and a review onaforesaid survey projects the following findings.

l 12% villagers of village – Garaydari of Melghat region (Amravati district)are diagnosed with Sickle Cell anemia (2009).

l 25.6% of Teli community from 6 villages of Wardha (Wardha district) are testedSickel Cell positive (2006)

l 15.8% of Matang community from 6 villages of Wardha district(Udasa, Halbaras, Gawipada, Khamla, Garajdari, Chikhaldara) is testedpositive (2006).

l 10.6% of Pardhan community from 6 villages of Wardha district (Udasa,Halbaras, Gawipada, Khamla, Garajdari, Chikhaldara) are is found SickleCell positive (2006).

l Annual detection camps for Sickle Cell diagnosis is organized by healthpractitioners under the umbrella of Rotary Club and in every attempt a newvillage is selected but the incidence rate in terms percentage is not publishedexcepting the name of the village.

Further, during an extensive survey (2008-2009) under the Project “Community geneticsextension programme with respect of Sickle cell anemia in Wardha district of VidarbhaRegion, Maharashtra” and collection of data on SCD new patients from the registers ofrural hospitals under different blocks during (2000–2008) in compilation of data fromdistrict hospital, Wardha, it has been estimated that the incidence of SCD is as highas (8.8%). Further, OPD patients screened by doctors of Sewagram hospital yieldedfollowing results.

l A total of 1753 recorded admissions were screened of which 99 i.e. 5.7% werediagnosed to have Sickle Cell.

l Out of 99 detected 61 i.e. 61.6% identified homozygons (HbSS) and remaining38 i.e. 38.4% found heterozygous (HbAS).

The above figures when compared with earlier study by Kate (2001), Negi (1976), Sathe(1987), Shukla & Solanki (1958) (see Table No. 1) reveal no significant trend towardsthe decline of Sickle Cell anemia, which means marriage between affected individualsare randomly taking place giving rise to more and more diseased (SCD) individuals andobviously contributing two fold carriers (SCA) in the population and further puttingnegative impact on the physical, social and mental health and obviously on the entireprofile of well being of the community.

Table No. 1

Growing trend of SCA in few population of Maharashtra

Sr. No. Community Incidence (%) Reference & Year

01. Bhil 15.85 Negi, 197602. Bhil 18.00 Negi, 197803. Bhil 20.24 Sathe, Etal, 198704. Bhil 20.60 Kate, 200105. Pradhan 09.00 Ahmed, etal, 198006. Pradhan 11.08 Bankal etal, 198407. Pradhan 10.60 Deshmukh etal, 200608. Pradhan 15.80 IGIMC, Wardha, 200909. Teli 11.10 Shukla & Solanki, 195810. Halba 13.6 Negi, 197611. Gond (MP) 19.4 Negi, 196312. Mahar (Rural) 18.6 Urade, et. al, 200113. Mahar (Nagpur) 18.1 Das et. al, 196114. Pardhan (Nanded) 16.8 Banker, et. al, 198415. Pawar 25.5 Kate, 200116. Halba (Raipur) 13.6 Negi, 197617. Thakur 6.06 Tiwari, 198018. Chamar (Raipur) 4.5 Tiwari, 198019. Chamar (Raipur) 6.7 Tiwari, 198020. Mahar (Raipur) 18.8 Tiwari, 198021. Mahar (Raipur) 19.5 Tiwari, 198022. Gond (Raipur) 7.96 ICMR, 198623. Kamar (Raipur) 2.38 Tiwari, 1986

Therefore, from the current endeavor it is evaluated that Sickle Cell diseased (SCD) andcarriers (SCA) are randomly identified through diagnostic camps and for that workshops,academic discussions and related publications are generated regularly by variousorganizations. But, the resultant goal in view of reducing the percentage of SCD is farto be achieved. It seems that, the awareness campaign about the disease remain muchin discussion among the academicians and the health practitioners and little effect to thatextent for minimizing the genetic load and related health hazards of the people in subjectis addressed sofar.

Therefore, the authors strongly suggest that it is high time to identify the target area wherediagnostic camps have already been organized during last one decade or so and furtherrevisiting the villages to assess their awareness status through structural questioners andrespond analysis.

The authors, thus suggest a model – “Coordination and surveillance –A model forlongitudinal study on haemoglobinopathies” which can be applied in village / communityspecific survey on Sickle Cell and other abnormal hemoglobins through surveillance ata regular interval to measure the duly perceived impact of awareness programme.


441440

The proposed model will initially target the communities / villages already visited byGovernment and Non-Government agencies for Sickle Cell diagnosis and awarenessprogramme and there after analysis the vital components like

l AWARENESS STATUSl UNDERSTANDING OF RISK FACTORSl PRECLUSION OF SCD THROUGH APPROPRIATE MATE SELECTIONl SCREENING PROGRAMME TO ASSESS THE CURRENT STATUS

Proforma for evaluating knowledge status (pre & post), attitude and concern are includedin Table–2 to Table-7.

Table No. 2

Sickle Cell Disease Educational AwarenessPre-Education Questionnaire

Please check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements.

Sickle cell disease affects the red blood cells.

Children with sickle cell disease are at risk for infections and pneumonia.

Sickle cell disease can be caught just like a cold.

Sickle cell disease can cause pain and strokes.

Indians are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease.

Genetic carriers will not develop symptoms of sickle cell disease.

If only one parent is a carrier of sickle cell trait, they have no chanceof having a baby with sickle cell disease.

Typically, both parents of a child need to be a carrier of sickle cell traitin order to have a child with sickle cell disease.

Sickle cell disease is inherited.

Sickle cell disease carrier testing worries me.

I support sickle cell disease carrier testing for communities.

I support sickle cell disease carrier testing and medical services forcommunities in barber or beauty shops.

I would encourage my partner to be tested for sickle cell trait if I wasfound to be a trait carrier.

I understand the role of a genetic counselor.

I feel like meeting with a genetic counselor is helpful to my understandingof sickle cell disease and sickle cell carrier testing.

Genetic counseling is an effective way to learn, understand, get resources,and support about genetic conditions.

Source: Cecilia Maryann Rajakaruna, University of Pittsburgh, 2009

Table No. 3Sickle Cell Disease Educational Awareness

Post-Education QuestionnairePlease check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements.





Indians are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease.














AGREE UNCERTAIN DISAGREE


443442

Table No. 4 Results of Knowledge Gain from Pre, Post, and 3 Month

Follow- up Questionnaires Knowledge

1: Results of Knowledge Gain from Pre, Post, and 6 Month Follow-up Questionnaires

Knowledge Statements Pre- Post- 3 Month F/U Fisher’s Fisher’sQuestionnaire Questionnaire Questionnaire Exact Test Exact Test

Percent Percent Percent Pre vs. Pre vs.Post 3 Month F/U

Sickle cell disease affectsthe red blood cells.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Children with sickle celldisease are at risk forinfectionsand pneumonia.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Sickle cell disease can becaught just like a cold. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Sickle cell disease can causepain and strokes. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Indian are at a higher risk ofbeing carriers ofsickle cell trait. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Genetic carriers will notdevelop symptoms of sicklecell disease. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

If only one parent is a carrierof sickle cell trait, they have nochance of having a baby

with sickle cell disease Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Typically, both parents of achild need to be carriers ofsickle cell trait in order to havea child with sickle cell disease.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:


Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:


Table No. 5 Concern Results



Sickle cell disease carriertesting worries me.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:


Table No. 6Attitude Results



Sickle cell disease affectsthe red blood cells.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

I support SCD carrier testing

for communities. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

I support SCD carrier testingand medical services forcommunities in Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

I would encourage my partnerto be tested for SCT if I wasfound to be a trait carrier.

Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

I understand the role of agenetic counselor. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

I feel like meeting with agenetic counselor is helpful tomy understanding of SCDand SCT testing. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:

Genetic counseling is aneffective way to learn,understand, get resources,and support aboutgenetic conditions. Agree:

Uncertain:

Disagree:



445444

Table No. 7Follow up

Sickle Cell Disease Educational Awareness3 Month F/U-Education Questionnaire

Please check whether you agree, disagree, or are uncertain about the following statements.





Indian are at a higher risk of being genetic carriers of sickle cell disease.













The study under this model has to be undertaken in the target population / villages at aregular interval to evaluate the subject’s intellectual need to be empowered and furthermake them feel that their active participation in the programme can make a differencein their families outcome.

The proposed model would also evaluate the current incidences of SCD as recorded innearby health centers to ascertain the trend of increment or decrement of SCD in patientsas compared to earlier data. Along with the screening programme to get the current status

of Sickle Cell disease effort will be made to measure the impact of previous awarenessprogramme directed for avoiding marriage between carriers. Special efforts would begiven to visit the families of SCD patients to assess the awareness regarding the diseaseand preventive measure taken by them principally by the inclusion of examining thesickle cell status in the selection procedure of prospected bride and groom, i.e. applicationof genetic horoscope match.

OBJECTIVES

Under the proposed model the surveillance towards persons with SCA and SCD wouldbe assessed through repeated awareness programme and shared perception followed bymass screening to bring down the genetic and social load.

l The variable inter-phase between awareness programme – carrier screeningand impact analysis towards public health to be regularized.

l High retention of knowledge, low concern and high levels of satisfaction amongthe respondents to be achieved.

l Integrated area survey with the model of holistic Anthropological approach tobe undertaken prior to carrier screening which currently appears to be randomand sporadic.

l The public health objectives to reduce the prevalence of sickle cell diseasethrough selective mate selection and further reproductive choice would be oneof the main objectives of screening.

l Mechanisms for appropriate use and evaluation of information to promotehealth and wellness in study population to be executed. {Media, Letters,Lectures, active participation of Gram Panchayat, Gram Seva, Anganwadiworkers, Welfare Organizations, Health Workers contacts (phone –Emails etc.)}.

l For achieving an encouraging positive impact towards future public healthgenomics and further Anthropological perspective of space analysis.

(a) Additional carrier screening to the new borns are to be included.

(b) An area specific Documentation for Sickle Cell Surveillance (DSS) tobe buildup.

Application of the model

l Characterization of the affected population

l Number of affected individuals

l Location and types of hemoglobinopathies



l Access to the types of health-facilities and other services available

l The effectiveness of services, prevention efforts and intervention onpopulations.

l Creating a repository of bio-specimens for use in genetic and genomicanalyses.

l Evaluation of process through intermittent visit

l Identify emerging risks.

Road Map for the proposed Model

“Coordination & Surveillance –A Model for Longitudinal Studies on Haemoglobinopathies”

Figure – 4

447446

Conclusion

The current efforts under the helm of holistic Anthropological approach would imply onintegrative method to make the study more relevant to the survival and well being ofhuman population and thus making an individual healthy in mind and body towardsmaking healthy Nation. The model would be applicable to develop, implement andreinforce in a systematic, equitable and effective manner, a comprehensive integratedprogramme for prevention and management of Sickle Cell anemia, including surveillance,dissemination of information, awareness raising, counseling and would be tailored tospecific socio-economic conditions to protect the cultural contour, mental and physicalhealth status of the population.

Acknowledge

The authors are highly grateful to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India for

providing permission to present the paper in the INCAA 2011 Seminar.

Reference

Ahmed, S. H. & Chaudhury, D. 1980 ABO Blood group and sickle cell traitamong the Pardhans of Mandla Districtof MP, Man in India, 60:235

Balgir, R. S. 2002 The genetic burden ofhaemoglobinopathis with specialreference to community health in Indiaand the challenges ahead. Ind. Jnl. Hemat.Blood Transfus. 20:227

Bankar, H. P.; Kate, S. L.; 1984 Distribution of Sickle Cell HaemoglobinMokanshi, G. D.; Khedkar, among different tribal groups inV. A. And Phadke, M. A. Maharashtra State. Ind. J. Haemat,

Vol. 11:4

Das, S. R.; Kumar, N.; 1961 Blood Groups (ABO, MN & Rh, ABHBhattacharya, P. N. & Secretion, Sickle Cell, PTC taste andShastry, D. B. Colour Blindness in the Mahar of Nagpur.

J. Royal Anthropological Institute of GreatBritain and Ireland 91: 345 – 355


Club / Anganwadi /Gram Sabha /

Religious Institutions

IDENTIFICATION OF TARGET AREA / COMMUNITY

FIELD PROGRAMME

Impact Assessment onAwareness Status

Awareness Programme

Screening

Current Status

Counseling

AudioVisual

Pictorial

BannerPoster

PamphletSlideShow

AudienceAddress

Folk Song onSickle Cell Anemia

SocialNetwork

449448

Tiwari, V. K.; Pradhan, P. K. & 1980 Haemoglobins in Scheduled Caste andAgrawal, S. Scheduled Tribes of Raipur (Madhya

Pradesh): A Preliminary Report, Ind. J.Med. Res. 71:397 – 401

Urade, B. P., 2007 Sickle Cell Anemia: A geneticallyMoyna Charkravarty & handicap disease. Bio-Social Issues inSujit K. Mallick Health. PP 47 – 55, Edited by R. K. Pathak,

New Delhi, Northern Book Centre.

WHO Report 1983 Community control of hereditary anemias,Memorandum from a WHO meeting.Bult. WHO 61:63-80(s)


Deshmukh, P.; B. S. Garg, 2006 Prevalance of Sickle cell disorders inN. C. Prajapati & M. S. Bharambe Rural Wardha. Ind. Jnl. Of Community

Medicine, Vol.3, No. 1

Dunlop, K. J. & Majumdar, U. K. 1952 The occurance of sickle cell anemiaamong group of tea garden labourersof Upper Assam. Ind. Med. Gaz.,87:387-391

ICMR Report 1986 Report of tribal studies in Jhabua, Ratlam,Ambikapur, Raipur district of MadhyaPradesh and Ranchi district of Bihar,Anthropology unit – Institute ofimmunohematology, Mumbai

Kate, S. L. 2001 Health Problem of tribal populationgroups from the state of Maharashtra,Immuno – hematology Bulletin

Leman, H. and Cutbush, M. 1982 Sickle Cell trait in South India, Brit. Med.Jour.1: 404 – 405

Malhotra, K. C. 1993 Genetico-enviornmental disorders andtheir impact on mortality and morbidityprofile among tribal population. In S. K.Basu (Ed) Tribal Health in India, NewDelhi, Manak Publishers.

Nagi, R. S. 1962 The incidence of Sickle Cell trait in TwoBastar tribes, Man In India

Negi, R. S. 1976 Population dynamics of sickle cell traitsdistribution in India, Ph. D. Thesis(Unpublished), University of Calcutta

Negi, R. S. 1976 Sickle cell gene and Malaria, Ind. Jnl.Phy. Anth. & Hum. Genet, 2: 113

Sathe, M. S.; Gorakshakar, 1987 Red Cell genetic abnormalities in theS. E., Rao, V. R.; Mukherjee, tribes of five districts of Madhya Pradesh.M.; Vasantha, K. & Bhatia, H. M. Ind. Jnl. Of Med. Res., 68:808

Shukla, B. N. and Solanki, B. R. 1958 Sickle cell anaemia in Central India.Lancet, 1: 297

450

Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of KarbariGrant village (with special reference to origin,History, Ethnic Identity, Social Structure and

Dispute Solving Mechanism)

Nishant Saxena1

ABSTRACT

The study was undertaken in the Gurkha community residing in the Gurkha Karbarihamlet of the Karbari Grant village in Sahaspur block of Vikasnagar sub-district ofDehradun district in Uttarakhand state. The focus of the present paper was threefold:Firstly, to trace the origin and history of the Gurkha community at large with emphasison identity crisis as presently perceived by the community; Secondly, to understand thesocial structure of Gurkhas with emphasis on their caste system and changes occurringin the present time, and; Thirdly, to understand the dispute solving mechanism in theGurkha community. The method for data collection was ethnographic which includeduse of techniques like non-participant observation, unstructured interview, focusedinterview and audio-visual aids. For analysis of the data collected through interviews,content analysis technique was employed. The main findings of the study are: Gurkhacommunity has an arguable origin and it will be prudent to say that they originated nearor inside the present day Nepal to counter the anti-Hindu ideologies like slaughteringof cows by Muslim invaders in India. Therefore, Gurkhas draw their name from "Gau-raksha" meaning 'protection of cow'. The community is currently struggling to come outof the garb of being "Nepali" and just identified as warriors by their neighbours. Theirtraditional caste structure has undergone notable changes because of intermixing withother ethnic groups in their vicinity and intermarriages between different Gurkha castesthemselves. Lastly, the institution of village council led by "Mukhiya" is fading away,while the institution of "Jamwal" (head-man of many villages) has become obsolete.

INTRODUCTIONIt is a great pleasure for me to acknowledge my gratitude to all those who willingly helpedme throughout my fieldwork and also after it in preparing this report.

Firstly, I would like to thank Dr. V. Kaul, Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Headof Office, Anthropological Survey of India, N.W.R.C, Dehradun for giving me theopportunity to be a part of this extensive village study on Gurkhas. He was always thereto guide, support and provided all the possible logistics.


1Research Associate (Culture) Anthropological Survey of India, Udaipur

453452 Holistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism Nishant Saxena

Special mention should be there of Dr. Shaik Abdul Azeez Saheb, Superintending Anthropologist(C), Anthropological Survey of India, N.W.R.C, Dehradun who provided valuable and criticalcomments on the report which helped me incalculably in improving it.

In continuation of the above, I am thankful to Dr. Harshavardhana, Anthropologist (P)and Dr. S.N.H. Rizvi, Anthropologist (P) who guided me, were there on the field duringthe entire period and helped in making this field experience a memorable one.

I do like to acknowledge the help extended to me by all the other team members whowere part of this extensive village study, particularly Shri Jokhan Sharma who was therewith me in all the odds.

Not to forget, the office staff at N.W.R.C., Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradunextended their full support in completion of this study. I am obliged to them.

At last I am thankful to all my informants specially my key informants who shared theinformation and their experiences with me and enriched my data.

It is vaguely known in India that Gurkhas come from Nepal and people express wonderwhen told that Gurkhas are not the born subjects of the British Empire. But that is howhistory goes about them. The relationship between Gurkhas and Nepal is indispensiblefor anybody who wants to understand and study the community. Nepal has a very ancienthistory and civilization which is beyond the purview of the present paper. For centuriesand centuries, before the present rulers of the country emerged from a condition ofbarbarism, Nepal had a highly developed civilization of its own. Also, Nepal seems tohave been in the past ages a kind of dumping ground for numerous emigrants, both fromnorth and south. One often comes across the Khassia ethnic group, mentioned often byscientists who deal with these problems, which has especially left its mark on this partof the world. The descendants of this race now form the Rajput or Kshettriya clans ofGurkha which has been the major governing class among them. They claim for themselvesrights in the second rank in the Hindu hierarchy, that of true Kshettriyas, and also wearthe sacred thread. This is one example of the extraordinary elasticity of the Hindu religion,for a glance at their features will show their Mongolian descent.

Until the middle of 18th century, the Gurkhas had hardly been heard of even in Nepal.The King of Gurkha conquered most of the dynasties of present day Nepal by 1768 andbecame so powerful that he overran the whole of hill country form the border of Kashmirto the east of Bhutan. Turning south he started raiding the territories of Britain’s EastIndia Company. Consequently war was declared by Britishers against the Gurkhas in1814 which culminated into a peace treaty in 1816 famously known as Treaty of Sigowli.However, this is merely a colonial version of the history of Gurkhas which gave duerespect to the valour and strength of Gurkhas as soldiers, but does not provide a completeholistic account of their origin, history and culture.

Objectives of the studyThe focus of the present paper is threefold: Firstly, to trace the origin and history of theGurkha community at large with emphasis on identity crisis as presently perceived bythe community; Secondly, to understand the social structure of Gurkhas with emphasison their caste system and changes occurring in the present time, and; Thirdly, to understandthe dispute solving mechanism in the Gurkha community.

MethodologyThe study was undertaken in the Gurkha community residing in the Gurkha Karbarihamlet of the Karbari Grant village in Sahaspur block of Vikasnagar sub-district ofDehradun district in Uttarakhand state. The study was part of an extensive village studyperformed by a group of researchers which also included the author. Also, the apex bodyof Gurkhas in Dehradun known as Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha was visited for collection ofdata. The method for data collection was ethnographic which included use of techniqueslike non-participant observation, unstructured interview, focused interview and audio-visual aids. For analysis of the data collected through interviews, content analysis techniquewas employed.

Brief account of field areaKarbari Grant village is situated between 30o35’N latitude and 77o94’ E longitude at adistance of about 21 km from Dehradun city, towards South of the National Highway 72which connects Dehradun to Ponta Sahib, famous pilgrimage for the Sikhs. Directionwise the village is located towards the north-west of Dehradun. The climate is generallytemperate, but varies greatly from tropical to severe cold. The area receives an averageannual rainfall of about 2,000 mm with July and August being the rainiest.

The village is multi ethnic. There are about 322 households in the village with populationof 1590, out of which there are 758 males and 832 females having a very healthy sex-ratio of 1098 females for 1000 males. The literacy rate is 79.33% which is much highthan the national average (Census of India, 2001).

The Gurkha Karbari hamlet is mostly populated by Gurkhas along with a few Garhwalifamilies and a Punjabi family residing in it. The hamlet had about 109 Gurkha householdswith a population of about 600. The sex-ratio is evenly poised between the males andfemales. Literacy rate is good, the only concern being that quite a few of the young maleGurkhas did not take up further studies after completion of intermediate. They feel “beinga soldier in the army is their cup of tea” .Seeking job in armed forces of India is still apassion among the Gurkhas. Quite a few of the natives practiced agriculture. The cropsgrown were mostly different varieties of Basmati rice, which were grown by some farmersusing exclusively organic manures and even exported outside India. The agricultural tiesof the village were strong with another village nearby known as Buddhi Gaon whereMuslim community dominated. A single Gurkha family was engaged in sericulture, whilea few worked in flower farms also. Moreover, some worked as skilled and unskilledlabourers in adjoining areas.

The village has a very peculiar story behind the term “Grant” in the village’s name. Itwas told by some elderly in the village that before India became independent in 1947 thispiece of land was owned by some King (name unknown). About that time, the news aboutannexing all the kingdoms in to India after independence was spreading like fire. So theKing, in fear of this, sold the land to some other King (again name unknown), who later‘granted’ or allowed the Gurkha population already existing there to continue agricultureon his land. He even asked the jobless Gurkhas, of that time, to come and farm his land.This is how the village got its name. Even today a large portion of the village land, mostlyagricultural, is owned by the descendants of this King.


Origin and History of GurkhasWhen the emperor Allah-u-din, leading his Mohammedan army, sacked the fortress ofChittore, many of the family of Rajput king fled north to the hills. Tradition says thatthese, true Rajputs of the purest blood, took refuge amongst the hillmen, and that fromtheir progeny descends the family of Gurkha, the family that has been reigning Nepal forsuch a long time. Although this hypothesis is difficult to accept altogether, but there isno doubt that there was an infusion about this time of good Rajput blood into the hilltribes (Morris & Northey, 1974). It must not, however, be imagined that the Kshettriyareigning clans of Nepal rise entirely from these refugees. The main body of that race hadalready been in existence for a very long time (Khassia race).

We now come to the period from which the modern development of Gurkha may betraced. In Nepal, about the middle of 18th century, was a remarkable ruler whose namewas Prithwi Narayan Sah (10th ruler of the Sah dynasty). For nearly 20 years the warbetween the followers of the King of Gurkha and the different Kings of Nepal was carriedon with varying success. But somehow Prithwi Narayan Sah brought the whole of thevalley of Nepal under his sway, and established himself as the sole ruler of the surroundingcountry. Prithwi Narayan Sah’s little hill state of Gurkha gave its name to all the followersof the King in his adventure, who were known as Gurkhalis, or the followers of the Kingof Gurkha – the town Gurkha taking its name from its patron saint Gorakh Nath – andthese were all the groups that inhabited that state – Brahmans, Rajputs, the Mongolianhill tribes, the menial clans, and even some of the Newar merchants, whose propertyhappen to lie in the state of Gurkha. The small neighboring kingdoms which had not comeunder Prithwi Narayan Sah’s rule so far, but whose subjects were precisely the same asthose of that ruler, were not yet allowed to call themselves as Gurkhalis. But during theperiod of conquest and annexation, nearly the whole of the Chaubisia Raj (i.e. the 24kingdoms, all small hill states) joined their fortune with those of Gurkha. Prithwi NarayanSah further proceeded to spread his conquest east and west. In 1792 they tried to pushas far as Sikkim in the east but were defeated there by the Tibet and Chinese troops, thuslimiting them to Sikkim. In the west they pushed their troops as far as Kashmir border.They completely occupied the districts of Kumaon and Garhwal, and passing though theShimla Hill States they dominated the Kangra valley also. Due to their continual differenceswith the British, war was finally declared in 1814. The literature of that war is full withthe tales of bravery of Gurkhas who were merely armed with bow and arrows, andemployed some flint-locks. The notable is the war at Khalanga Fort in Dehradun districtwhich resulted in the death of General Gillespie. The Gurkha survivors who were left inthe fort, some seventy or so including women – escaped and made good retreat beforethe fort was finally taken. However, the Gurkha people claim that due to the death of allthe men inside the fort, the women took the charge of fight against the British and killedGeneral Gillespie and finally killed themselves also. The war against British finally camean end on 4th March, 1816 with the Treaty of Sigowli according to which British had toleave the land of Prithwi Narayan Sah’s dynasty encroached by them and thepresent day area of Uttarakhand and Darjeeling were annexed with India.

After the death of Prithwi Narayan Sah, his heirs and successors appear to have becomedegenerate and all the executive power of the Government became vested in the PrimeMinister, the first Prime Minister being Bhim Sen Thapa in 1811. Until Maharaja JangBahadur firmly established himself as Prime Minister, he took over in 1845, lot of struggleand chaos prevailed in Gurkha community in Nepal. He did a commendable job for the

country, but carried on the policy of isolation deliberately which though aimed at thebenefit of the natives of the country but resulted in lack of job opportunities for the peoplein general. Hence, once Gurkhas began to mix freely with the outside world, men foundthat they could earn quadruple the amount by taking the positions as watchmen, and soforth, in India and lead a comparatively easier life. This resulted in migration from theancient dynasty of Gurkhas in Nepal to India.

However, the Gurkhas presently do not completely agree with this version of their origin.According to them, cow has been considered pious and sacred as per Hindu religion andtradition. But, during the non-secular invasion by Muslim’s in India during 13th or 14thcentury, slaughtering of cows took place at mass level. In order to fight against this theRajputs, Sikhs and hill men from Nepal formed a coalition. Thus, the group formed for“Gau-raksha” meaning “protection of Cow” and fighting against Muslim invasion latercame to be known as “Gurkha”. This title was given by Dravya Sah, a king of Sah dynasty.He was the one who unified the Rajputs, Sikhs and hill men from Nepal into a singlegroup. Later on the 10th King of Saha dynasty - Prithwi Narayan Sah unified the wholeGurkha kingdom from Satluj River in west to Tiesta River in east and named it “GreatNepal” in 1768. Dehradun was also a part of it. Hence, according to the natives of thevillage, Gurkha community has inhabited Uttarakhand and this village of Karbari Grantsince then.

Identity crisis among the Gurkhas todayGurkhas as a community are hurt about the fact that still often people in India label themfrequently as “Nepali” meaning ‘the one from Nepal’ and doubt their loyalty for India.To counter this they place certain arguments like: Firstly, they have been in India since1768 (as discussed above). Secondly, the historic Treaty of Sigowli meant that Gurkhashave been in this part of India (present day Uttarakhand and Dehradun) with their land.This is often described by them by using the phrase “tab se baithe hain zammen ke saath”meaning “have been here since then (i.e. 1816) with our own land” and not immigratedfrom Nepal. Thirdly, Gurkhas further claim that the evidence for the kind of coalition,as described above, in the past between Rajputs, Sikhs and hill men is the usage of surname“Singh” which is common to all three communities. Fourthly, about 200 Gurkha men andwoman laid their life during the freedom struggle in India against the British. The notableone among them was martyr Durga Mall, whose bronze statue is in the Parliament ofIndia, who expressed fearless pride about going to the gallows in the letter written on22nd August 1944 while he was to be hanged on 25th August 1944. Fifthly, the tune forIndia’s national song was composed by a Gurkha - Ram Singh Thakuri. Sixthly, the tunefor the song “Bhade chalo badhe chalo, vir tum badhe chalo” meaning “keep marchingforward” which bonded the whole of India during the freedom struggle was composedby Ram Singh Thapa. Therefore, on the basis of above it will be prudent to not labelevery Gurkha as “Nepali”. Rather the government should develop a classification criterionto distinguish between Gurkhas who have been in India for a long enough time to claimIndian citizenship and those who are easily infiltrating from Nepal in to India and acquiringcitizenship by foul means.

Social Structure of the GurkhasSocial Structure of the Gurkhas is one aspect of the Gurkha community which is mostintriguing and often confusing. Prior to the Treaty of Sigowli, the Gurkhas were not onlymasters of Sikkim to the east and part of Terai in the south, but also of the important hill


country lying due west of the river Kali – the western boundary of modern Nepal – knownas Kumaon and Garhwal. This was the Great Nepal of those ancient times. Kumaon andGarhwal are part of the Uttarakhand state of India. It can therefore be readily understoodhow the groups living on either side of the western boundary of Gorkha regime havebeen, for many years, so merging into each other by intermarriages and from other causes,that the difference between those living within the Gurkha territory (in modern Nepal)and their neighborhood in the states of Kumaon and Garhwal (Uttarakhand state of India)is very slight. This is the reason why it takes some time to come to terms with the castesystem of Gurkhas. Let us first have a look at the traditional social structure of Gurkhas.

Traditional Social Structure of the GurkhasIn the Gurkha community, traditionally the Kshettriyas, or warriors, the second great classin the Hindu caste hierarchy, come first; then the Mongolian clans (also classed as militaryclans); and finally come the inferior Mongolian, or non-fighting groups and menial classes(Magar, Gurung, Rai, Limbu, Kami (ironsmith) and Sunwar, also collectively known asShudras) (Morris & Northey, 1974). Thus it was seen that the Kshettriya clans kept intheir hands the whole power of administration. Presently, they claim for themselves rightsin the second rank in the Hindu hierarchy (after Brahmins), that of true Kshettriyas, andalso wear the sacred thread. This is one example of the extraordinary elasticity of theHindu caste hierarchy under certain conditions, for a glance at their features will showtheir Mongolian descent. One might wonder about the Brahmin class which figuresprominently in the Hindu caste hierarchy. The matter of fact is that with the passage oftime the Brahmin class emerged in the Gurkha community, and slowly attained the primesocial status ahead of the Kshettriyas. Also, all these different clans and classes, at differenttimes, have been induced to submit themselves to the Hindu ceremonial laws. The differentdivisions of traditional Gurkha society could be arranged in a descending order of socialstanding as per the then social norms as follows:

Table 1

Traditional Caste Hierarchy among the Gurkha community

BrahminsThakurs

Chetris or KhasGurungsMagarsLimbus

RaisSunwars

Apart from the military class, the rest of population was agriculturist and pastoralistwith economy based on barter mode of exchange. At the junctions of rivers throughoutthe Gurkha regime, weekly bazaars were held for the barter of goods, and wholefamilies, men, women and children, carrying loads proportionate to their age andstrength came down from hills to exchange the commodities for necessities of life(Morris & Northey, 1974).

One thing peculiar to the Gurkha community and kingdom of yesterdays was the changein ethos in the people as one moved towards east and west across the Gurkha regime. Thefarther one went towards the east, the more does one find the groups becoming influencedby Mongolian ideas. Similarly, as one progresses in a westerly direction, the groups inhabitingcentral parts become more and more prone to Hinduism. Since ancient times, the centralpart of Gurkha kingdom has been dominated by the Magars and Gurungs, the western byBrahmins, Thakurs and predominantly Chetris, while the eastern by Limbus and Rais.Present Social Structure among the Gurkha communityIn the subsequent section the different Gurkha castes have been described in nutshellfollowing the presently prevalent chronological order as found in Gurkha Karbari andas told by Gurkha members of Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha, Dehradun.

BrahminsOriginally the Gurkha community was devoid of Brahmin class. But during the Musliminvasion in the 12th century in India, the Brahmins from India fled to Nepal and convertedpeople to Hinduism. In very ancient times in the Great Nepal Brahmins were secondary tothe ruling class. At Present they occupy the prime position as is the case with Hindu castehierarchy. Mostly they do priestly job, but those who are economically poor are employedas cooks also. Among Brahmins two main classes exist in the village. They are Upaddheand Jaisi. According to one myth, the Jaisi sect have a lower social standing, and arepresumed to be the offspring of an unofficial alliance of Uppadhe and Brahmin widow(such an infidel widow was called as Mleccha).

ChetrisSubsequent intermixing between the Brahmin and Gurkha fighting class (Khas) gave riseto the Chetri clan which is considered somewhat inferior to Brahmin. In ancient times theywere known as Khas. It is a fighting class and equal to the Ksahtriya in Hindu caste hierarchy.There are about 20 sub-clans in Chetri. The prominent ones are Bandari, Karki, Khatri,Adhikari, Bisht, Khandka, Burathoki, Gharti and Rana. There are certain disputes about theexact social standing of Chetris and some place them just below the Brahmins ahead ofThakurs, and the present social structure adheres to this notion. The other view is that Chetrisare placed after Thakurs in the social standing.

ThakursTraditionally, Thakurs come after the Brahmins in the caste hierarchy, and consideredsuperior to rest of castes. However, as per the present understanding of the Gurkha’s abouttheir social and caste structure, Chetris are a notch above Thakurs and just below theBrahmins. Thakurs are stated to be the descendants of the princely class and endowed withhighest military qualities and good looks. Hence they are admired across the entire community.Some of the clans in Thakurs are Mall, Sahi and Sen. They are fewer in number.

Gurungs and MagarsWith regard to the exact social status of these two castes, it is a general consensus that they and,in fact, most of the military castes of Gurkhas, excluding the Chetris and Thakurs, shall be classedas Shudras meaning the menial class and of inferior order. Traditionally Magars were agriculturistswhile Gurungs were pastoralist by occupation. The mongoloid features are more prominent inGurung as compared with Magars. This is so because Magars were the ones to mix with the firstwave of migrants from India (Morris & Northey, 1974). Both Magars and Gurungs have languageof their own, Magarkura being the name of the language spoken by the Magars.


The Gurungs are further classified as the char (or four) – jat and the solah (or sixteen) –jat Gurungs. One of the clans in the char – jat Gurungs is Ghale. The char – jat gurungsare considered to be superior to the solah – jat Gurungs and in ancient times marriagebetween the two was prohibited

The prominent clans in Magars are Rana, Thapa, Ale, Pun, Burathoki and Gharti. Thus,Thapa, Rana and Gharti clans occur in both Chetris and Magars, but the sacred thread isworn by the former only.

Together with the Chetris and Thakurs, Gurungs and Maragars have formed the militaryclass in Gurkhas since ancient times.

LimbusBelieved to be descendent of the famous ethnic group Kirantis whose mention is foundin the epic of Mahabharata and inhabiting the eastern Nepal. In 1768 when Gurkhasinvaded the whole of Nepal, the title of Subah was given to Limbus and title of Rai tothe Khambus each meaning “chief”. The Limbus have about ten clans and these wereformerly centred, in groups, in ten different districts of the then Limbu country. This isthe way each one of them draws its name.

RaisThe Khambus and Yakhs, having become very much mixed, are now regarded as Raisand both speak the Rai language. In ancient times, the Rais resided to the west of thecountry of Limbus known as Limbuana which stretched between the river Arun on thewest and Singalela ridge on the east. It is believed that Gurkhas invaded the kingdomsof Limbus and Rais in 1768 and annexed it with their kingdom, thus bringing the twogroups in parlance of Gurkha community. Rais are more Mongolian in their bodily featuresthan any other caste of Gurkha community. They have about seventy clans, each speakingits own language.

SunwarsBelieved to hail from Tibet. The three important clans are Jetha, Maila, and Kanchasignifying the elder, second and youngest brother respectively. They have very prominentcheek bones, oval faces, a reddish tinge to their complexion, and are very short stature.Therefore, the present prevalent caste hierarchy among Gurkhas is as follows:

Table 2

Caste hierarchy prevalent among the Gurkha community at present

BrahminsChetrisThakursGurungsMagarsLimbus

RaisSunwars

However, in the present study in Gurkha Karbari hamlet of Karbari Grant village thevarious Gurkha castes and clans-within-castes present are as follows:

Table 3

Castes present in the Existing clans within casteKarbari Grant village present in the Karbari Grant village

Brahmin Upaddhe, Jaisi

Chetri Khatri, Khadka-Chetri, Chetri-Tiwari,Thapa, Chetri-Thakur

Thakur Thakuri, Mall, Sahi-Thakur, Mall-Thakur

Gurung Lama Gurung

Magar Rana, Thapa, Thapa-Magar

Rai ––

In addition to the above, a Punjabi family converted in to Gurkhas and a single Rai familywas also residing in the village.

OBC Status to GurkhasOne important thing which will impact Gurkha’s social structure and interaction ofGurkhas with other castes and communities in this region is the fact that Gurkhas ofUttarakhand, as well as of Karbari Grant, has been demanding for ST (Scheduled Tribe)status for a long time. On the contrary they have been provided with OBC (Other BackwardCaste) status on 8th November, 2003 vide a formal notification in the state of Uttarakhand.They can now avail of 14 per cent reservation in state government jobs. Gorkha community(excluding Brahmins and Kshettriya) in Uttarakhand have also been included in the centrallist for OBC and therefore entitled to 27 per cent seat reservation in central governmentjobs and educational institutions among other benefits (“Storm over OBC”, 2012).However, the community at large is not satisfied with this as their demand is for ST status.This is so because, they believe their way of life is comparable to other STs in state.Another reason for ST status clamour is that no economic criteria have to be met to availof benefits under ST category unlike under an OBC quota. “If the parents are occupyingsenior positions in government offices, their offspring cannot get an OBC certificate.Also, OBC parents who earn more than Rs 4.5 lakh per annum (other than salaried classand income from agriculture) will not be entitled to the certificate,” said a communitymember in the village. Gurkhas feel that as a community they have contributed heavilyfor India’s freedom, sovereignty and prosperity, but are looked upon by the general publicstill as a military class. In order to break out of this image, they want to make a mark inother fields, sectors and diversify. Gurkhas believe that if given the ST status they canaccomplish this.

Dispute Solving Mechanism in GurkhasSolving disputes in the community is indispensible for the sustenance of any communityand Gurkhas are no different. Here again the dispute solving mechanism of Gurkhas has


been divided into two sections: first one is the ancient or traditional mechanism, whilethe second one is the modern mechanism being followed these days among the Gurkhasas evident from the field work.

Traditional Dispute Solving MechanismSince 1768, when the Gurkhas were first unified and identified as an independent kingdom,they have been ruled by Kings who are akin to the Ksettriya division of Hindu hierarchy.The Gurkhali Kings of Nepal who reigned over the Gurkha kingdom extending to thepresent day Uttarakhand of India are as follows (in chronological order):

Table 3

Gurkhali Kings of Nepal(in chronological order)

Prithwi Narayan SahPratapa Sinha SahRana Bahadur Sah

Girbhan Juddha Vikram SahRajendra Vikram SahSurendra Vikram Sah

Prithvi Vira Vikram SahTribhuna Bir Bikram Jang Bahadur

Shah Bahadur Shamser Jang

The ancient social and political system of Gurkha was based purely on militarist lines.Its laws and its religion are entirely and absolutely interwoven. The religious law is thebase of civil law, and the civil law is based on the ancient Hindu Laws of Manu (Morris& Northey, 1974). But the Gurkha Government itself was purely militarist in nature, andtherefore, although closely adhering to those same laws, the whole attitude to life is amilitarist one. However, the nitty- gritties of this system are beyond the scope of the presentpaper as the focus here is on the village level political organization of Gurkha community.Hence the village council has been looked at from both the ancient and present perspectives.

Traditional Village Council: The Gurkha villages have been looked after by “Mukhiya”or the head-man traditionally.. The head-man is chosen by the consensus of village folksfor a period of 3 years and must be a person of high repute and wisdom. This institutionis not hereditary. Also, in the ancient traditional council of Gurkhas there used to be a“Jamwal” or the Big Head-men who looked after more than one Gurkha village and underwhose aegis the Mukhiya worked. Disputes related to Mukhiya were resolved by theJamwal alone. However, the office of Jamwal is now obsolete.

Present Day Dispute Solving Mechanism and Village CouncilNowadays “Mukhiya” (head-man) is also known as “Adhayaksha” by some and isbestowed with the responsibility of representing the village in the meetings of the apexbody of Gurkhas in Dehradun known as Gurkhali Sudhar Sabha. The other office bearersof the village council, in the order of their importance, are: “Upadhayaksha” or vice-headman, “Sachiv” or secretary, “Upsachiv” or assistant secretary, and “Koshadhayaksha”

or treasurer. All the above have tenure of 3 years and are chosen by the “Karyakarini”or work-group in the council, thus not directly chosen by people. This work-group consistsof 15-20 personnel both men and women. One thing notable here is the fact that literatureon Gurkhas reveals the presence of village head-man since ancient times, but the conceptof other office bearers is a recent one.

The meeting of the village council takes place once in every 3 months. But in specialcircumstances it can be held before that also. There is no specific venue for the meeting,but mostly it is held at the residence of the Mukhiya or in the village Panchayat Bhawanwith the consent of people. In this meeting all the office bearers are present and also anyadult member of the Gurkha community is allowed to attend it. Women also participatein these meetings with zeal and are given equal importance as men. Issues taken up in themeeting are those of social concern like disputes or grievances of community members.For example, during the course of my stay with the community, I had the auspicious chanceof observing the village council meeting which was held for the purpose of allocatingresponsibility to the various community members for the “Sansari mata puja” i.e. worshipof the holy Goddess (Picture 1). The Sansari Mata Puja is a significant religious traditionof the Gurkha Community celebrated every year on the preceding Saturday of ‘ChaitraNavratra’ (in this instance on 2nd April, 2011) with lots of zeal and reverence. The worshipis performed to please the deity and to be showered with Her blessings for the well beingand prosperity of the entire community. On this occasion villagers take a procession of‘palki’ (palanquin) of the dough made idol of the deity across the village (Picture 2). Thisprocession is carried to the sacred tree in jungle and the deity is invoked by offeringreligious performances (Picture 3). The puja ends with distribution of ‘prasad’ and feastfor the entire village community.

The entire Gurkha village is divided into wards for the convenience of collection ofmonetary contribution from households. Gurkha Karbari is divided into 4 wards, andfrom each household Rs. 10 per month is collected by the respective ward members. Theentry fee for a new household is Rs. 551. The money collected from various sources isutilized by the council for meeting expenses of various types like organizing a “puja”or worship, building some community infrastructure in village like road, hiring labourduring festival season for maintaining cleanliness in village, helping Gurkha family formarriage purpose, etc.

The decisions in the village council, for solving disputes or preparing for an event ofcommunal importance, are taken by consensus of all the members. However, in case of nonagreement in the house, the decision taken by Mukhiya is binding for all. Nowadays, partynot satisfied with the decision of the village council moves to Court of Law for gettingjustice as the institution of Jamwal is obsolete. Also, issues pertaining to criminal offencelike murder, molestation, sexual assault, robbery, etc. are not brought up in village counciland justice from Court of Law is sought after. However, issues like the one listed beloware discussed and resolved in village council:1. If a Chetri marries out of his own group, the offspring assumes the caste of the father.

Before this can be effected certain formalities have to be carried out like: a Brahminis summoned to a gathering at which the parents and relations of child are present. Inthe gathering the Brahmin invests the infant with the sacred thread. By this act the childis admitted to the Chetri caste. This ceremony takes place in the presence of Mukhiyaand other office bearers of village council.

2. In a similar way, any child born to mixed parentage can be admitted to the clan of hisfather by performance of a ceremony similar to the one described above.

462

3. If a Chetri marries a woman from menial class, his caste is at once lost and is outcaste. Thislost of caste is irrecoverable and the man sinks to the caste of his wife.

However, in the present study I found that all the above discussed norms have becomeobsolete. The offspring born of mixed marriage can now opt either for the caste of fatheror mother as per their discretion. This is a remarkable difference with respect to theHindu tradition where offspring always, as a rule, adopts the caste of the father sincebirth. Also, the Gurkha society has become flexible enough to accommodate theintermarriage between high caste and low caste.

4. In old days it was the custom for a husband, whose wife had been found unfaithful, to cutdown the seducer with a khukri (knife indigenous to Gurkhas). The latter could save his lifeby passing under the uplifted leg of the outraged husband. Nowadays, however, all this haschanged. Cases of infidelity are dealt with either through the medium of local village courtof arbitration headed by Mukhiya of village or in Law Courts. The local village court consists,as a rule, of eight or ten notables of the village. In nearly every case the husband is compensatedhis original marriage expense known as zaari. The amount is decided by the village council.

5. Also, the Gurkhas, irrespective of their class or clan, entered into what is known as a mitrelationship with any friend of whom they are particularly fond of. The meaning of wordmit is ‘friend’, and relationship in their tradition was comparable to “blood brotherhood”which can be contracted with any person of any class or clan. Once contracted, the newrelationship thus formed held good where marriage and similar ceremonies are concerned.Hence, in the traditional culture of Gurkhas the mit relation was one of the agencies of inter-mixing among the different castes and class. Disputes pertaining to this relationship aresolved in the village council only.

ConclusionThe Gurkha community is one which is very well knit, but in transition. As discussed earlier,the question about origin of Gurkhas and their history is interesting and arguable as well.Thus, it will be safe to say that Gurkhas originated near or inside the present day Nepal asa consequence of the increment in Muslim invasion in India and to counter their anti-Hinduideologies like slaughtering of cows. However, the present issue for Gurkhas as a communityis to disengage themselves with the label of “Nepali” (i.e. one from Nepal) as perceivedby other communities in India. This is in spite of the fact that traditionally they have beenlooked upon as great warriors and had a huge contribution to India’s independence. Therefore,it becomes much more important to understand their origin, and the present study is a stepforward in this direction. Clearly it comes out that Gurkhas in Indian territory have beenhere for a long time (for about 250 years) and were here ‘with their land’ at the time ofTreaty of Sigowli in 1816 and India’s independence in 1947. Hence, the time has come togive them due respect as respectable Indian citizens. At the same time, a close watch shouldbe maintained on those who want to cross borders and attain Indian citizenship illegally.However, the question of giving the OBC status, as discussed earlier, is an open one andmore detailed study by Indian government is required.

Historically, Gurkhas have been an open society and present day Gurkha society is the resultof assimilation of varied groups. Traditionally, they have also tried to stick to the Hinducaste system, which is hierarchical in nature. But, the rigid nature of the caste system isnow becoming more and more flexible. It is primarily because of two reasons: firstly, close

proximity with other ethnic groups like Garhwali, Kumaoni in this area has resulted intointermixing, and secondly intermarriages between different castes within the Gurkhacommunity are very frequent now. Both these factors are a consequence of the advent ofera of modernization, industrialization and globalization in the last two decades in India.

The traditional way of solving disputes and issues through the village council headed byMukhiya has now taken the back seat. Though this institution has not become obsolete, butits importance over the years has certainly declined. It is primarily because of the PanchayatiRaj system which is constitutionally recognized and functional in the entire country. Thevillage Pradhan is now the one to whom village folks look up to for their day-to-daygrievances. However, the verity that issues which are completely communal, like participationin traditional annual “Sansari Mata Puja”, are still dealt by village Mukhiya is exhilaratingand a positive for the community.

As concluding remarks, I would like to add that Gurkhas are large hearted people and verymuch Indian like any of us. It is a community in transition which is striving hard to comeout of the garb that they are only “fit” for armed forces, and wish to make a mark in otherfields also thereby contributing to the development of the nation. For achieving this goal,the most important thing for them could be a conscious effort to attain better education,diversify in other fields and make a mark.

BibliographyBruce, C.G., & Northey, W.B. (1925). Nepal. London, Geographical Journal, 65 (4).Crooke, W. (1999). Tribes and Caste of N.W.P. and Oudh. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services.David, B. (1967). Gurkhas. London West, Weidenfeld and Nicolson.Farewell, B. (1984). The Gurkhas. London, Penguin Books Ltd.Giuseppe, F. (1799). The Kingdom of Nepal. Asiatic Researchers, 11.Hamilton, B. (1819). An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. Edinburgh.Hodgson, B.H. (1991). Essays on the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet.New Delhi, Asian Educational Services.Hodgson, B.H. (1991). Miscellaneous Essays. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services.James, H. & Sheil-Small, D. (1965). The Gurkhas. London, Macdonald & Co. Ltd.Kirkpatrick, W. (1811). An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. London, W. Bulmer and Co.Money, G.W.P. (1918). Gurkhali Manual. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services.Morris, C.J. & Northey, W.B. (1974). The Gurkhas: Their Manners, Customs, and Country.Delhi, Cosmo Publication.Ministry of Defence. (1965). Nepal and the Gurkhas. London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.O’ Cavanagh. (1851). Rough Notes on the State of Nepal its Government, Army and Resources.Calcutta, Military Orphan Press.Oldfield, H.A. (1880). Sketches from Nepal. London, Cosmo Publications.Vansittart, E. (1980). The Goorkhas. New Delhi, Ariana Publishing House.Wright, D. (1966). History of Nepal. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services.Storm over OBC status to Gurkhas in Uttaranchal. Retrieved January 23, 2012, from,http://archive.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/july29/n1.asp

Nishant SaxenaHolistic Approach to the Gurkhas of Karbari Grant village………Dispute Solving Mechanism 463


ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z ,oa blds cnyrs Lo:Ik dk v/;;;u¼xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½

tks[ku “kekZ 1

ifjp;vkfne ekuo thou vkjEHk esa iw.kZ:isu izd`fr ij vkfJr Fkk] rFkk vkjEHk esa os vkj.;koLFkk esa viukthou;kiu djrs FksA os fdlh izdkj dk mRiknu ugha djrs Fks] oju~ izd`fr ls feyus okyh oLrqvksadk laxzg dj mldk mi;ksx djrs FksaA os izd`fr Hkksxh Fks] mRiknudrkZ ughaA tSls&tSls tyok;q esafLFkjrk vkrh x;h oSls&oSls euq’;ksa us vUu mRiknu 'kq: fd;kA lcls igys rks ekuo us ?kkVh rFkk<+yk¡Å iBkjh tehu ij d`f’k djuk “kq: fd;kA ekuo dk lkekftd bfrgkl ml le; izkjEHk gqvkgksxk tc ?kqeDdM+ euq’; us [ksrh dh dyk lh[kh ¼;kfu uoik’kk.k dky½ vkSj ,d fuf”pr LFkkuij LFkk;h :i esa cl x;kA bl izdkj ?kqeUrq euq’; ds iSjksa esa csM+h Mkyus dk Js; mu [ksrksa dks gS]tgk¡ mlus vius ifjJe ls cht cks;sA bl izdkj ge dg ldrs gSa fd xzkeh.k leqnk; ds vfLrRodk izknqHkkZo ml le; gqvk tc ;gk¡ ogk¡ ?kqeus okys euq’;ksa ds lewg fdUgh fuf”pr LFkkuksa ij clx;sa ¼ikBd] 1986½A

ijEijkxr Kku ls rkRi;Z oSls Kku ls gSa tks ,d ih<+h ls nwljh ih<+h dks LFkkukUrfjr fd;k tkrkgS izk;% ;g fyf[kr Kku u gksdj ekSf[kd gksrk gSA bl Kku dk mn~Hko thou ds izk;ksfxd vuqHkols gksrk gSa ¼cqz”k] 2005½A d`f’k {ks= esa Hkh ijkEjkxr Kku dk mi;ksx iwoZorhZ ihf<+;ksa es vkt Hkhifjyf{kr gksrk gSA vkt d`f’k {ks= esa feV~Vh dk pquko] flapkbZ] rduhfd] ikS/k yxkus ds Kku] dhVds fu;a=.k ds rjhds] feV~Vh dh moZjd {kerk dks c<+kus esa] vUu dk ns[kHkky o j[k&j[kko vkfnlHkh d`f’k dk;ksZa esa ijEijkxr Kku dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSSSaA

ijEijkxr d`f’k ds izdkj

ns'keq[k ¼1986½ ds dk;kZsa ds vk/kkj ij ijEijkxr d`f’k O;oLFkk dk oxhZdj.k ,d ;k ,d ls T;knkvk/kkj ij fd;k tk ldrk gS%&

¼d½ >[email protected] [ksrhA

¼[k½ ?kqeUrq i”kqpkjd [ksrhA

¼x½ fujUrj [ksrhA

¼?k½ fefJr [ksrh ckM+h O;oLFkkA

1Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun.

ijEijkxr d`f’k O;oLFkk ds lkekU; fo”ks’krk,¡vxj ge ijEijkxr d`f’k dh fo”ks’krk dks ns[ks rks ;g dg ldrs gSa dh bl O;oLFkk esa dk;Z dsnkSjku tksf[ke dh deh ij /;ku dsfUnzr djuk] lkyksaHkj feV~Vh dh moZjd {kerk dks cuk;s j[kuk]fuEu Lrj dh vkenuh o mPp dksVh dh vkRefuHkZjrk jguk] mRiknu {kerk esa vR;f/kd o`f) ughadj lduk vkfn rRoksa dk lekos'k gksrk gSA bl rjg fd O;oLFkk esa ykbZ xbZ fof/k ljy o fuEuLrj dh gksrh gSA

v/;;u dk mn~ns';xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke ds d`f’k dk;Z ds v/;;u dk eq[; mn~ns”; gS %&¼d½ xzke ds d`’kd lekt ds leLr ijEijkxr d`f’k dk;ksZ dk v/;;u djukA¼[k½ d`f’k dk;Z lEcaf/kr ikfjokfjd Je foHkktu dh fLFkfr dk v/;;u djukA¼x½ d`f’k dk;Z esa ijEijkxr rFkk vk/kqfud midj.kksa ds izpyu dk v/;;u djukA¼?k½ ijEijkxr d`f’k ds cnyrs Lo:i dk v/;;u rFkk bl cnyko dk bu d`’kd oxksZa ij iM+us

okys izHkko dk v/;;uA

“kks/kdk;Z esa iz;ksx esa ykbZ tkus okyh oSKkfud izfof/k;k¡ o rduhsd“kks/kdk;Z ds mijksDr mn~ns”;ksa dh iwfrZ gsrq mRrjk[k.M jkT; ds nsgjknwu ftys ds dkjckjh xzk¡V dksv/;;u {ks= cuk;k x;kA v/;;u {ks= esa Hkh xzk¡V ds ,d Hkkx tgk¡ xksj[kk leqnk; ds yksxksa dhtula[;k lcls T;knk Fkh] mldk pquko fd;k x;kA bl Hkkx dks ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V* dgrs gSaA

bl xk¡o esa xksj[kk leqnk; ds }kjk fd;s tkus okys df’k dk;ksZ esa bl leqnk; ds yksx vius ijEijkxrKku fof/k;k¡ ,oa lkFk gh lkFk vk/kqfud rduhdksa o midj.kksa dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA buds bUgha Kkuo fdz;k dyki dk v/;;u djus ds fy, 'kks/kdrkZ us ekuo'kkL=h; fof/k;ksa o rduhdksa dk iz;ksxfd;k gS] ftlesa lgHkkxh voyksdu] O;fDrxr lk{kkRdkj lewgppkZ 'kkfey gSaA blds vykok QksVksxzkQhrduhd dh lgk;rk Hkh yh xbZ] ftlls buds ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.kksa o vkStkjksa dks laxzfgr fd;ktk ldsaA

ßxksj[kk tkfrÞ ds mRifr ls lEcaf/kr vo/kkj.kk xksj[kkyh leqnk; vius lkgl vkSj fgEer ds fy, fo”o fo[;kr gSa vkSj mUgksus vius dk;ksZ }kjkHkkjrh; xksj[kk jsftesUV vkSj fczfV”k vkehZ ds xksj[kk fcxzsM dks dkQh izfl++)h fnykbZ gqbZ gSA budsbUgha lkgl o fgEer izo`fr dks ns[k dj Hkkjrh; vkehZ ds HkwriwoZ phQ vkWQ LVkQ jg pqds lSeekusd”kkW us iz[;kr :i ls dgk Fkk] ßog O;fDr tks ;g dgrk gSa fd eq>s ekSr ls Mj ugha yxrkog ;k rks >wB cksy jgk gSa ;k og xksj[kk gSÞ ¼fofdfifM+;k] xksj[kk½A

xksj[kk dh mRifr 8 oh lnh ds fgUnw ;ks)k larJh xq: xksj[kukFk ls ekuh tkrh gSaA xq: xksj[kukFkds vuq;k;h vius dks *xksj[kk* “kCn ls lEcksf/kr djrs FksA usiky esa ,d ftyk vofLFkr gSa ^xksj[kkftyk^A ,slk ekuk tkrk gSa fd ;gh og txg gSa tgk¡ x: xksj[kukFk dks igyh ckj ns[kk x;k FkkAbl ftys es a ,d xqQk gS] tgk¡ xksj[kukFk ds ix fpUg~ gS a vkSj mudh ,d ewfrZ Hkh gS a¼fofdfifM+;k] xksj[kk½A

^xksj[kk^ 'kCn dh mRifRr ds ckjs esa ;g Hkh dgk tkrk gS fd ;g dksbZ fo'ks’k {ks= ds yksxksa ls lEcaf/kru gksdj ;g ,d fopkj /kkjk gS ¼Fkkik] 2011½A tks fd Hkkjro’kZ esa eqfLye 'kkldksa ds vkxeu ds

466 467

le; mRiUu gqvkA ^xksj[kk^ 'kCn dks fopkj/kkjk ekuus okys dk rdZ ;g gS fd] ^xksj[kk^ 'kCn nks'kCnksa ls feydj cuk gS] ^xkS+^ $ ^j{kk^ ;kfu xkS dh j{kk djus okykA tks fd eqfLye “kkldksa dsizos”k ds le; Hkkjro’kZ esa gks jgs xkSo/k ls tqM+k gqvk FkkA bl fopkj/kkjk dh mRifr laHkor~ ns”k dsif”pe~ Hkkx esa “kq: gqbZ D;ksafd eqfLye 'kkldksa dk Hkkjro’kZ esa izos”k bUgha {ks=ksa esa izkjEHk gqvkA ;g{ks= fgUnq ckgqY; tula[;k okyk {ks= FkkA tc eqfLye “kkldksa us bl {ks= esa 'kklu “kq: fd;k mlnkSjku xk; dh gR;k cMs+ iSekus ij gqbZA pq¡fd xk; fgUnq /keZ esa iwT; ekuh tkrh gS] bl dkj.k xkSo/kds fo:) o bldh j{kk ds fy, dqN yksx lkeus vk;s vkSj fojks/k 'kq: fd;kA /khjs&/khjs bl lewgesa vusd tkfr;k¡ ftlesa czkge.k~] jktiwr] oS';] “kwnz 'kkfey gksrs pys x;sA rRi”pkr~ xkSj{kk lstqM+s yksxksa us le;≤ ij eqfLye “kkldksa ds fo:) fojks/k djuk tkjh j[kkA eqfLye “kkldksads }kjk bl fojks/k dks dqpy fn;k tkus yxkA blds i”pkr~ tks yksx bl fopkj/kkjk ls tqM+s gq,Fks ;k rks ekjs x,] ;k fQj ogk¡ ls iyk;u dj ns'k ds nwljs Hkkx ftlesa nqxZe {ks= vkfn 'kkfey Fksaesa pys x,A rkfd os idM+ esa u vk ldsA bu iykf;r yksxksa esa vf/kdka”k fgeky; ds nqxZe LFkyo rjkbZ {ks=ksa esa vk dj cl x;s ,oa /khjs&/khjs ;s yksx ;gha dh laLd`fr o ifjos”k esa <+y x;sA

xksj[kk oa'kkoyh vkSj vkj- ch- xkSjh”kadj ds erkuqlkj usiky ds xkksj[kk tkfr vykÅn~nhu f[kythds 'kklu ds nkSjku ftu yksxksa us ns”k ds if”pe~ ,oa mRrj if”pe~ Hkw&Hkkx ls iyk;u dj fgeky;ds rjkbZ o ioZrh; {ks=ksa esa tkdj “kj.k ys fy;kA rRi”pkr~ os ogha cl x;s ¼usxh] 1997½A izkphuo’kksZa esa ;g {ks= ^n xzsV usiky^ ds uke ls tkuk tkrk FkkA 1769 bZ0 esa iFoh ukjk;.k “kkg ¼1742&1775½us dkBek.Mw] iV~Vlu] HkVxaxk vkSj xksj[kk jkT;ksa dks feykdj usiky esa ,d dsUnzh; “kklu dh LFkkiukdhA ykMZ gsfLVaXl ds le; esa lu~ 1814 bZ0] 1815 bZ0 rFkk 1816 bZ0 esa ^vkXy&xksj[kk^ ;q) gq,A1816 bZ0 esa vaxzstk os xksj[kksa ds chp flaxkSyh dh lfU/k gqbZA bl lfU/k ds vuqlkj ^n xzsV usiky^ds if”pe o nf{k.k&if”pe rjkbZ izns”k ftlesa fgekpy izns”k] mŸkjkpay dk ioZrh; Hkkx] tEew&dk”ehjdk iwoksZrj Hkkx fczfV”k dEiuh ds vf/kiR; esa vk x;k ¼fo’V] 1987½A orZeku le; esa ;g Hkkjro’kZdk vfHkUu vax gaSA

v/;;u {ks= dk ifjp;^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ tks fd dkjckjh xzk¡V xzke dk ,d fgLlk gSa] ftlesa xksj[kk leqnk; dh tula[;klokZf/kd gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V nsgjknwu ftys ds lgliqj fodkl[k.M ds vUrxZr vkrk gSaA ;g{ks= nsgjknwu ftyk eq[;ky; ls 24 fdyksehVj if”pe~] nsgjknwu&f”keyk ckbZikl lM+d ds fdukjsclk gqvk gSA bl {ks= ds uke ls gh ;g fofnr gksrk gS fd ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ xk¡o dk fuekZ.kvuqnkfur Hkw&Hkkx ij gqvk gSaA xzk¡V (Grant) ,d vaxzsth “kCn gS] ftldk vFkZ vuqnku gksrk gSSA^xksj[kk dkjckjh^ Hkh vkB Hkw&nkudrkZ }kjk vuqnkfur Hkw&Hkkx {ks= ij clk gS] blfy, bls ^xksj[kkdkjckjh xzk¡V^ dgk tkrk gSA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds vykok dkjckjh xzk¡V esa x<+okyh dkjckjhxzk¡V o x.ks'kiqj dk dqN fgLlk vkrk gSA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V Hkh nks fgLlksa esa ck¡Vk x;k gS] Åijh xksj[kk dkjckjh o fupyk xksj[kk dkjckjhA;n~fi Åijh xksj[kk dkjckjh esa xksj[kk leqnk; dh lokZf/kd tula[;k gS] blds foijhr fupyh xksj[kkdkjckjh esa vkB ifjokj jgrs gSaA ;g {ks= ekud fl) eafnj ls lVk gqvk gSA ^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ds HkkSxksfyd i`’BHkwfe dh ckr djs rks ;g izd`fr dh xksn esa jpk&clk gSA bl xzk¡V ¼xk¡o½ dh pkSgnhdh ckr djssss s s s a rks mRrj esa x.ks”kiqj] HkB~Vh xk¡o o dkjckjh pkj ou] nf{k.k {ks= esa ykV lkgc dktaxy ¼LFkkuh; uke½ vofLFkr gSaA

tks[ku “kekZijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½

xzke dh izeq[k Qlysa o lkx lfCt;k¡xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa jch o [kjhQ nksuksa rjg dh Qlyksa dk mRiknu djrs ns[kk tk ldrk gSAjch Qlyksa esa xasgw¡] eVj] xUuk vkfn izeq[k :i ls mxk;s tkrs gSaA [kjhQ Qlyksa esa /kku] eDdkvkfn izeq[k :i ls mxk;s tkrs gSaA /kku dh mit [kkl rkSj ij dh tkrh gSA bl xkze ds d`’kdksads }kjk /kku dh ftu fdLeksa dk mRiknu fd;k tkrk gSa mlesa ckjhd] nsgjknwu cklerh] dLrwjhrFkk rjkojh] Vkbi&3 dkQh eg¡xs nkeksa ij cktkj esa fcdrs gSa tks dze”k% 40 #i;s izfr fdyks] 60#i;s izfr fdyks o 80 #i;s izfr fdyks gksrh gSaA /kku dh Qly dh rjg xasgw¡ dh Hkh fdLeksa jkt oRR-21 vkfn dh iSnkokj dh tkrh gSA

bl xzk¡V esa tks fdlku vkfFkZd :i ls l{ke gksrs gSa] os vius [ksrksa esa vkyw&I;kt dh [ksrh Hkh djrsgSaA gkykfd xzk¡V esa ?kj ds ikl ijrh tehu ij ckxokuh ¼fdpsu xkMZu½ dj vius [kkus ds fy,gjh lkx lfCt;k¡ mxk ysrs gSaA ftlesa yglqu] I;kt fHkUM+h] ckS[kyk ¼f”kopuk½] chu] jkbZ] ewyh vkfnds lkFk&lkFk lkx Hkh mxk ysrs gSaA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds d`’kd lektxksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa d`’kd lekt dks d`f’k Hkwfe ds ekfydkuk vf/kdkj ds vk/kkj ij fuEu pkjJsf.k;ksa esa foHkDr dj ldrs gS %&

¼d½ cM+s d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼10 ch?kk ls Åij okys½

¼[k½ e/; d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5&10 ch?kk rd okys½

¼x½ fuEu d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5 ch?kk ls de okys½

¼?k½ fngkM+h d`’kd ¼Hkwfeghu½

¼d½ cM+s d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okysbl Js.kh ds vUrxZr xzk¡V ds oSls yksxksa dks j[krs gSa] tks nl ch?kk ls Åij d`f’k Hkwfedk ekfydkuk vf/kdkj j[krs gSaA bl Js.kh ds Hkh nks :i ns[kus dks feyrs gSaA igyk]tks Lo;a d`f’k dk;Z esa Hkkx u ysdj nwljs vU; d`’kd dks ^euh^ vFkok ^cVk¡bZ^ ij d`f’kHkwfe nsrs gSa rFkk cnys esa ,d fuf”pr jde ;k fgLlk ¼Hkkx½s esa izkIr gksrk gSA nwljkblds vUrxZr os yksx vkrs gSa] tks Lo;a d`f’k dk;Z esa Hkkx ysrs gSaA d`f’k ds lkjs dk;kZsa esalfdz; jgrs gSaA vko”;drk iM+us ij ;s fngkM+h d`’kd etnwjksa dks dke ds fy, j[krs gSaA

[ksrh dk;Z ds fy, tehu nsus dh O;oLFkktehu nsus dh izd`fr & nj

cVk¡bZ ij & vk/kk rFkk ,d frgkbZ fgLlk

euh ij ¼Bsds ij½ & ik¡p gtkj #i;s izfr ch?kk

¼[k½ e/; d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5&10 fc?kk rd okys½bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr xk¡o ds mu d`’kdksa dks j[kk tk ldrk gS] ftuds ikl ik¡p ls nlch?kk dh d`f’k Hkwfe miyC/k gSaA blls buds ifjokj dk lky& Hkj ds [kkus dk vuktizkIr gks tkrk gSA bl Js.kh ds d`’kd Hkh viuh Hkwfe dks ¼cVk¡bZ ;k euh½ Bsds ij nsrsgSaA bldk dkj.k gS [ksrh dk;Z esa viuk Je u ns ikuk ,oa ifjokj esa lnL;ksa dh la[;kde gkssukA

468 469

¼x½ fuEu d`f’k Hkwfe/kkjh okys ¼5 ch?kk ls de okys½bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr oSls d`’kd dks j[krs gSa ftuds ikl ik¡p ch?kk ls de [ksr dkekfydkuk gd gSA bl oxZ ds yksx [ksrh dk;Z ds fy;s igys o f}rh; Js.kh ds d`’kdvf/kdka'kr% ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.k o rduhd dk iz;ksx vius d`f’k dk;ksZ esa djrs gSaA

¼?k½ fngkM+h d`’kd ¼Hkwfeghu½bl Js.kh ds vUrxZr oSls d`’kd dks j[krs gSa] ftuds ikl viuh futh d`f’k Hkwfe ughagksrh gS] tks FkksM+h Hkwfe gksrh Hkh gS mlls mldk thou fuokZg ugha gks ikrkA os fngkM+hd’kd et+nwj cudj ekSleh :i ls xk¡o esa df’k dk;Z djrs gSaA ckdh le; esa ;g vkl&iklds “kgjh {ks=ksa esa fngkM+h et+nwjh djrs gSaA xk¡o esa ;s yksx dk;Z djus ds cnys viuhetnwjh Hkh izkIr djrs gSa tks dh xk¡o esa fu/kkZfjr etnwjh gksrh gSA bl et+nwjh ds vUrxZrtekuh ¼vkSjr½ dks 100 #i;s et+nwjh rFkk enZ ¼vkneh½ dks 150 #i;s vkB ls nl ?k.Vsds fy, fn;k tkrk gSaA dHkh dHkkj dk;Z ds ?k.Vs c<+ Hkh ldrs gSaA

[ksrh&ckM+h ls lEcaf/kr ijEijkxr dk;Zns”k dh lkB izzfr”kr~ vkcknh d`f’k {ks= esa yxh gqbZ gS ¼xzhu 1987½ rFkk lRrj izzfr”kr~ vkcknh vktHkh xk¡o esa clrh gSA bl dkj.k Hkkjr ns”k dks xk¡oksa dk ns”k dgk tkrk gSA df’k {ks= esa bruh vkcknhdh fuHkZjrk gksus ds okctwn orZeku le; esa vf/kdka”k d`’kd lekt [ksrh&ckM+h ls lEcaf/kr viusijEijkxr rkSj&rjhds] Kku] midj.k] jhfr&fjokt vkfn dks iz;ksx esa yk jgs gSaA blls tgk¡ ,dvksj d`f’k mRiknu esa mUgs izfrLi/kkZvks dk lkeuk djuk iM+rk gSa] rks nwljh vksj ;g mudslkekftd&vkfFkZd fLFkfr dh vkSj bafdr djrk gSA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds d`’kd ¼dk”rdkj½ d`f’k dk;Z ds nkSjku ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.k] rduhddk iz;ksx djrs gS ijEijkxr ekU;rk;sa ns[kus dks feyrh gSaA blds lkFk gh lkFk ftu dk”rdkjksa esavkfFkZd lEiUurk vk xbZ gSa os vk/kqfud d`f’k ;a=ksa dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA ;gk¡ iwoZtksa ds le; ls pysvk jgs d`f’k dk;Z dks xzke ds orZeku d`’kd viuk;s gq;s gSa] gkykafd budh la[;k de gSA

bl xzk¡V ds d`’kd lekt ds }kjk viuk;s tkus okys d`f’k laca/kh ijEijkxr dk;ksZ dks fuEufyf[kr Hkkxksaesa ck¡V ldrs gSa ¼pdzorhZ 1986½

¼d½ [ksr fuek.kZ dk;Z djukA

¼[k½ cht MkyukA

¼x½ ikS/ks dk izfrjksi.kA

¼?k½ fujkbZ ¼fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ½ djukA

¼³½ [kkn Mkyuk ¼mjodZ½A

¼p½ flapkbZ O;oLFkk A

¼N½ dVuh¼Qly dh dVkbZ½A

¼t½ <qykbZ ¼Qly dks [ksrksa ls ys tkuk ½A

¼>½ Mke yxkuk ¼[kfygku yxkuk½A

¼´½ vUu dk HkaMkj.k djukA


¼d½ [ksr fuek.kZ dk;Zxksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V lery Hkwfe ij u gksdj FkksM+h Å¡pkbZ okyh Hkwfe ij clk gqvk gSAbl dkj.k o’kkZ iz/kku ekSle esa o’kkZ ty ls Hkwfe ds dVko gksus dk [krjk cuk jgrk gSSAbl dVko dks jksdus ds fy, fdlku ßQkoM+kÞ ¼dqnky½ dh lgk;rk ls [ksr ds dVkodks feV~Vh ls jksd dj [ksrksa dks ty Bgjko ds vuq:i rS;kj fd;k tkrk gSA blds ckn[ksrksa dh ^tqrkbZ^ ¼tksRuq½ dh tkrh gSA ;g og ijEijkxr dk;Z gSa] ftlesa Hkwfe ds Åijhlrg dks myV&iqyV dj fn;k tkrk gSa] ftlls u, iks’kd rRo Åij vk tkrs gSaA bldsQyLo:i [kr&irokj ,oa Qlyksa dh MaBy vkfn tehu esa nc tkrh gSa] vkSj /khjs&/khjs[kkn esa cny tkrh gSaA ftlls tehu }kjk ikuh ¼ueh½ cuk;s j[kus dh “kfDr c<+ tkrhgSaA ^tqrkbZ ¼tksRuq½ dk ;g dk;Z ^gykl^ o ^tqyk^ ds lgk;rk ls cSyksa ds ek/;e ls fd;ktkrk gSaA ftlesa yksgs dk QWkyk yxk jgrk gSA ^tqyk^ flQZ ydM+h dk cuk gksrk gSSA

[ksrksa dh tqrkbZ djus ds ckn [ksr dh tehu dks lery djus ds fy, ^gsaxk^ fd;k tkrkgSA bl dk;Z ds fy, ^es<+h^ ¼ydM+h dk cM+k vk;rkdkj VqdM+k½ dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrkgSA [ksrksa esa ^gsaxk^ djus ij [ksrksa esa cM+s&cM+s feV~Vh ds VqdM+s VwV tkrs gSa] rFkk [ksr lerygks tkrs gSaA

¼[k½ cht Mkyuklery [ksr ds NksVs ls Hkkx esa /kku ds Qly ds fy, cht Mkyrs gSaA [ksr ds bl Hkkxesa tqrkbZ o lery djus ds ckn mlesa dq'ky O;fDr cht oiu ¼cht dk fNM+dko½ djrkgSa ¼flag] 1987½A cht oiu fd, x, Hkkx esa ikuh ls flapkbZ dh tkrh gSA rFkk cht dks/kku dh ikS/k gksus rd NksM+ fn;k tkrk gSaA “khrdkyhu le; esa xsagw¡ dh Qly ds fy,cht Mkys tkrs gSaA

¼x½ ikS/ks dk izfrjksi.k ¼cqvkbZ] {kjukN%½cht oiu fd;s tkus ds ,d ekg ckn /kku ds ikS/ks rS;kj gks tkrs gSa] [ksrksaa esa izfrjksi.kds fy;sA ftl [ksrksa esa bls jksiuk gksrk gS ml lery Hkwfe dks ty ls flapkbZ djus dsckn nks ckj gsaxk ¼tkSy½ fn;k tkrk gSA blds ckn [ksrksa ls ?kkl&irokj dks fudky dj[ksr dks ikS/k yxkus ds fy;s rS;kj dj fy;k tkrk gSaSSA ;g dk;Z d’kd lekt dh efgykvksads lkFk iq:’k Hkh feydj djrs gSaA rS;kj /kku dh ikS/k dks [ksr ls m[kkM+ dj mudkvyx&vyx eqðk cuk fy;k tkrk gS] blds ckn mls [ksrks esa ys tkdj jksi.k dk;Z fd;ktkrk gSaA ;g dk;Z lqcg 7-00 cts ls ”kke 5-00 cts rd izk;% gksrk gSaA

/kku dh cqvkbZ o jksikbZ djus ds le; xksj[kk d`’kd lekt esa ijEijk gS fd jksikbZ dk;Zesa “kkfey gksus okyh efgykvksa dks ehB+s pkoy dks izlkn ds rkSj ij f[kyk;k tkrk gSaaaaAblds ihNs budh ekU;rk gSa fd Qly dh jksikbZ ,d cgqr gh egRoiw.kZ dk;Z o “kqHkd`f’k dk;Z gSA ftldks efgykvksa ds }kjk fey dj lEiUu fd;k tkrk gS D;ksafd ?kj dhL=h y{eh dk :i gksrh gS rFkk Qly vPNh gks blfy, bl nkSjku [ksr dh iwtk Hkhfd tkrh gS] rkfd budh mit vPNh gks rFkk Hkxoku dh d`ik mu ij lnSo cuh jgsA

¼?k½ fujkbZ ¼fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ½ djukbl dk;Z dks L=h iq:’k nksuksa gh feydj djrs gSaA ikS/k dk izfrjksi.k djus ds nks&rhulIrkg ckn ikS/k ds c<+us ds lkFk [ksrksa esa ?kkl&ikr mx tkrs gSaA tks fd c<+ jgs Qly

470 471

¼/kku dh ikS/k½ dks rsth ls c<+us ugha nsrs A [ksrksa es mxs bl ?kkl&ikr dks m[kkM+ djckgj dj fn;k tkrk gSA [ksrksa ds ?kkl fudkyus dh bl izfdz;k dks fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ dgrs gSA

fuykbZ&xqM+kbZ nwljh ckj djhc ,d ekg ds ckn dh tkrh gS] Qly rS;kj gksus ds Bhdigys rhljh o vafre ckj ;g dk;Z fd;k tkrk gSaA blds ckn tc rd Qly iwjh rjgls rS;kj u gks tk;s rc rd Qly dks Nqvk ugha tkrk gSaA

bl dk;Z dks d`’kd vius gkFkksa ls djrs gSa rFkk ijEijkxr midj.k ^dwVksa^ ¼dksVyk½ dkiz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA bl midj.k dh lgk;rk ls [ksrksa esa ?kkl fudkyh tkrh gSaA bldk;Z dks ifjokj ds lnL; fey dj djrs gSA lnL;ksa dh deh gksus dh fLFkfr esa vU;d`’kd ifjokj ls enn ysrs gSa cnys esa os Hkh viuk Je nku djrs gSaA tks fdlku vkfFkZd:i ls etcwr gksrs gSa os bl dk;Z ds fy, xk¡o o vklikl ds {ks= ds d`’kd fngkM+hetnwjksa }kjk dk;Z djkrs gSaA etnwjksa dh la[;k [ksr ds vkdkj vkSj d`f’k dk;Z ij fuHkZjdjrh gSA lkFk gh ;g Hkh /;ku j[kk tkrk gS fd ;g dk;Z le; ls [kRe djkfy;k tk,A

¼³½ [kkn MkyukQlyksa dh mit o Hkwfe dh moZjrk c<+kus ds fy, [kkn fu;fer :i esa Mkyh tkrh gSAxksj[kk fdlku vius [ksrksa esa ijEijkxr moZjd ¼[kkn½ dk iz;ksx djrs gSaaA ijEijkxr[kkn ds :i esa ßxkscj [kknÞ dk iz;ksx djrs gSaA ikyrw tkuoj xk;] HkSal] cSy vkfn dsxkscj dks bdV~VBk dj xkscj [kkn cukrs gSaA blds vykok ;gk¡ ds fdlku vU; [kknksadk bLreky Hkh djrs gSa] blesa eq[;r% gjh [kkn ,oa tSfod [kkn gksrh gSaA gjh [kkn dsfy, <s+pk] ew¡x] lukbZ dks lM+kdj iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA bu [kknksa dk iz;ksx Qly dscksus ls igys [ksrksa esa Mkydj tqrkbZ ds ek/;e ls feÍh esa feyk fn;k tkrk gSA

xzk¡V ds dqN d`’kd viuh d`f’k dk;Z esa iw.kZ:i ls tSfod d`f’k ds rkSj&rjhds viuk;sgq, gSaA ;g vius [ksrksa esa tSfod [kkn dk gh iz;ksx djrs gSaA

xkscj dh [kkn% xsgw¡ ds Qly esa 1 ch?kk esa 20 fDoUVy rFkk /kku ds fy, 15&18 fDoUVyiz;ksx djrs gSaA ogha] ,d ch?kk xsgw¡ dh Qly ds fy, cehZ dEiksLV tSfod [kkn dh10&15 fdyks dh t:jr iM+rh gS a] rFkk /kku ds fy, 12&15 fdyks dh vko”;drk gksrh gSA

xzke ds d`’kd ds vuqlkj iwoZ esa Hkh Qly ds fy, flQZ xkscj [kkn dk gh iz;ksx fd;ktkrk FkkA xk¡o esa bldh deh gksus ij ikl ds xk¡o x.ks”kiqj] HkV~Vh xk¡o lfgr vU;vkl&ikl {ks=ksa ls ßxkscj [kknÞ yk;k tkrk FkkA

¼p½ flapkbZ O;oLFkk^xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V^ esa [ksrh&ckM+h ds fy, lhfer lk/kuksa ij fuHkjZrk ik;h xbZA eq[;r%o’kkZ ds ty ij gh fuHkZj jguk iM+rk gS] gkykafd ikl gh yxHkx nks fdyksehVj dh nwjhij vofLFkr dM+okikuh dk lzksr ls fudyus okyk ikuh dk ukyk xzke ds [ksrksa ds iklls cgrk gSA o’kkZ ds vykok ;g Hkh flapkbZ dk ,d ek/;e gSA [ksrh dh Hkwfe Åpk¡bZ ijgksus ds dkj.k iwoZ esa bl ukys ds ikuh dks flapkbZ ds fy, iz;ksx djuk FkksM+k dfBugksrk FkkA lzksr ls [ksrksa esa ikuh igq¡pkus ds fy, [ksrksa esa D;kjh ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa^ ¼D;kjh½cukrs FksA bUgha ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa ¼D;kjh½ dh lgk;rk ls lzksr [ksr ds ,d fgLls ls nwljs


fgLls esa ikuh igq¡pk;k tkrk FkkA bl dk;Z dks djus ds fy, ^QkoM+k^ ¼d`f’k midj.k½dk bLreky gksrk FkkA flapkbZ ds fy, ^cksyk^ o ^dwyksa^ dk fuek.kZ orZeku le; esa Hkhizpyu esa gSaA

orZeku le; esa bl dk;Z esa flapkbZ ds lk/kuksa esa o`f) gwbZ gS] bl xk¡o esa V;wosy] eksVjiEi vkfn dh O;oLFkk gks xbZ gSA eksVj iEi dh lgk;rk ls dM+okikuh ds Lkzksr ls fufeZrukys ds ikuh dks [ksrksa esa igq¡pkuk vklku gks x;k gSA blds ckotwn vHkh Hkh bl {ks=dh d`f’k o’kkZ ds ty ij fuHkZj djrh gSA

¼N½ dVuh[ksrksa esa ikS/k yxkus ds ckn ikS/k ds Qly cudj iwjh rjg rS;kj gksus ij Qly dhdVkbZ dh tkrh gSA Qly dh dVkbZ d`f’k dk;Z ds nkSjku lcls egRoiw.kZ izfdz;k gSAQly id tkus ds ckn mls ßnjkrhÞ (Sickle) dh lgk;rk ds dkVk tkrk gSA

bl dk;Z dks iwjk djus ds fy, d`f’k Jfed dh T;knk la[;k esa vko”;drk iM+rh gSAftu Hkwfe ekfydkssa ds ikl T;knk d`f’k Hkwfe gS] og viuh Qly dVkbZ ds fy, [ksr dksBsds ij nsrs gSaaA ;g O;oLFkk iwoZ ds le; ls pyh vk jgh gSA bl dk;Z dks djus dsfy, xk¡o ds ckgj ds d`’kd et+nwj xk¡o esa vkdj viuh {kerk ds vuq:i [ksr dks Bsdsij ysdj Qly dk¡Vrs gSaA blds fy, izfr ch?kk 1500 #0 ;k 30&35 fdyks vysrs gSaA

bl dk;Z dks djus ds fy, nwljs rjg ds et+nwj os gksrs gSa] tks fngkM+h d`f’k et+nwj ds:i esa dke djrs gSaA bUgsa izfr fnu 100&150 #0 fn;s tkrs gSaA iwoZ le; esa bl rjgds etnwjksa dks 10 fdyks vukt fn;k tkrk FkkA

¼t½ Qlyksa dh <qykbZQly ds dVus ds ckn mls lqfuf”pr txg ij igq¡pkuk t:jh gksrk gSA Qlyksa dh<qykbZ ds fy, {ks= ds d’kd vius ijEijkxr rkSj rjhds dks lkekU;r% viukrs gSaA Qlyksadh dVkbZ gksus ds ckn dVs gq, vuktksa ds cM+s&cM+s ^cks>s^ cuk;s tkrs gSa]tks fd mBkdj <qykbZ fd;s tkrs gSaA ^cks>s dk otu bruk j[kk tkrk gS rkfd mldks flj ij mBkdjvklkuh ls fuf”pr txg ys tk;k tk ldsA bu ^cks>s^ dks ck¡/kus ds fy, iqjky ;k twVdh jLlh dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gS] tks fd fdlku [kqn gh vius gkFkksa ls cukrk gSaaAdHkh&dHkkj Qlyksa ds <qykbZ ds fy, cSyxkM+h dk iz;ksx fd;k tkrk gSA Qly dks ?kjys tkus ls igys [ksr ls gh *ekudfl)* eafnj esa nsork dks p<k+us ds fy, Qly dks[ksr esa gh vyx dj fy;k tkrk gSaA vyx fd;s bl Hkkx dks xk¡o ds ikl fLFkrêkudfl) eafnj^ esa p<+krs gSaA budk ,slk ekuuk gS fd rS;kj Qly esa ls lcls igysHkxoku dks Hkksx yxk dj mudk vkHkkj izdV fd;k tkrk gSa] ftlls mudh dik ls Qlyls mit vPNh jghA bl p<+kos ds lkFk gyok] iwjh Hkh cukdj p<+krs gSa] ftls ^jks izlkn^Hkh dgk tkrk gSA

¼>½ Mke yxkuk ¼[kfygku yxkuk½^Mke^ izk;% fdlku vius ?kj ds vkl&ikl ijrh vFkok [kkyh tehu ij rS;kj djrsgSa] vxj [ksr ?kj ds ikl gSa rks ^Mke^ ¼[kfygku½ [ksr ds ,d fljs ij yxk;k tkrk gSAftl Hkwfe ij [kfygku ^Mke^ yxkuk gS ml t+ehu dks lery dj feV~Vh o xkscj lsysi dj fy;k tkrk gSA ;g dk;Z izk;% efgyk;sa djrh gSaA blds ckn blds pkjksa vksj

472 473

>kfM+;ks ;k ck¡l ds ckM+ yxk dj ?ksj fn;k tkrk gS rkfd tkuoj Qly dk uqdlkuu dj ldsA ckM+ yxkus dk dk;Z iq:’k djrs gSaA dVs gq, Qlyksa dks <qykbZ dj ^Mke^¼[kfygku½ esa ykdj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSA Qly ls /kku dks vyx djus dh izfdz;k^Mke^ esa gh iwjh gks tkrh gSA blds fy, ^Mke^ esa Qlyksa ds ck>ksa dks [kksy dj ,dtxg pdzkdkj esa QSyk fn;k tkrk gSA bl QSyk;s gq, Qly ij cSyksa dks pdzkdj fn”kkesa ?kqekrs gSaA orZeku le; esa cSyksa ds LFkku ij VªSDVj dk izpyu Hkh ns[kk tk ldrkgSA bl fof/k dks ^nkSbZ^] ê¡MkbZ^ dgk tkrk gSA bl izfdz;k ds ckn ^/kku^ vkSj îqjky^dks vyx dj fy;k tkrk gSA /kku dks ,df=r dj [kfygku esa gh j[k fn;k tkrk gS]tks fd i”kq/ku ds [kkus ds pkjs ds dke vkrk gSA

¼´½ vUu dk HkaMkj.k djuk^Mke^ ¼[kfygku½ esa ^nkSbZ^ djus ds ckn ,df=r /kku dks cksjksa ,oa îVksa^ esa Hkjdj mls?kj esa cus cM+s&cM+s feV~Vh ds ^dksBjh^ esa j[k dj vUr esa HkaMkj.k dj fy;k tkrk gSaAfdlh&fdlh ?kj esa ck¡l ls fufeZr ^dksBj^ Hkh ns[kus dks feyrk gSA

orZeku le; esa edku ds iDds cuus ds dkj.k bu dksBjksa dk Lo:i Hkh cny x;k gSAvc ftuds edku iDds cu x, vUu dk HkaMkj.k Vhu ds cMs&cMs Mªeksa esa laxzfgrdjrs gSaA

xksj[kk d`’kd lekt esa Je & foHkktubLekby nq[khZe ¼1893½ dk er gS fd ekuo lH;rk dk fodkl Je foHkktu dh xfr”khyrk ds vk/kkjij le>k tk ldrk gSA l`f’B ds izkjEHk ls gh ekuo esa Je foHkktu jgk gS] ifjokj dh mRifRrHkh iq:’k vk/kkj le>kSrs dk lEcU/k gSA vko”;drkvksa ds vuqlkj iwfrZ ds fosf”k’V lk/kuksa dh [kkstgksrh gSA ;s lk/ku ftu fo”ks’k O;fDr;ksa ds vf/kdkj esa gksrs gSa] muds izfr dqN dRrZO; iw.kZ djusiM+rs vkSj muds cnys esa vko”;drk iwjh dh tkrh gSa ¼[kku 1983½A

xksj[kk d`’kd lektksa esa Hkh vk;q rFkk fyax ds vk/kkj ij Je foHkktu ns[kus dks feyrk gSA bllekt esa efgyk ,oa iq:’k lkFk & lkFk feydj d`f’k dk;Z esa viuk ;ksxnku nsrs gSaA fQj Hkh [ksrhls lacf/kr dk;Z tSls ^Njuk^ ¼cqvkbZ½] xqM+kbZ o fuykbZ ¼lksguh½ Qly dh dVkbZ] <qykbZ vkfn dk;kZsaesa budh Hkkxhnkjh T;knk ik;h tkrh gSaA gkykfd d`f’k ds dfBu dk;Z vHkh Hkh iq:’k oxZ gh djrsgSaA tSls gy pykuk] esaM+ cukuk] lery djuk vkfn dk;Z A

d`’kd lekt ds os yksx tks d`f’k dk;Z esa lfdz; Hkkx ugh ys ikrs gSa] tSls ifjokj ds cqtxZ o cPpsviuk lg;ksx vizR;{k :i ls nsrs gSaA buds ftEes df’k dk;Z ds nkSjku ?kj esa jg dj ?kj dh j[kokyhdjuk o lqqcg “kke [ksrksa esa ?kwedj Qly dh ns[kHkky djuk gSA xksj[kk d`’kd dkQh ifjJfedgksrs gSaA ;g fdlh Hkh dk;Z dks djus ds fy;s fcYdqy yTtk vuqHko ugha djrsA xk¡o esa vko”;drkiM+us ij nwljs ds [ksrksa esa dk;Z dj lg;ksx nsrs gSa] rFkk blds cnys esa os Hkh buds [ksrks es dk;Zdj fn;k djrs gSaA

ijEijkxr d`f’k midj.kxzk¡V esa ijEijkxr midj.k dk bLrseky vkt Hkh ns[kus dks feyrk gSA orZeku esa vk/kqfud d`f’k;a=ks o midj.kksa dh miyC/krk ds ckctwn bl xk¡o esa vkt Hkh df’k dk;Z esa vius ijEijkxr midj.kksao ;a=ksa dk mi;ksx djrs gSaA ijUrq iwoZ ds le; esa ;g midj.k cktkj ls [kjhn dj yk;s tkrs gSaAijUrq iwoZ ds le; esa ;g midj.k o vkStkj ikl ds cqðh xk¡o ls ¼bu midj.kksa dks cukus okys


d`f’k ds cnyrs Lo:i o buds thou ij iM+us okys izHkkoorZeku esa lalkj ifjorZu dh vksj vxzlj gks jgk gSA ;k ;g dgs fd lalkj esa ifjorZu dh ygjlh vk xbZ gSA ;g ifjorZu ekuo thou ds lHkh i{kksa dks izHkkfor dj jgk gSaA thou ds fofHkUu{ks=ksa esa vkS|ksfxd izxfr] HkkSfrdoknh&n`f’Vdks.k rFkk oSKkfud vkfo’dkjksa ds QyLo:i ,d cM+kifjorZu vkrk fn[kkbZ ns jgk gSA ifjorZu dh bl /kkjk dk izHkko vkS|ksfxd dsUnzksa vkSj uxjksa rdgh lhfer ugha gS] vfirq xk¡o dh laLd`fr yksxksa ds jgu&lgu ds rkSj&rjhds Hkh blls izHkkfor gksjgs gSaA iwoZ le; esa xzkeh.k laLd`fr;k¡ viuh fo”ks’krkvksa ds dkj.k uxjh; thou Hkh izHkkfor djrhFkhA ijUrq vkt izHkko foijhr fn”kk esa cg jgk gSaA “kgjh laLd`fr xzkeh.k O;fDr;ksa ds vkd’kZ.k dkdsUnz cu jgh gSaA Mk0 ,l0 lh0 nwcs us viuh iqLrd ßHkkjrh; xk¡oÞ esa gSnjkckn ds xk¡o lehjisVdk mYys[k izLrqr fd;k gS fd ;g xzke gSnjkckn uxj ds laidZ esa vkus ds dkj.k xk¡o ds fuokfl;ksads vkpkj&fopkj] jgu&lgu] os”k&Hkw’kk] euksjatu ds lk/ku] fpfdRlk] lkekftd laxBu vkfn esaO;kIr vUrj ik;k ¼JhokLro] 1976½A

Mk0 nwcs ds izLrqr mYys[k ds dFkkuqlkj xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xk¡o Hkh nsgjknwu “kgj ds laidZ esavkus o rsth ls fodflr gks jgs “kgjhdj.k ds izHkko ls bl xk¡o ds izR;sd Hkkx dks izHkkfor fd;kgSA pkgs og jgu & lgu gks] “kknh&fookg gks] lekftd <k¡pk gks] ;k /kkfeZd thou vkfn bu lHkh{ks=ksa esa cnyko yk fn;k gSA blds lkFk gh bl xk¡o ds d`f’k ls lacaf/kr dk;Z tSls tqrkbZ] ikS/kyxkuk] ikS/k dk jksi.k] cht jksi.k] [ksr rS;kj djuk] flapkbZ] dVkbZ] [kkn Mkyuk] Mke yxkuk] nkSbZ¼nobZ½] vUu dk Hk.Mkj.k vkfn esa vius ijEijkxr Kku] fof/k rduhd dk iz;ksx dj jgs gSaA lkFkgh lkFk ;gk¡ ds d`’kd vk/kqfud midj.kksa tSls VSªDVj] pdzh;/kq.khZ ;a=] rosnkj gy] Fkzs”kj vkfn iz;ksxdj jgs gSaA vkt vk/kqfudrk vkSj “kgjhdj.k ds nkSj esa tgk¡ mRiknu {kerk dks cuk;s j[kuk o mlesao`f) djuk lgh ek;us esa ,d pqukSrhiw.kZ dk;Z gSA bl pqukSrh dks iwjk djus o yM+us ds fy, ;gk¡ds d`’kd oxZ viuh {kerk ds o fLFkfr ds vuqlkj orZeku le; dh vk/kqfud fof/k;ks o rduhdksdks viuk jgs gSaA vkt vk/kqfudrk ds le; esa Hkh bu {ks=ksa esa df’k ds dqN dk;kZsa esa vHkh Hkh ijEijkxr:i ls vius gkFk ls iwjk fd;k tkrk gSA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V dh d`f’k O;oLFkk dks ns[kus ls ;g irk pyrk gS fd ;gk¡ ijEijkxr d`f’k esacnyko rks vk;k gS fdUrq blds ckotwn ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxZ vius ijEijkxr midj.kksa ls d`f’k dk;Zdjrs gSaA vkt Hkh ;g mUur rduhd dk iz;ksx dqN [kkl d`’kd ifjokj rd lhfer gSa] D;ksafdmUur rduhd dks gkfly djus ds fy, vkfFkZd fLFkfr etcwr gksuh pkfg,A xk¡o ds d`f’k dk;Z esaijEijkxr o vk/kqfud nksuksa rjg dh [ksrh ds midj.k ds dkj.k tgk¡ budks mRiknu o`f) dk lq[kizkIr gksrk gS ogha cktkj esa cus jgus esa enn feyrh gSaA xzke easa vkt [ksrksa dh tqrkbZ gy o cSydh lgk;rk ls dh tkrh gS] ogh cM+s d`’kd ;g dk;Z VSªSSDVj ds ek/;e ls dj ysrs gSaA ;g orZekule; ls fgrdkjh Hkh gSaA ,d vksj tgk¡ vk/kqfud midj.k ds iz;ksx ls budh vkfFkZd fLFkfr etcwrgksrh gSA ogha nwljh vksj [ksrksa esa df’k dk;Z e”khuksa ds }kjk djus ds dkj.k “kkjhfjd Je dh vko”;drkcgqr gh de iM+rh gSA bl dk;Z ds fngkM+h d’kd [ksrksa ds vykok fdlh vU; jkstxkj esa :ph fn[kkusyxrk gS] blds fy, ;s yksx vkl&ikl ds {ks=ksa o “kgjksa dh vksj izokflr gksrs gSa] rFkk fngkM+hetnwj cu dj jg tkrs gSaA d`f’k {ks=ksa esa vk/kqfud o e”khuhdj.k ds mi;ksx djus ls ;gk¡ ds d`’kdlekt dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr esa lq/kkj ns[kus dks feykrk gSA fdlh dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr esa lq/kkj gqvk gSvFkok deh vkbZ gS] ;g ml le; rd Li’V ugha fd;k tk ldrk] tc rd mu rF;ksa dks voyksfdru fd;k tk;A ftUgsa ge lkekU;r% vkadfyr dj ldrs gSaA tSls de ;k i;kZIr ek=k esa vko”;drkvksadh iwfrZ] Hkkstu] oL= vkSj edku dh fLFkfr ¼ikBd] 1986½A

474 475tks[ku “kekZijEijkxr d`f’k dk;Z..............ds fo”ks’k lanHkZ esa½

la[;k ijEijkxr d`f’k ;a= fgUnh uke dk;Z

1 gykl gy [ksr dh tqrkbZ ds fy,A

2 tqyk gjh'k tqrkbZ ds nkSjku cSy ds da/kks ijj[kk tkrk gS tks gy ls tqM+k gqvk gksrk gSA

3 >a>jk ¼ukSdhyk okyk½ D;kjh cukus ds fy,A

4 njkrh gl¡qvk Qly dh dVkbZ esaA

5 [kqjch [kqjih [ksrksa esa ?kkl fudkyus esaA

6 ikBy ¼vk¡lh½ dVkj ck<+ [kfygku cukus esaA

7 dksVyk ¼dwVh½ & ?kkl fudkyus esa

8 QMqvk dqnky feV~Vh dkVus esaA

9 es<+h gsaxk Hkwfe lery djus ds fy, ¼VsªDVj½A

10 es<+k gsaxk Hkwfe lery djus ds fy, ¼cSyk)kr½A

11 <s+dyh <s+dyh /kku ls pkoy fudkyus ds fy,A

12 pkcqd pkcqd cSy dks fu;a=.k djus ds fy,A

13 dksBj dksByh@dksBj vUu dk Hka.Mkj.k gsrqA

14 lCcy [karh@ lCcy CkkM+ yxkus esaA

15 xSarh & eV~Vh [kksnus ds fy,A

leqnk; ftlesa dkfu ¼ykSgkj½ o c<+bZ tkfr vkrs Fksa½ izkIr fd;s tkrs FksA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa,d Hkh ?kj dkfu tkfr dk ugh gSaA ml le; bl xk¡o esa ttekuh izFkk dk izpyu ekStwn FkkAxk¡o ds o`) yksxksa ds vuqlkj cqðh xk¡o ds dkfu] c<+bZ o ukbZ vkfn tkfr;ksa ls xksj[kk dkjckjhxzk¡V dk iqjkuk o ?kfu’V lEca/k cuk gqvk Fkk tks vkt Hkh fo|eku gSA izkphu le; esa ttekuhizFkk ds nkSjku d`’kd d`f’k ls lEcaf/kr midj.k bUgha leqnk;ks a ls cuok;k djrs FksA cnys

esa mUgsa N% eghus esa izfr tksM+k cSy ij ^iNM+h vukt^ dk chl fdyks ¼20 Kg½ /kku ;k xsgw¡ fn;ktkrk FkkA blh izdkj ukbZ dk s ik ¡p fdyks /kku ;k xsg w ¡ i zfro’k Z fn;k tkrk FkkA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa d`f’k lacaf/kr dk;ksZa esa yk;s tkus okys ijEijkxr midj.k o vkStkj rFkkdk;Z izd`frA

xzke ds yksx tks d`f’k ls tqM+s gq, gSa os rks bl dk;Z ls tqM+s jguk pkgrs gSa] ij muds ckn vkusokyh ih<+h ;k dgsa uo;qod oxZ dh :fp d`f’k dk;Z esa u gksdj vU; jkstxkj dh vksj T;knk gSAxksj[kk leqnk; ls lEcaf/kr gksus ds dkj.k budk >qdko QkSt ¼lsuk½ dh ukSdjh dh vksj T;knk gSAxksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa yM+fd;ksa dh mPp f”k{kk dk izfr”kr yM+dks ls T;knk gSA bldk dkj.kyM+dks dk flQZ ,d y{;] QkSt dh ukSdjh bl dkj.k os mPp f”k{kk esa :fp ugh fn[kk ikrsA

xzkeh.k Hkkjr ds yksxksa dk thou eq[; :i ls d`f’k ij gh fuHkZj gSa] blfy, d`f’k dh O;oLFkk esatc Hkh dksbZ ifjorZu gksrk gS rks mlls xzkeh.k vkfFkZd vkSj lkekftd thou vo”; izHkkfor gksrk gSA

fu"d’kZxksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V xksj[kk ckgqY; leqnk; okyk xzke gS tks fd nsgjknwu ftys ds lgliqj CykWdds vUrxZr vkrk gSA bl xzke ds vf/kdka”k yksx Hkkjrh; QkSt esa viuh lsok ns pqds gSa] vkSj orZekuesa mudh vxyh ih<+h vFkkZr~ muds csVs QkSt esa ns”k dh lsok dj jgs gSaA xksj[kk dkjckjh xzke dkfuekZ.k Hkw&nku fd;s x, Hkwfe ij gqvk gSaA blfy, bl xzke dks ^xzk¡V* dgrs gSaA

bl xzke es d`’kd lektks ds fHké&fHké Lrjksa dks ns[kk tk ldrk gS] ftlesa cM+s Hkwfe/kkjh] e/;eHkwfe/kkjh] fuEu Hkwfe/kkjh ,oa Hkwfeghu d`’kd “kkfey gSaA

;gk¡ ds d`’kd lekt dks d`f’k dk;Z esa ijEijkxr dk;ksZ esa ijEijkxr Kku] fof/k;ksa ,oa rduhfd dslkFk&lkFk vk/kqfud rduhfd dk iz;ksx djrs ns[kk x;k gSA gk¡¡ykfd vk/kqfud fof/k;ksa ,oa rduhdksadk bLrseky vkfFkZd :i ls etcwr d`’kd oxksZ rd gh lhfer gSA ;gk¡ le;kuqlkj tSls&tSls d`’kdlekt ds yksxksa ds thou Lrj esa o`f} gks jgh gS] oSls&oSls ;g yksx vk/kqfud rduhdksa ,oa midj.kksadk bLrseky dj jgs gSaA d`f’k dk;Z esa ifjokj ds lHkh lnL; vius Lrj ls Je&foHkktu ds vUrxZrviuk&viuk lg;ksx nsrs gSaA

xzke ds cM+s d`’kd vius miyC/k vk/kqfud d`f’k izkS|ksfxdh tSls] V~;wcosy] VªSDVj] Vªkyh] Fksz”kj] ifEiaxlsV vkfn dk iz;ksx viuh vk; esa o`f} gsrq O;kikfjd mís”; ls djrs gSaA bldk ifj.kke ;g gqvkfd bl Js.kh ds d`’kdks us d`f’k ds vkykok vU; jkstxkj tSls eNyh ikyu] eqxhZ ikyu] cÙk[k ikyuvkfn “kq: dj fn;s gSaA

xk¡o esa tgk¡ iwoZ le; esa izpfyr ttekuh izFkk ds vUrxZr vkus okyh tkfr;k¡ viuh lsok ds cnysdqN fuf”pr fu/kkZfjr vukt ;k oLrq,¡ ysrh FkhA ogha orZeku le; esa ;g tkfr;k¡ vukt ;k oLrqvksads LFkku ij uxn :i;s ysuk gh Js;Ldj le>rh gSaA

;gk¡ ds cM+s & cM+s d’kd /kku dh iSnkokj O;olkf;d :i ls djrs gSaA budk iatkc] pM+hx<+] gfj;k.kkvkfn jkT;ksa ds pkoy cukus okyh cM+h&cM+h dEiuh;ksa ls vuqca/k jgrk gSaA dEifu;k¡ bUgsa /kku dsmŸke dksfV ds cht miyC/k djkrh gSa] ckn esa bu rS;kj Qlyksa dks os d`’kd ls ,d fuf”pr ewY;ij [kjhn ysrs gSaA bl dkj.k ;gk¡ iSnk gksus okyh mÙke dksfV dk pkoy LFkkuh; yksxksa ,oa LFkkuh;cktkj Lrj ij tYnh ugha fey ikrkA

d`f’k dk;Z o Qly ifjorZu dh izFkk ekuo }kjk gtkjksa lkyksa ls lH;rk dh “kq:vkr ls gh viuk;htk jgh gSaSA orZeku le; esa vk/kqfudrk o e”khuhdj.k ds izHkko ls mRiknu dk;Z gks jgk gSA bldkj.k fdlku pkg dj Hkh orZeku le; esa bu vk/kqfud midj.kksa ls vNwrk ugha jg ldrk gSAbl dkj.k xzke ds d`’kd oxksZ dh vkfFkZd ,oa lkekftd Lrjkssa esa lq/kkj vk;k gS] lkFk gh lkFk thouLrj Hkh Åpk¡ gqvk gSA

476 477

ftu yksxksa dh ekSfyd vko”;drkvksa dh iwfrZ mfpr :i esa ughsa gks ikrh mUgsa xjhch dh js[kk dsuhps ekuh tkrh gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g Hkh tkudkjh izkIr gqbZ fd {ks=ksa esa lHkh oxkZsa ds d`’kdksds thou Lrj esa muds firk dh rqyuk esa o`f++) gqbZ gSaA

d`f’k ds ijEijkxr dk;kZsa esa vk/kqfudrk vkus ls [ksrh lEcaf/kr dk;kZsa esa yxus okyk le; de gksx;k A d`’kd tks vk/kqfud Kku o fof/k;ksa ds iz;ksx dj jgs gSa muds ikl d`f’k dk;Z djus ds i”pkr~cgqr le; fey tkrk gSA ftlds QyLo:i os eNyh ikyu] cr[k ikyu] eqxhZ ikyu vkfn vU;rjg ds O;olkf;d dk;Z djus yxs gSaA ftlls budh vk; c<+us ls budk thou Lrj vkSj Å¡pk gksjgk gSA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V esa ,d foy{k.krk ;g Hkh ns[kus dks feyrh gS dh vc xzeh.k ifjokj HkksturFkk oL= ds ekeys esa uxjh; ifjokjksa dk vuqlj.k djus yxs gSaA ;g Li’V :i ls ns[kk x;k gSafd vc izk;% lHkh ifjokj ds yksx lqcg & “kke pk; vo”; ihrs gSa rFkk ftudh vkfFkZd fLFkfrvPNh gksrh gSa os pk; ds lkFk uk”rk Hkh djrs gSaA ;s vius vfrfFk;ksa dks Hkh xqM+ vFkok “kjcr dsLFkku ij pk; dkWQh fiykrs gSaA xzkeh.k {ks= esa vc vfrfFk;ksa dks xqM+ f[kykdj ikuh fiykuk ;k“kjcr fiykuk fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr rFkk fiNM+siu dk lwpd ekuk tkus yxkk gS] tcfd pk; fiykukizxfr”khyrk vkSj mPp vkfFkZd fLFkfr dk izzrhd ekuk tkrk gS ¼ikBd] 1986½A

edku ds {ks= esa Hkh bl xk¡o esa ifjorZu Li’V :i ls ns[kus dks feyrk gSA xzke ds o`++) o iqjkusyksxksa ls ckr dj ;g tkudkjh izkIr dh xbZ fd nl lky igys xk¡o esa iDds edkuksa dh la[;kcgqr de Fkh tSls&tSls yksxksa dh vkfFkZd Lrj esa lq/kkj vk;k oSls&oSls yksx “kgjh rkSj ij iDdhbZaV] lhesUV rFkk lfj;k dk iz;ksx dj edku cukuss yxsA

xksj[kk dkjckjh xzk¡V ds L=h ,oa iq:’kksa ds oL=ksa esa Hkh vk/kqfudrk dk izHkko iM+k gSA nsgjknwu “kgjds rsth ls cnyrs ifjos”k dk vlj bl {ks= ds xzkeh.k yksxksa ds oL= igukos ds rkSj&rjhdksa esa Hkhns[kus dks feykA gkykafd vHkh Hkh xzke dss o`++) iq:’k o efgyk,a vius ijaijkxr os”k&Hkw’kk igus ns[kstk ldrs gSaA

u, midj.k ds iz;ksx ls buds thou ij iM+us okys izHkko ds ckjs esa d`’kd lekt ds yksxksa lsifjppkZ djus ds ckn tks rF; mHkj dj lkeus vk;s] og cgqr gh lkspuh; FkkA tgk¡ xzke ds o`++)o iqjkus yksxksa dk ekuuk Fkk fd bl ubZ rduhfd ls Qk;nk rks gS] ysfdu blds ckjs esa tkudkjhdqN yksxksa rd gh lhfer gSaA tks d`’kd fuEu vkfFkZd Lrj ds gSa] os bldks iz;ksx esssa ugha yk ldrsrFkk os mRiknu esa fiNM+ tkrs gSaA yksxksa dk ekuuk gSa fd ubZ rduhd ls le; vkSj Je nksuksa dhcpr gksrh gSa] ysfdu blls csjkstxkjh Hkh c<+h gSA yksx jkstxkj dh ryk”k esa ckgj ds {ks=ks esa tkjgs gSa] ftlls ifjokjksa dk fo?kVu gks jgk gSA

tSfod [ksrh bl xzke dh lcls cM+h [kkfl;r gSA bl xzke esa fiNysa ik¡p o’kkZsa ls vf/kdka”k d`’kdifjokjks }kjk tSfod [ksrh dh tk jgh gS] bl dkj.k ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxksZ esa jklk;fud [kknksa ijfuHkZjrk de gqbZ gSA tgk¡ tSfod [ksrh djus ls bl {ks= ds d`f’k mRiknu esa o`f) gqbZ lkFk gh lkFkHkwfe dh mitkÅ {kerk esa o`f) gksrh gSA ;gk¡ ds d`’kd oxZ ls ckr djus ij ;g yxk fd tSfod[ksrh djus ls [ksr o Qly nksuksa dh fLFkfr esa lq/kkj gqvk gSaA ;gk¡ ds fdlkuksa us /khjs&/khjs blizdkj dh [ksrh dks djuk izkjEHk dj fn;k gSA le;kuqlkj bl rjg dh [ksrh djus okys yksxksa dhla[;k Hkh c<+ jgh gSA xk¡o esa cdk;nk ,d lfefr Hkh cuh gqbZ gSa] tks bl tSfod [ksrh ds ckjs esafdlkuksa dks tkx:d o izf”kf{kr djrs gSaA


478

Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village(with special reference to Gurkha community)

Karuna Shankar Pandey1

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Field work is the soul of Social Anthropology. As, a social anthropologist always seeksto go to field to collect the primary data. Regarding this, being a social anthropologist Iam very thankful to Dr. V. Kaul (Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Head of Office,North-west Regional Center, Anthropological Survey of India) who gave me such anopportunity for doing field work at Karbary Grant village. It was his kind approval andsupport that I could complete my field work on ‘Gurkha Community’ successfully. Inthis order I am very grateful to Dr. S. A. Azez Saheb Superintending Anthropologist(C)who gave me valuable and critical comments for improving the report. Subsequently, Iam very grateful to Dr. Harashawaradhana and Dr. Rizvi (both Anthropologist, PhysicalAnthropology) under whose guidance I completed this field work. Along with thesevenerables, I also have respect to Dr. J. Nayak whose kind cooperation and suggestionsfilled the gap of problems.

Eventually I have to thank all my team mates whose cooperation was required in fieldand they helped as required. At last, I am very thankful to drivers for their devotion thatI could reach within time daily to the field.

Finally, I thank all my respondents who gave their valuable time to me for discussionrelated to my topic.

Religion differs from the other aspects of social life because it is connected not only withsystem of belief and action but also with mode of expression of both of these components.Moreover, its systems of action and belief are directed towards the entities, the veryexistence of which is not open to direct observation (Mair Lucy; 1965: An Introductionto social Anthropology).

Gurkhas are very well known as soldiers and commonly they have their origin in presentNepal. The name "Gurkha" comes from the hill town of Gurkha from which the Nepalesekingdom had expanded. The fact of their immigration to present India is that they cameas soldier of Prithvi Narayan Shah the contemporary king of Gurkhas as well as Nepal


1Anthropological Survey of India, NWRC, Dehradun, Uttrakhand.

481480 Sacred Complex in Karbary Grant Village Karuna Shankar Pandey

who proceeded towards Kumaon, and Garhwal valleys and passing through the ShimlaHill States they dominated the Kangra valley also during last decade of 18th century.Consequently Gurkha soldiers won Dehradun in October 1803 and army came to Dehradunsettled themselves near Indo-Nepal border including present Dehradun. But their rapidmigration came into existence during British period itself. During the rule of Britishgovernment in India they were in demand as soldier by the then government. Presently,they have become permanent citizens of India. Here, it is important to clear that theirmigration occurred not only during British period but it was a continuous process sincethe ancient time.

In Dehradun (Uttarakhand), the population density of Gurkha is very much. Now theyhave acquired all the rights provided to any Indian citizen. It means they have beencompletely Indianized. They started to make marital relations with the Garhwali. Fewyears ago, Gurkhas were facing a very drastic problem of resistance from the Garhwalicommunity, because they were from other community and nation. But later on it wassolved and now they have frequent marital relations among them.

Basically, they are Hindu by religion and polytheist like Indian Hindus. Like Hindus ofIndia they celebrate Dipawali, Holi, Dussehra, etc. They are from Vaishanava Cult butthey worship Lord Shiva also. Even after 200 years of their migration, they talk in theirown traditional language that is Nepali that has been modified by Indianization of Gurkhas.Generally, they use to talk in Nepali among themselves. But when they talk with othersthey talk in Hindi or Garhwali.

They generally prefer arranged marriage but now preferential marriages have beenprevalent among them. They have no caste bar and allow inter caste marriage. Theyhaveaffinal relations with the Garhwali also. There are some cases of love marriage withthe Muslim community. Though, it is not very common and they do not accept it readily.

Field area at a glance: - Field area Karbary Grant selected for study is a village of SahaspurBlock in Dehradun district. It is about 24 km from Dehradun city and located on Dehradun-Shimla Bypass. This village is surrounded by a very dense jungle from three directions.Maximum households are engaging in agricultural practices as their primary occupation.Some are daily laborers who work in nearby villages.

The village is multi-ethnic. Mainly this village is divided into two parts one representsGurkha community and the other Garhwali community. One part is called Gurkha KarbaryGrant and the other is called Garhwali Karbary grant. One family from Panjabi communityalso lives in Gurkhali part of Karbary grant. On Dehradun- Shimla Bypass, families fromsome other communities also live. There are some Muslims families also. But objectiveof my study was to study the Gurkha community hence, researcher covered only Gurkhacommunity.

In this village, there are 104 households of Gurkha community and their population is529. There is one family from Garhwali community also in the Karbary Grant but nowit has adopted Gurkhali culture and represents themselves as Gurkha after the marriagewith a Gurkhali girl long ago. In spite of co-existence with other communities even aftera period of about 200 years, they have their own identity. Elders know Nepali well whileyounger population uses mixed Nepali and Hindi languages. They have short stature andfair complexion as they belong to Mongolian race.

Objectives: - Main objectives of the study were

1. To know the presence and the structure of Sacred Complex in this village.

2. To find out co-existence of little traditions with great traditions.

3. To know why and how a community adopts the culture of another communityin religious context is explained in the context of religious acculturation.

4. To know how the religious belief system is changing and why?

5. To know that these changes are giving new form to religion or rising/decliningtheir belief system in religion.

6. To know the celebration and festivals observed by them.

Hypotheses: - The researcher formulated very simple hypothesis to study Gurkhacommunity and the sacred complex concept.

1. That the little and great traditions exists together.

2. That whether young generation is more casual towards the belief in religion.They do not like to give time to worship or to such activities as in the presentscenario of complex economy, they are more oriented to attain good economicopportunities for future rather than to focus on religious belief system.

3. That the elders also could not give time to religious performances due to theirown busy schedule.

4. That females are more religious in comparison to males.

5. That the all the elements of sacred complex is necessarily present in the setup of sacred complex.

Methodology: - Firstly, researcher has consulted the secondary sources to know theGurkha community. In field, researcher has selected Gurkha community as the samplepopulation. Researcher was interested to know how the changes in belief system occurand what the responsible factors that govern it are. Hence, respondents were chosen fromthree different age groups of both the genders. Five respondents from each gender wereselected and thus, 10 respondents from each age group. The respondents were from threeage groups: firstly those whose age lies between 18 to 30 years, second of the age between31 to 50 and last having the age above 50 years from the both the genders. Such apurposive sampling was planned to achieve the aim of covering respondents from all theage groups. The respondents were classified into three age groups keeping in view thatgenerally at any time three generations are most likely to live together in any community’ssocial set-up. For the compliance of the objectives a set of questions i.e. interview schedulewas prepared. With the help of this 30 respondents were interviewed. Group discussionwas also applied at two sacred centers viz., Barah Bhagwan Temple and Manak SiddhaBaba temple.

Non- participant observervation was also exercised during Sansari Devi Pooja, a littletradition ceremony in the village.


Photography and Videography method was also used to record a documentary film andphotographs of religious aspect of Gurkha life are also collected with the cooperation ofteam members.

Definition of Sacred Complex: Sacred complex which was developed by Prof. L. P.Vidyarthi during his doctoral research work in Hindu Gaya during 1956- 1961(Vidyarthi:Sacred Complex of Hindu Gaya, 1961) is the union of three elements viz. SacredGeography, Sacred Performances and Sacred Specialists. According to L. P. Vidyarthi,Sacred Geography is an area which is considered as holy. A sacred geography is furtherdivided into several parts like in Sacred Zone then in Sacred Segment and then SacredCluster and at last in Sacred Centers. Sacred center is unit of sacred geography. SacredCenters are most important because rites and rituals are performed here. It may be asacred tree, a temple, a deity, a sacred river, etc. A sacred center is a place where sacredspecialists do sacred performances. Sacred Performances are the set of activities (ritualsand rites) which are performed by sacred specialists at different sacred centers. Sacredspecialists are those who have good knowledge and experience regarding sacredperformances at any particular sacred center. Sacred specialists work also as the religiousadvisers for their community members. They help the worshippers and pilgrims in sacredperformances during several occasions.

In mid 20th century, after the introduction of the concept ‘Sacred Complex’ in IndianAnthropology to study a civilization in totality a new trend came into existence inAnthropological studies to study the religious centers keeping in center the concept SacredComplex. Following this concept several studies were done at different sacred centersby different scholars. Some studies done applying the concept of ‘Sacred Complex’ aregiven in Table No. 1

Table No. 1: List of work done on Sacred Complex in India and Nepal

Sl.No. Name of Title Name of Scholar Year

1. Holy Circuit of Nimsar Saraswati 19622 Temple organization in Goa. Saraswati3 Organization of Ascetics in Kashi B. N. Saraswati & Sujit Sinha 19784 Sacred Complex of Janakpur M. Jha 19715 Sacred Complex of Ratanpur M. Jha6 Rajgir Students from Ranchi University 19677 Rameshwaram and Dwarika 19728 Ayodhya and Puri 1973, 749 Sacred Complex of Badrinath Dinesh Kumar 199210 Sacred Complex of Kashi Vidyarthi, Saraswati and Jha 197811 Lingraj Temple: Its structure and change Mahapatra 197212 Chamundeshwari Temple in Mysore Morab and Goswami 197513 Tarkeshwari Temple in West Bengal Chakravarti 197414 Tirmal- Triputi Temple in Andhra Pradesh V. N. Reddy and M. Reddy 199115 Sri Sailam: A Shaivite Pilgrimage center, S. Vijay Kumar and M. Suryanarayan 1991

Andhra Pradesh16 Panchkosi Yatra: A Sub- Regional Pilgrimage Edward J. Jay 1991

of Southern Chhatisgarh, India17 History, Patronage and Social organization of a M.Jha 1991

Sakta Pilgrimage centre in India:A case study of Kamakhya Temple of Assam

18 Sacred Complex of Swayambhunath A. P. Rajauri* 1988

19 Sacred Complex, Study of Lumbini- P. R. Koirala*Kapilvastu in Nepal

20 Sacred Complex of Baidyanath S. Narayan 197221 Sacred Complex of Pashupatinath T. R.Shrestha 197322 Sacred Complex of Prayag Prof. D. P. Dubey

* Nepali Anthropologists who did their work on Sacred Complex.

Sacred Complex concept attracted several scholars and they applied the concept to allthe sacred centers and have been inseparable part of Indian Anthropology focusing onreligious study. Researcher has also tried to utilize the tools and techniques of this conceptto fetch on the most of the religious life in this village. When the researcher compares itwith Sacred City, Gaya (where researcher is doing his D. Phil. research work as a restudyof sacred complex for the fulfillment of his doctoral degree he found that the religiouscomplexity of this village is very much simple but the existence of all the elements ofsacred complex is here.

Sacred Complex of Karbary Grant Village: - Sacred Complex of Karbary Grant villagecan be divided into three divisions viz. Sansari Devi (Mata), Manak Siddha Baba templeand Barah Bhagwan Temple. As the village is a small unit consists of only three centersand hence, it is not possible to divide the sacred geography into sacred zone, sacredsegments and sacred clusters.

There are two main temples in the village; one is the temple of Barah Bhagwan and otherone of Manak Siddha Baba. Barah Bhagwan temple is visited by all Gurkhali whereaslater is visited not only by other communities but by local Muslims also. Some othersacred centers are Holy teak tree, holy river Yamuna.

1. Sacred Complex of Sansari Devi (Mata)Puja: - Historically Gurkhas wereBuddhists. But when they came in contact with Hindu Nepali Population dueto disease smallpox which had attacked over the population of Gurkha theystarted to worship Goddess Shitala (Swambhoonath Temple; Kathmandu) andthus they adopted some Hindu religious practices and this temple became thepart of life for both the religions (Northey and Morris, 1974). Gurkha becameHinduized completely when they came in contact with Hindu shelters duringthe incursion of Turka in India. Above all these changes, they were very differentfrom Indian Hindus. But when they came to India they adopted the ideologiesand practices of Indian Hindu Religion.

Belief in local deity is very common in Indian Hindu culture. For welfare of communityand village, villagers organize some kind of worship which is limited to that village onlywhere it is performed. Sansari Devi puja is such a worship of local deity which is doneby Gurkha of Karbary Grant. Sansari term is feminine form of the Hindi word ‘Sansar’which means world. Therefore Sansari Puja refers to the worship of goddess of the world.

Sacred Holy Teak trees: There is couple of teak trees in the jungle, in the vicinity of thevillage, which are considered sacred by the natives. Beneath the trees the place is usedfor worshipping the deity – “Sansari Devi”. This place is cleaned on the day of worshipof Sansari Devi.

Sl.No. Name of Title Name of Scholar Year


Sacred River Yamuna: This is situated at outside of the village Karbary grant.After the Sansari Devi ritual performance the palanquin is left in the flow ofriver Yamuna for the next village.

Religious belief system of Gurkhali community can be seen in different festivals.It becomes more clear when one looks at this special worship. This is a purposiveworship of village goddess. Each member from Gurkhali community of thisvillage takes part in the Sansari Devi Puja (worship). This worship is done toplease goddess Sansari to avoid epidemic attack on the villagers. The time ofstarting of this worship is not very clear. It is said that once a large number ofpeople of this community died due to epidemic. This was only known reasonof starting this ritual to please Sansari Devi. Now it has been tradition andinseparable part of the villagers’ life. It is celebrated on the Saturday proceedingto Chaitra Navaratra each year.

It is very interesting and very long process. It takes a whole day in celebration.This festival is being participated by Gurkhali of this village only. Preparationfor this celebration is started about 15 days prior to the day of worship. Eachfamily is imposed for equal contribution for the worship. Contributions arecollected by a team constituted by village headman (this village head man iselected by Gurkhali community traditionally and not through present democraticelection system). Each family is expected to donate what is decided in commonmeeting. But contribution is not strictly imposed to any household. It was toldthat till the date of today (the day when Sansari Devi worship was going onduring this research work) no such case was found in the village either to ignoreor deny the donation.

In the headship of Headman of village, a committee is organized apart from thecaste identification, and duties are announced in a common meeting of Gurkhalicommunity and a notice is tagged on notice board in the village PanchayatiBhawan showing the duties and responsibilities of the concerned people. Regardingthis, nine committees are being constituted.

1. Pujari: This is very important committee. This committee purchases the articles/items related to worship and also provide help to priest in imparting life in theidol of Sansari Devi.

2. Purchasing committee: This committee purchases the goat.

3. Committee for caring of: This committee cares of the goat by proving foodand security.

4. Committee for sacrificing the goat.

5. Committee for construction of palanquin.

6. Committee to make the temple clean.

7. Committee for cooking the Prasad.

8. Committee for collection the community pots.

9. Committee for severing into pieces the meat.

The reason behind the constitution of such committees is done to make clarity inresponsibilities but members are not limited to their committees only but they are alsoexpected to be cooperative with other groups also. But on the day of celebration theycome together to participate jointly. On the day of celebration, each member of thiscommunity from this village starts to get together at one end of village in morning.

The process of the celebration is very complex. It starts with the building of a palanquin.This palanquin is built by concerned committee members. This is made with the help ofbamboo strips, woods, papers and cloths of red-brown color. After the construction of thepalanquin, an idol of Ma Sansari Devi made up of wheat flours is posited in palanquinand with enchanting of hymns the ceremony of imparting life in the idol is completed.Priest is called from other village if not available in the village. But generally they havetheir own priest in the village. Present priest of the village is from Nepal but he hascompleted his religious study from Hardwar. He is not from Gurkha community butBrahmin by caste. He performs sacred duties not only for Gurkha but also goes to cityareas in the search of job.

In case of Sansari Devi also coexistence of both the traditions is visible. In palanquintraditionally only the idol of Sansari Devi made up of flour was kept but now they keepsome photographs of some other goddesses viz. Durga, Laxmi, etc, also. They decoratethis palanquin with different electrical items. Thus, they are adopting great tradition inthis celebration also.

A notice (Translated into English by the researcher) representing responsibilities ofmembers during Sansari Devi Worship

Sl. No. Name of the Sacred Specialists Responsibilities

1. Chandra Singh Gurung Worship

2. Shamsher Singh Chhetri

3. Manoj Kumar Mall To purchase Goat

4. Sunil Thakur

5. Surendra Gurung

6. Rahul Chhetri

7. Surendra Gurung To take care the Goat

8. Nakta Bahadur Thapa To slaughter of the Goat

9. Devendra Chhetri

10. Setu Rana To Construct and prepare the Palanquin

11. Manoj Kumar Mall

12. Nat Bahadur Gurung

13. Ram Kishan Sahi

14. Sudhir Thakur

15. Sudhis Lala To clean of the temple

16. Surendra Gurung

17. Sunil Thakur


18. Sachin and pary

19. Ashok Thapa To Distribute the Prasad

20. Rahul Chhetri

21. Ram Kihsn Shahi

22. Deepak Thapa

23. Shamsher Thapa

24. Nim Bahadur Gurung

25. Sudhir Thakur To carry and to collect the pots

26. Sumit27. Vipin

28. Miridul

29. Sachin

30. Tapan

31. Rakku

32. Vinay

33. Nakta Bahadur Thapa To make the pieces of Goat

34. Rudra Bahadur Khatri

35. Devendra Chhetri

36. Sachin

37. Sunil Thakur

38. Sumit

39. Vipinn

40. Mridul

41. Tapan

42. Rakku and Party

43. Santosh Thapa

44. Sandeep Thapa

After imparting the life in the idol of Goddess Sansari, three pots (Lota) of copper isdecorated with leaves of mango and flower and filled with water. With imparting life inthe idol people shout slogans in the name of Sansari Devi. After the completion of this,three girls come to take three sacred water pots each on ones’ head. Girls may be fromany family regardless the caste (the selection of the girls are not done already but on spotgirls are called even any girl may take the sacred pot without calling for). Following those,four people give their shoulders to lift up palanquin which is followed by some drummersalso. Now gradually this procession move forward from one end of the village to another.People from each household wait for this palanquin at their doors. When the palanquinreaches their door, it is welcomed and females do the ceremony of Arti (moving a lightedlamp in circular path before the goddess). The palanquin moves very slowly in the villagewith the shouting of names of ‘Sansari Devi ki Jai’ and takes stop at each door in theGurkha hamlet. People from each household worship for palanquin and pay their reverenceswith Arti and after this they join the procession as the member of this splendid and sacred

journey. In this way the palanquin leads from one end to the other end of the village. Thisjourney ends in jungle at sacred groves (Teak tree) to perform puja at its root. Every yearthis journey ends at the same sacred groves. Thus, the root of these sacred groves hasbecome a part of this traditional ceremony.

Now worship of the goddess is started under the teak tree. The place where palanquinis put is made very clean and it is polished with mud and cow dung. Same process is donein the root of sacred groves, the Teak tree. A small place is made for worship in root ofthe teak tree. This place is decorated with the help of sacred water pots carried by threegirls (Kalash) and one Kalash is put with a coconut over it and all the Kalash are occupiedwith water and mango leaves. Two attractive rangolis (decorative figurines) are also madewith wheat flour of different colors. A special pot (Thali) is prepared for worship anddecorated with sacred rice (Achhat), Turmeric powder, Curd, Sandal Powder, Doob (asacred grass for Hindus), etc and put it in the middle of one rangoli. After the completepreparation of puja, four to five persons (not fixed) from the village participate in worship(here the people who will participate in the fire sacrifice are decided already but anyonecan participate in the sacrifice performance from the village of Gurkhali community).Priest enchants hymns and calls all the gods and goddesses on this occasion in ‘Sanskirit’.After completion of a single hymn sacred performance of sacrificing the sacred itemsviz. water, rice, (Achhat), fire is done by the participants. Sacrifice of all the sacred itemsis done only by a single participant sitting near the sacrifice spot whereas others keep ontouching the body of sacrificer during the whole process of worship. During this worship,name of Sansari Devi is also taken several times with other gods and goddesses. Thisworship process takes about 1 and 1/2 hours.

During this worship some villagers are engaged in cooking ‘Rota’ (a very form of breadmade up of flour). This is distributed as Prasad after completion of worship among theGurkhali community members. After the completion of this worship a group of youngsterscarry the palanquin on their shoulders and go to float the palanquin in the flow of SacredRiver Yamuna. Remaining villagers stay in jungle for other sacred performances. In pastthe palanquin was left at the border of next village and people of next village waited forthis palanquin and then they do same process as done by Gurkhali community. It was sodone because this celebration was done to check the impact of epidemic disease on thepopulation. It is believed that all the diseases of the village are indulged in the palanquinduring the circumambulation in the village. This is the reason why Palanquin is taken toeach door in the village from one end to another. Same performances were done by theneighbor villages to dispose the impact of diseases very far from the village limit. Butpresently Karbary grant villagers (Gurkhali) celebrate this occasion only and they leavepalanquin in Yamuna River. Now a couple of pigeon is left free. This is done as a symbolof peace from very immemorial time. The pots (Lota) after the completion of worshipare donated to the priest the sacred specialist.

Now the Gurkhali wait for their share of ‘Parasad’. As Prasad, very big bread called‘Rota’ is cooked and divided into equal shares in same number as per the numbers ofhouseholds are Gurkhali hamlet. This distribution is followed by sacrifice of a Male-goat.

The pieces of the meat of goat are also distributed equally into same number as per thenumber of households is in the Gurkha Hamlet. After the distribution of the Prasad people

Sl. No. Name of the Sacred Specialists Responsibilities


cannot go to their home with meat. They have to cook the meat outside the village. Onthis occasion, Gurkhali call their relatives also. Each household cooks meat separately.They purchase more meat from market as per family requirement but it cannot be addedwith Prasad. Till the completion of this Puja, they cannot have food-intake. Thus, theycook their food this day as a celebration with relatives. In the evening they return to theirhomes. Almost all Gurkhali are non- vegetarian but some are vegetarian. Such Gurkhalifamily or members give their Prasad to others of their community member.

Generally, Brahmins do the sacred performances for their society but in Gurkha communityGurkha Brahmins do not participate in such activities even there are two families of Brahminsin Gurkhali hamlet. Thus, though there is no specific priest in the village from Gurkhaliethnic group. They fulfill their requirement by calling priest from nearby villages. Presently,there is a priest who is living in the village in a rented house. He is basically from Nepalbut has acquired religious knowledge in Hardwar (Hardwar is famous and well known forcenters of religious teachings for the Hindus). He works as priest for the villagers and alsogoes to Dehradun city in search of priesthood job. He works as priest during marriageceremony in the village and outside the village also. Villagers are free to call any otherpriest from other village if require instead of a priest in the village. But they prefer to thepriest available in the village.

1. Sacred Complex of Manak Siddha Baba Temple: - This is very ancient temple andaccording to the locals it is a Siddha (Proved) place. It is believed that Manak Baba hadfour brothers and all were saints. They were pious persons of Lord Shiva. They took trance(Samadhi) at the place of their meditation in the four directions of district Dehradun andall these sites are popular today as Siddha Peetha. Siddha means proved and Peetha isgenerally used for a place in the religious context. It is one of the four Siddha Peeth situatedin or nearby Dehradun. The glory of this temple is very far away. In winter very few pilgrimscome to visit this sacred center but in summer the number of pilgrims’ increases to somewhat100 – 150 daily sometimes 500 per day. During summer, on each Sunday a sacred feast isorganized in the campus of this temple. This is organized by the locals. For this collaborativeorganization, locals contribute work and wealth for the arrangement of required materials.

Another sacred specialist is priest of Manak Siddha Baba Mandir. He has only responsibilityto watch over the temple and manage the rituals in the temple time to time. He does notdo door to door priest-hood but he looks after only the Manak Siddha Baba temple. Thereis a condition for being priest of the Manak Siddha Baba Temple that he should not bemarried.

Original Sacred Center of Manak Siddha Baba Temple: The original place of this temple(shown in the picture given above) is about 3 km inside the forest from present temple.Manak Siddha Baba is sitting here in the form of a stone. There is a shivalinga near ManakSiddha Baba. This indicates that he was a devout sage of Lord Shiva. This place is surroundedby Mango trees. At this place there is a cemented platform. Just beneath the stairs there isa sacrifice hole.

This center was not safe in past and it was not convenient for the pilgrims to visit it. Hence,a priest of this temple took a small part of stone from original place and kept it on presentsite. Thus, darshan (a holy visit) of Manak-Siddha Baba is made convenient to all thepilgrims. Visitors pay their visit to the original temple in summer and in day in all theseasons.

Presently the temple is situated at the border of Jungle and it has taken the complex formwith the several other gods temple in comparison to the original one. In the campus ofthe new temple (an outline is given in the appendices of this report), there is a templeof Lord Shiva, Lord Narshingha, and a Shivalinga. There is a sacrifice hole in the campusof this temple also. Besides these, there is a Dhuni (a very big Homalaya) where sacredwoods and materials continuously burn.

At Manak Siddha Baba temple, treacle (jiggery) is considered as sacred thing andtraditionally it is offered to Manak Siddha Baba, and since it is limited to this sacredcenter and not offered commonly to any sacred center hence it is a feature of little tradition.But, since, devotees are in contact with other religious centers also; hence presently theyoffer other sacred things like milk and other sweets of milk but rarely. Later has beengreat tradition because it is widespread. Thus, there is coexistence of both the traditions.

This temple is under the supervision of villagers of Karbary Grant. Previously, this templewas under the jurisdiction of the saints of this temple but as about three generations ago,a saint tried to transfer the property to his son. When villagers came to know about thisactivity, they decided to constitute a committee. In beginning, Garhwali were the onlymembers but later on Gurkhali were also started to become the member of this committee.Thus, presently it has been under supervision of both the communities. Presently, thereis a President, a Secretary, a Treasurer and six other members in this committee.

This temple is visited by all the religious people but Muslims come furtively as idolworship is not permitted in Islam religion. From March to August, pilgrims come in largernumber and they organize feast. Before organization of the feast, it is required to takethe permission from the chairman of the temple committee. This rule is made so thatcleanness in the temple campus can be ascertained.

Annually, a feast is organized by the temple management on any Sunday in May, generallyon first Sunday. The decision on feast is taken in a common meeting generally held inthe last week of April. For it, major contribution is done by the villagers of Karbary Grantand management is done by the priest of the temple but people from outside village canalso contribute in this feast and they do in a great number. As contribution, devout givesweet made of sugarcane, locally called Gur (Jiggery), milk, cereals, etc. In this templeGur (Jiggery), is reputedly offered.

Besides this feast, an Akhand Ramayana Path is organized by temple committee in ChaitraMonth on eighth day of Navratra i.e. nine day holy celebration in the name of nineincarnations of Goddess Durga (a female Hindu deity). This is organized in the supervisionof villagers and priest of the temple. Reciters come from the village but reciters are alsocalled from other villages on payment to make successful the ritual.

Gurkhas are very religious from very beginning. They were tribal Buddhists but theirdoctrine and practices were different from other Buddhists since they were in contactwith Nepali Hindus also. They believed in Hindu as well as in Buddhism. But when theycame in contact afffinally of Indian Hindus (Kshatriya), they could not keep untouchedthemselves from Hinduism and from its doctrines and practices.


Although, some lax in their religious obersavances, these mountain people were veryfond of displaying of dancing, music, and general hilarity which were considered anindispensible adjunct to the majority of Hindu festivals. It just follows that these festivals,which differ but little from those practiced in Hindustan are celebrated throughout thelength and breadth of the country with great enthusiasm. (Northey and Morris, 1974)

Even hierarchal social structure was not in vogue in Gurkha society. Like other tribalsociety their society was harmonious and no social discrimination was like it is in Hindusociety. But when they came in the contact of Hindu society they adopted the hierarchicalsystem in their society. Even it is given in the history that Brahmins the highest castecame into existence very later in the Gurkha society, probably when they came to India.Presently hierarchical system is prevalent among the Karbary grant Gurkhas but feelingof un-touchability is totally absent among them.

3. Sacred Complex of Barah Bhagwan Temple: - This is located in the middle of thevillage. This temple is supervised by the Gurkhali. In this temple there is an idol ofBarah Bhagwan. Presence of believe in Barah Bhagwan was very extraordinary initself because it was first chance in when researcher could know about the worshipof Barah Bhagwan.

Hindu religious texts say that Lord Vishnu had taken several incarnations on this earthto kill demons. Barah is one of those incarnations. In Hindu religion, Lord Vishnu hasvery good status but there are only two incarnations which are commonly worshipped,one is of Lord Ram and other is of Lord Krishna. It was very interesting for researcherto know that Gurkhali worship the Barah Bhagwan daily. But in the month of April aspecial celebration for the Barah Bhagwan is done by the Gurkhali. This ceremony wasstarted about four years ago and now it is celebrated every year. On this day they organize‘Akhand Ramayana reciting’ and then they sing and dance overnight. They enjoy thisoccasion and invite their relatives for the celebration which is followed by feast also.

So far as the sacred specialist at Barah Bhagwan temple is concerned, there is no specialsacred specialist is. Villagers are the true worshippers at this center.

Coexistence of both the traditions (Little and great traditions) is seemingly present in thereciting of Akhand Ramayan during annual worship of Barah Bhagwan. This reciting ispart of great tradition which was about four years ago associated with traditional BarahBhagwan worship and now has been part of the celebration. Thus, they celebrate BarahBhagwan worship day traditionally but has been adapted reciting Akhand Ramayanawhich represents great tradition.

Festivals performed by the Gurkha community:

1. Sostanik Pooja: - It is very important for Gurkhali. It is celebrated during Magh(January- February) every year for a period of one month. This festival is describedin Skanda Puran. On this occasion they worship their domestic deity and keep fast.

2. Haritalika Tees: - It is a festival for long life of husband. On this occasion femaleskeep fast for the long life of their husbands. Throughout the day females do not drink

water and even do not allow touch of water to their lips. In evening, females washfeet of their husbands and drink same water used to wash the feet of their husbandsto break their fast. This way, they complete their fast. This is celebrated during Shravanmonth on the day of Chauth (Fourth day after full lunar).

3. Kuldevata Pooja: - This is celebrated in Jyesthaya month according to Hindu calendar.The date of worship varies from household to household. On this occasion femalesare not allowed to participate in worship and only males do worship of Kul Devta andthe ancestors. This celebration is done in the old houses of the Gurkhas and hencethey keep their old houses even after they have brick made buildings. Mainly, this isa kind of ancestor worship. The prasad (sacred food offerings distributed after thecompletion of any worship in the name gods and goddesses) cannot be distributed tothe members of other families even it cannot be distributed to the relatives. This isthe only celebration among Gurkha community in which they cannot invite theirrelatives.

Besides all above, Gurkhas celebrate all the Hindu festivals like diwali, Holi, RaksaBandhan etc. The other main festival (except above) of the Gurkha is daisan which ispopularly called as Deshahara in India. In ancient period even Gurkhas celebrate all theten days but they celebrated especially last four days of this festival. They called thesedays with different names viz. seventh day Phulpati, Astami, Naumi, and Dashami toseventh, eighth, ninth and tenth respectively. Especially eighth day they celebrated veryspecially. On this day, they scarified buffaloes or goats. But presently it is not ubiquitousin Karbary grant and they celebrate the Deshahara with very reverence.

Changes in Belief System: - It was the presumption of the researcher about this fieldthat it would be a traditional village and structure of this village might give me some newresults regarding the reasons why religious belief system is changing. Generally we thinkthat today is a time of complex economy and youngsters face a hardcore problem oflivelihood. They give their all time to plan for future security. Thus, they cannot give timeto religious activities. This is very common idea one may think in case of towns and citieswhere primary sources of income are other than agriculture. But in case of a village,population primarily depends on agricultural practices and situation is completely differentin the villages. With above presumption that they are villagers and agriculturists, Researcherthought that reasons of changes in belief system would be related to agricultural practices.But the scenario in this village was different. This village falls under village list ingovernment record but the look of village and their ways of living are not like villagersbut like that of town. It is so because they are near to city but several families have atleast one government job. Almost all families visit Dehradun (nearest city to the village)daily. It means, they are in direct contact with urban culture regularly. Hence, they haveadopted several urban cultural elements. Along with this, they are good agriculturistsalso. Thus, they lie somewhere in between urban and rural culture that was beyond myimagination prior to the field visit.

Females of Gurkhali community keep all religious fasts throughout year. Even in allfamilies, only females take participation in religious performances in houses. In maximum


cases, males accept that they visit temples with their wives. Males have not visited anytemple with their own consents but with wife’s. But one thing was very interesting that“they have more belief in religion presently in comparison to past. In past, they had nomore knowledge about religion. They knew only the names of gods and goddesses. Theywere depended on priests for a simple worship also. They could never worship daily butnow they can read religious texts and can understand the meanings. They do not have tocall priest for regular worship. They require priest on special occasion only.”

Thus they have belief that they are more religious at present. One reason what they findbehind it, is the means of communication. They reported that they like to see all thereligious programs telecasted by different TV channels. This has also given themsupport to know more about religion. Accessibility of religious texts has also becomevery easy now.

When religious belief is compared among three generations, it is very clear that youngstersare very casual towards religion whereas elders especially those who are above 50 yearsare serious towards religion i.e. they generally worship daily. But when youngstersespecially males start any new work, they believe to start with the taking of the name ofgods and goddesses. But they regularly do not go to temple for worship. Yet they denysaying that they have no belief in religion.

At present Gurkha are Hindu by religion but some have visited the shrines of other religionnearby Dehradun but not for the purpose of worship but those were part of their tourism.Each family makes a temple in their houses. They worship daily in their houses andoccasionally they visit the temples. They generally visit Manak Siddha temple butsometimes visit temples situated in the nearby villages and in Dehradun city, viz.Tapkeshwar temple in Dehradun, Dat wali ma temple on Dehradun- Shimla highway.Very few members from this ethnic group have also visited temples like Vaishno Devitemple in Jammu, Golden temple in Amritsar, etc. In some families if any person performsreligious performances especially elder one and generally females, no other family memberdoes sacred performances in the domestic temple because it is so believed that at least asingle member from the family should light the lamp and Agarbatti before the gods andgoddesses while other family members may do also but not necessarily.

In some cases of Gurkha community, change in religious pattern is not very clear. In caseof Sansari Devi worship they seemed to be very traditional. Even all enjoy this worshipbut size of gathering is decreasing. They go to collect Prasad because they fear from thecurse of goddess but they do not go to participate in rituals. In past after the gatheringof all the members of this community from the village, the celebration took place. Butnow a day, people wait for palanquin at door and they come to jungle after some timewhen they think that worship has been completed. Even there are some who never comein this celebration and a member of his family goes to collect Prasad.

In many cases people like to adopt the changes. In case of religion also it is followed.Actually in many cases, people could not get achievement what they expect from anyvisit of sacred center or doing sacred performances. Hence, people always try to find new

trend in religious belief so that they can achieve their wish. Thus, acceptable changesimmediately become part of religion.

Another thing is curiosity of human being to know and adopt new things. When anindividual comes in contact with other community or society and he finds any interestingperformance that may helpful to get the desired results so he tries to adopt that. This isanother fact which introduces changes in cultural body of society.

Conclusion

This report is focusing majorly on the set up of sacred complex in the Gurkhali hamletof Karbary Grant village. Starting from the sacred complex of SansariDevi worship it ends at the changing pattern of religious belief system.

The first and the most important sacred complex is sacred complex of Sansari Devi.Though, in Karbary grant village, the sacred geography may be divided into three partsfirst is Sansari Devi worship centers which are scattered in the Gurkha hamlet of thevillage. Second is of Manak Siddha Baba temple, and third is Barah Bhagwan temple.In this report all the temple is taken as sacred complex independently.

Sacred complex of Sansari Devi is union of the centers where the worship is done, sacredspecialist who perform the worship along with the participants and sacred performances.Sansari Devi festival is celebrated with very reverence. It took a whole day for celebrationand preparation is started very before to the commencement of the day of worship. Thisis celebrated for the welfare of the society by disposing the epidemics (it is so believedthat all the diseases are taken into the palanquin by the goddess Sansari Devi during theworship and with such believe palanquin is taken at each door of the Gurkhali villagehamlet) outside the village boundary with the palanquin. This worship is one type ofremedial worship done for the healthy society of the Gurkha.

Sacred complex of Manak Siddha Baba temple is union of the sacred centers viz. ManakSiddha Baba Temple, Shivalaya, Narsingha Temple, sacred specialist who supervise thetemple and third is the annual Bhandara celebrated at this complex. Manak Siddha Babatemple was represented by a throne of stone and situated in the middle part of jungle. Itwas not at the safe place for the pilgrims. Later on a part of the stone is brought from theforest to the outside of the forest to make more convenient for the pilgrims. Presently,this temple has taken the form of a sacred cluster including the temple of Shiva, NarshinghaBhagwan and Shivalinga along with Manak Siddha Baba temple. This temple is visitedby a sacred specialist deployed by the villagers. Sacred specialist should be unmarried.Annual feast is the most popular festival at this sacred center celebrated by the villagers.

Same way sacred center of Barah Bhagwan temple comprises of Barah Bhagwan templeand the sacred performance the reciting of Akhand Ramayana. Since there is no sacredspecialist at this center, hence he is not included but the villagers are discussed only assacred specialists. Next sacred center is Barah Bhagwan temple which is located in the


middle of the temple. This is constructed about few decades back. Villagers are thesupervisor and the only worshippers. At this center in the month of April a specialcelebration for the Barah Bhagwan is done by the Gurkhali. This ceremony was startedabout four years ago and now it is celebrated every year. On this day they organize‘Akhand Ramayana reciting’ and then they sing and dance overnight.

Finally, focus on the changes on religious belief system is explained in the reference ofGurkha which lies on some parameters. Ultimately it determines the way of life in thesociety and up to some level members from each society demands automatically changesfor their better survival. If changes are acceptable to all the members then these becomethe part of religion otherwise it may take form of a new cult. Acceptance of changes isnot a fast process but it happens very slowly and one cannot understand it immediately.Since, religion is related to faith in unseen power, hence, people fear primarily to adaptthe changes but steadily they try to adapt these changes in their life. Undoubtedly, changesin belief system exist but it does not mean that impact of religion is decreasing orincreasing. It is a subjective phenomenon. If we say it is decreasing it may be concludedby the fact that people cannot give time for the rituals which take more time like AkhandRamayana, Sri Mad-Bhagwat Geeta Path, etc. because it takes several days. Whereas ifwe say it is increasing it may be concluded from the fact that they like to give theirvaluable time in worship by their own mode. Thus, religious belief system is modifyingand we cannot study this change on the basis of decreasing or increasing impact but whatcan be studied only the modified form of belief system and whenever these changes arenot acceptable, new cult or religion comes into existence.

Thus, change in religious belief system is a continuous process. Sometimes people couldnot know how those changes came but when they compare from their past they findchanges but sometimes they adopt some cultural elements in a very natural way also likethe reciting of Akhand Ramayana on the occasion of Barah Bhagwan worship. But, theutmost important thing is coexistence of little and great traditions. In context of religion,Gurkha is very simple society but here coexistence of little and great traditions is frequentlypresented.

Bibliography

Jha, Makhan 1971 The Sacred Complex of Janakpur in Nepal:Allahabad, The United Publishers.

Jha, Makhan 1978 Aspects Of a Great Traditional City in Nepal,Varansai, Kishor Vidyaniketan,.

Mair, Lucy 1965 An Introduction to Social Anthropology; New Delhi,Oxford University Press.

Northey, W.B. and 1974 The Gurkhas; Delhi, Cosmo Publications.C. J. Morris

Sharma, Prayag Raj 1968 The Nepalese Culture: Its Historuical Background;Nepal Review 1:2, pp.7-16

Singer, Milton 1975 Traditional India: Structure and Change, Chicago.

Singer, Milton 1958 Structure and Change in Indian society, Chicago.

Vidyarthi, L.P. 1961 Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya; Bombay : AsiaPublishing House.

496 Jr. Anth. Survey of India, 61 : 2 (497-507), 2012

Migration pattern and kinship systemamong Gurkha community in Karbari Grants,

Dehradun - A critical appraisalto bio-social perspective.

Mr. Subrata Kundu1

ABSTRACT

The Gurkha community are originally from Nepal but after migration to this area theirculture somewhere differes from their natal place. The present paper highlights abouttheir kinship system. In Himalayan region each community has terms of relationship forboth paternal and maternal lines and also acknowledges bilateral kinship.

INTRODUCTIONAt the end of the twentieth century the complex career path of one of anthropology’smost famous domains of inquiry-kinship about to take another unexpected turn. Studiesin kinship and the related institutions of marriage and family, have until recently beencentral to anthropological investigation and debate. As Ladislav Holy remarks (1996:1)“if there was a subject which anthropologist could have rightly claimed to be their own,it was kinship”, and thus the problem of handling the topic of kinship cross- culturallyis the key to understanding the historical development of a large majority of anthropology’scentral analysis concept theories and methods.

The issue of kinship becomes therefore the topic through which the most able minds inthe history of anthropology could display their erudition. As a result, kinship was thataspect of social life that become the linchpin for the unfolding of all the grand paradigmsof though within anthropology, whether it be Morgan’s narrative of evolutionism (1871)of Malinowski’s of functionalism (1930), Redcliffe Brown’s of structural-functionalism(1962 [1952]), Levi - Strass’s of structuralism (1969a [1949]). As Robin Fox couldcomment in (1967:10) ‘kinship is to anthropology what logic is to philosophy or the nudeis to art; it is the basic discipline of the subject.’

Today anthropologist demonstrates such a decided lack of interest in the topic of kinshipthat it is tempting to declare it no longer to be a key concept. According to David Schneider

1Projeet Research Assistant, Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun.

(1984) ‘kinship studies were the heart beat of the discipline of anthropology. All the perilsof the modernist stories through which anthropology develop as a field of study arehighlighted in those passionate debates about the substance of kinship.’ (Rapport &Overing, 2000: 217)

In Himalayan region, every community has terms of relationship for both the paternaland maternal lines and in so far acknowledges bilateral kinship. The two sides of thefamily are reckoned with not only join vocabulary but in customary law, definite functionsbeing associated with definite types of relationship. (Parmar, 1975:151)

Area and PeopleGurkha Community Of Karbari Grant, Sahas Pur, DehradunKarbari Grant is a village of Dehradun district of Uttarakhand state. It is situated between30° 35 N latitude and 77° 94' E longitudes. Karbari Grant is a village in Sahaspur block(vikaskhand). The village Karbari Grant is situate of 14 km. far from proper Dehradun.The village is multi ethnic. The major population of the village is Gurkha and other fewfamilies like Garhwali, Punjabi etc. reside there. Total number of house-holds of KarbariGrant village is 322 and total population is 1590. Among the total population, numberof male is 758 and number of female is 832. Sex ratio: 1098 (female per 1000 male).Literacy rate of this Gurkha population of Karbari Grant village is 79.33 % (Census ofIndia, 2001).

498 499

Administrative Location

Village : Karbari Grant

Vikaskhand (Block) : Sahaspur

Tehsil : Vikas Naga

District : Dehradun

State : Uttarakhand

Total Population : 1590

a) Male : 758

b) Female : 832

About the Gurkha Karbari Grant

The Gurkha Karbari hamlet is mostly populated by Gurkhas along with a few Garhwalifamilies and a Punjabi family residing in it. The Hamlet had about 104 Gurkha Householdswith a population of about 529.

About the Community of Gurkha of the Village Karbari Grant

The Gurkha people of this Karbari Grant are originally Nepal origin but though theirculture somewhere differs from original Nepali culture in many aspects. Marriage cantake place at any time after the age of 7. It is considered good to get a girl married beforeshe reaches the age of 13. But now this concept is almost change. If a boy without beingengaged to her meets a girl, fall in love, run away and marries her, he and his bride cannotapproach the girl’s father until called by him. When the father-in-law relents, he will sendword telling the boy that he may present himself with his wife at his home on a certainhour of a certain day. On their arrival the father-in-law will paint a spot on their foreheadswith a mixture of rice and dahi (Tika Dinnu Garnu) and then the boy and girl will haveto make submission by bending down and saluting him. This is usually the Gurkha peopledenoted “Dhok Dinnu”.

Amongst Magars it is customary for marriage to be performed by Brahmans, and theceremony is conducted in much the same way as the ordinary Hindu Marriage.

These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each otherusually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi withoutsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everythingis same with Hindu kinship system culture. Not they use their own kinship terminology.They use to call ‘Baba ’ for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’and grandmother is called by 'Bajai’. ‘Dai’ is used for big brother. ‘Nad’ for grandsonand ‘Natini’ are used for granddaughter.

Village Total No. of Households Total No. of Population Total No. of Male Total No. of FemaleKarbari Grant 322 1590 758 832(Census of India, 2001)

Village Literacy Rate Male Literacy Female LiteracyKarbari Grant 79.33% 86.41% 72.97%

(Census of India, 2001)

Total Male Total FemalePopulation Population

Male LiteracyRate (%)

Female LiteracyRate (%)

% of Male % of FemalePopulation Population

Migration pattern ......... bio-social perspective Mr. Subrata Kundu

500 501

1. Older Generations (continued)

Mused Mother’s sister’s family (Mused bhai - mother’ssister’s son)

(X) Amongst Gurungs and Tamangs only wife’s father

(Y) Amongst Gurungs and Tamangs only wife’s mother

A Gurung’s, or Tamang’s, wife’s parents are known by the same termas that used for father’s sister and mother’s brother because the sonor daughter, i.e. Solti or Soltini, of either of these relatives is thecorrect and usual marriage partner.

(b) The undermentioned four pairs of synonymous terms vary fromfamily to family in their particular application:

Father’s elder brotherHusband of mother’s elder Hsister (locally -Mother’s [elderbrother)

Mother’s elder sister Wife offather’s elder brother, Father’sfirst wife (locally - father’selder sister)

N.B : Bara ama - Grandmother, sometimes.

Father’s younger brotherHusband of mother’s youngersister. Mother’s secondhusband (locally - Mother’syounger brother)

Mother’s younger sister Wifeof father’s younger brotherFather’s co-wife Step-mother(locally -father’s youngersister)

2. Own Generations

Daju (Dai) Elder brother (loosely - cousin)

Bhai Younger brother (loosely - cousin)

Didi Elder sister (loosely - cousin; also elderbrother-in-law’s wife)

Baini Younger sister (loosely - cousin; alsoyounger brother-in-law’s wife)

Bhauyu Sister in-law (wife of Daju)

Bhena (Bhinajyu) Brother-in-law (husband of Didi)

Jethajyu Brother-in-law (husband’s elder brother)

Jethan Brother-in-law (wife’s elder brother)

2. Own Generation (continued)

Dewar Brother-in-law (husband’s youngerbrother)

Sala Brother-in-law (wife’s younger brother;also a term of abuse for anyone else:Magars only - son of mother’s sister)

Sali Sister-in-law (wife’s younger sister;Magars only - daughter of mother’ssister)

Amaju Sister-in-law (husband’s elder sister)

Nanda Sister-in-law (husband’s younger sister)

Amaju daju Brother-in-law (husband of Amaju)

Nanda daju Brother-in-law (husband of Nanda)

Jethan didi Sister-in-law (wife of Jethan; also wife’selder sister)

Dewarani (Dewarani bhaini) Sister-in-law (wife of Dewar; alsohusband’s younger sister)

Solti Brother-in-law or sister-in-low (brotheror sister of brother’s wife or sister’shusband; also cousin; also boy friend;Gurungs and Tamangs only - Mother’sbrother’s child)

Soltini Sometimes used for female Solti (alsogirl friend)

Sant bhai, Sam daju Brother-in-law (wife’s sister’s husband)

Logne (Poi) Husband (wife may call him Swami)

Swasni (Joi) Wife (her parents’ home is ‘Mait’)

Santa Co-wife

3. Younger Generation

Chhoro Son (locally - specially among Gurungs,brother’s son; loosely - nephew, orwife’s sister’s son)

Chhori Daughter (locally -specially amongGurungs, brother’s daughter; loosely- niece or co-wife’s sister’s daughter)

Nati Grandson (alsogreat-nephew, sister’sson’s child)

Natini Granddaughter (also great-niece,sister’s son’s child)

Panati Great-grandson

Panatini Great-granddaughter

(i) Jethababu (Jethaba)Thulobabu (Bara babu)

(ii) Jethi amaThuli ama (Bari ama)

(iii) Kanchho ba (babu)Sana babu

(iv) Kanchhi amaSani ama

Uncle

Aunt

Uncle

Aunt

i. Older Generations(a) Jiju Great-grandfather (Jiju-baje haru... forefathers)

Jiju ama (Jyama) Great-grandmother; ancestressBaje Grandfather (pat. Ghara ko baje; mat. Maula ko baje)Bajai (Bajyai) Grandmother (pat. Ghara ki bajai; mat. Mania ki bajai)Babu (Ba) Father (loosely - uncle)Ama Mother (loosely - aunt; Ama babu, parents; Dudh ama... foster mother)Sasura Father-in-law (loosely - sister’s husband’s father)Sasu Mother-in-law (loosely, her sister; also loosely... sister’s husband’s mother and wife’s

elder sister; or locally... wife of brother’s son; also, Sasu bajai... mother-in-law)Jethaba/Kaka Uncle (father’s elder / younger brother; loosely... mother’s sister’s husband)Mama (X) Uncle (Mother’s elder or younger brother)Phupu (Y) Aunt (Father’s elder or younger sister)Chhyama Aunt (Mother’s elder or younger sister)Phupajyo (Pusai) Kaki Uncle (husband of Phupu)Maiju Aunt (wife of KLaka; locally - mother’s elder or younger sister) Aunt (wife of Mama;

loosely - mother-in-law)

3. Younger Generation (continued)

Bhatijo Nephew (elder or young brother’s son)

Bhanjo (Bhanij) Nephew (elder or younger sister’s son; or locally - son of female cousin)

Bhatiji Niece (elder or younger brother’s daughter)

Bhanji Niece (elder or younger sister’s daughter; also wife of Bhanjo)

Bhado (Bhadaha) Nephew (a woman’s brother’s or sister’s son)

Bhadai Niece (a woman’s brother’s or sister’s daughter)

Juwain Son-in-law (also brother-in-law, husband of Baini; loosely - niece’s (Bhanji’s husband)

Buhari Daughter-in-law (loosely - also wife of grandson; also sister-in-law (wife of Bhai),or loosely - nephew’s wife)

Bhatije Juwain Nephew-in-law (husband of brother’s daughter)

Bhatije buhari Niece-in-law (wife of brother’s son)

Bhanje juwain Niece-in-law (wife of sister’s son)

Bhanje buhari Niece-in-law (w7ife of sister’s son)

4. Relations other than Blood

Mit ama The mother or father of a MitMit babu

Mitni Female Mit

Dliarm Putra Adopted son

Dharm Putri Adopted daughter

Ranra Widower

Ranri Widow

Samdi This is the relationship between the parents of a man and his wife. Thus if A marries B,Samdini their respective parents are Samdi and Samdini to each other

Jhadkelo Prefix added to step-children

Jamlyaha (Jaumle) Twins


502 503

Objective1. To create historical reconstruction and migratory pattern and marriage distance.

2. To create the database of genealogy of Gurkha societies.

3. To collect their family data, taboos, relation among family members and other relatedpeople of said society.

4. To make a study on the basis of their disease pattern among the population of Gurkhasociety in Gurkha Karbari Grant.

5. To make a study on the basis of their kinship terminology of this said community.

Methodology

1. Data collected on the population based on:

2. Observation method (Participation)

3. Interview technique (semi structured)

4. Schedule

5. The generated data analyzed by appropriate statistical tools.

DiscussionThe Gurkha community of the Gurkha Karbardi Grant, Dehradun is mainly migratedfrom the country Nepal. Mainly two or three generation ago the Gurkha people camefrom Nepal. These people were ex-military persons for service purpose they come inIndia and resided in Karbari Grant. Few families like Kishan Bahadur Grurng (GenealogyNo. - 33) and his wife Meena Gurung just came from Nepal approx. 6 years ago and hisson, Raju Gurung’s birth place is Nagaland (India). Now he lives in Nepal. Tula RamGurung and his wife Radha Devi (Genealogy No. - 40), they came from Nepal in theyear 1975 and settled in Karbari Grant. Radhika Sharma, wife of Santosh Sharma(Genealogy No. -11) born in Dhangiri (Nepal) and after that marries Santosh (born andlie in India) and live in India. Kishan Bahadur Gurung (Genealogy No. - 46) also a retiredarmy man, came from Nepal in his age 17 years and reside in this village with his family.Another example of Padma Mall family (Genealogy No. - 63). Padma Mall, wode ofRamesh Mall, born and brought up in Nepal but after married she live in India, with ason Parash Mall. Another person named Aanth Veer (Genealogy No. - 81) migrated fromOkhal Danga (Nepal). The people of this village believed that Uttarakhand was a partof Nepal in previous days. After that the Maharaja of Nepal gifted this land to IndianGovernment. They think that this land of their own mother land. That’s why the Gurkhapeople of this village are still in regular contact with Nepal. Few are regular goes in Nepalfor their home town.

Except Nepal few people come from Garhwal side of Uttarakhand. Family of PanchamSingh Thalcur came from Poudi Garhwal. Bahadur Singh (Genealogy No. - 19) camefrom Pithoragarh and after that settled in Gorkha Karbari Grant. From Shila, DhimSingh Thalcur came and settled here. In this village so many people also come fromnearby villages like Chandrabani, SelaQui, Anarwala, Mehuwala, Mobbewala and alsofrom Kaulagarh, Balliwala, Ballupur etc. in Dehradun. There is one Punjabi family lived

in this village named Mahesh Lai Beez (Genealogy No. - 20) whose birth place is Pakistan.His parents are basically Pakistani Punjabi. Fie came in this village through his friendand settled there. His son married with a Delhi girl named Rajni Beez. Household No.-93, (Genealogy No. - 57) Saraswati Devi’s (58 years) grandfather Devi Singh Ranamigrated from Almora. Few people also in this village are migrated from Saharanpurdue to marriage or other purpose.

These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each otherusually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi withoutsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everythingis same with Hindu kinship system culture. Nut they use their own kinship terminology.They use to call ‘Baba ' for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’and grandmother is called by ‘Bajai. ‘Dai’ is use for brother. ‘Natl ’ for grandson and‘Natini’ is use for granddaughter.


CHART SHOWING GURKHA FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS(See also Explanatory Notes)


The Gurkha people are now quite liberal about marriage, with only Gurkha people. Inthis village, there are many families whose sons and daughters married with non-Gurkhapeople. Intercast marriage is now very common in this village. Many Gurkha boys andgirls have marriage in Garhwali community. In Gurkha community, there are many castesystem i.e., Sharma, Khanal, Gautam, Acharya are considered as higher caste {Brahmin).Thakur, Shahi, Chhetri, Mall, considered after Brahmin (Kshetri). And after that all theseGurung, Thapa, Magar etc. are considered as third place. Among Gurung there are fourclasses in higharchy. Lama, Lamcha, Ghala, Godhane is placed respectively.

Now a days intercaste marriages are usually happened in this community of this village.Devendra Singh Chhetri (Genealogy No. - 91) married with Rachna Shahi (Shahi is anupper caste in Gurkha community). Puspa, sister of Devendra Singh Shahi married withan Agarwal family (Vinod Agarwal). There is an example of love-marriage, Neelam Mall(Now Neelam Chhetri) have marriage with Rahul Chhetri (Genealogy No.-92). NeelamMall is sister of Kuldeep Mall, one is famous person in this village. The Gurkha familyin this village marriage their daughter in other caste and also accept other caste’s daughtersas their son’s wife as well. There is only one example of inter-religious marriage. AGurkha girl marriage with a muslim community boy. Another exceptional love marriagein this village is about Pampha Devi (Genealogy No.-l). Her husband name is KeshabBahadur, who is also husband of her (Pampha Devi) elder sister, Pravati Devi. Interestingis, this is happened almost 27 years ago, though at that time it was accepted in her familymembers. But the relation between two sisters and their children are very friendly. Usuallymarriages in own caste are also very common in this Gurkha community in this village.Sahi with Sahi, Sharma with Sharma, Kshetri with Kshetri, Magar with Thapa or Gurungare very common. This Gurkha people get married with also their relative. There is sometaboo in marriage almost like Hindu custom, but in relatives, it is usually practiced. Fewcases are there in this community that one people had married two or more than twowoman (polygyny). Keshab Bahadur (Genealogy No.-l) example is already given above.There is another example of Kishan Bahadur Gurung (Genealogy No.-33), age 68 yearsold. He came from Nepal almost 20 years ago and settled in Gurkha Karbari Grant. Hispresent wife’s name is Meena Gurung. But he had married also two times before whenhe lived in Nepal. And his previous two wives were live together with him. Now thesetwo wives were dead. Raju Gurung (Genealogy No.- 33) is a son of Kishan BahadurGurung and his first wife. He also married (3 times) and now he lived with his all wivesin Nepal. According to Kishan Bahadur Gurung, more than one wife allow in Nepal. Oneman cans marries more than one woman and it’s by Government rule in Nepal. GobardhanThapa is brother of Madhu Sing Thapa (Genealogy No.-lOl) also married twies. Anothername is Sanjay Thapa (Genealogy No.-51) is elder brother of Sukhdev Thapa also Marriedtwies. In both cases one wife had died.

504 505

The data base genealogy on this Gurkha community of Karbari Grant is also shows somefamily diseases. One common case in almost one or two members’ even more than twomembers in a single family is ‘High Blood Pressure’. Almost every Gorkha people likespicy food in their food pattern. They are from army. So almost every army men are takealcohol regularly. All these reason may their blood pressure remain high almost everytime. Except blood pressure there are few more diseases are there which become familydisease, and affected by this generation after generation. Among these one is ‘Sinus’.Household no 118 (c) Beena Rana (52 years old) and Sattu Sing Rana (62 years) (GenealogyNo.-29) family, in this family all these family members are affected by ‘sinus’. Anotherfamily disease found i.e, ‘blood sugar’, Radhika Bhandari (42 years old) (GenealogyNo.-26) and her mother Shanti Devi (61 years old) is affected in blood sugar.‘Hypertension’ is another example. Santosh Sharma (48 years old) (Genealogy No.-11)and his elder brother are affected by hypertension. There are few common diseases alsofound in the genealogy study in this community. Bhim Bahadur Gurung (72 years old)(Genealogy No.-19) is suffering in ‘Diabetics’. Santosh Sharma also suffered by highblood pressure. The family of Puran Sing Gurung (58 years old) is suffered by thyroid.Soham Rana’s father was died by tuberculosis. Kishan Bahadur Gurung’s (GenealogyNo.-33) one daughter was died in thyroid age at 18 years. Hemlata Gurung (GenealogyNo.-36) (39 years old) and her husband Surendra Gurung (50 years old) were paralyzedin right hand and her son Kalu Gurung was dead by polio at 2 years. Usha Gurung(Genealogy No.-107) was a daughter of Ramesh Gurung dead by pneumonia. Theseretired military are being treated in Military Hospital in Dehradun mainly and they arealso getting monthly check-up facility as well in this hospital.

Conclusion

Karbari Grant is a village of Dehradun district of Uttarakhand state. The Gurkha communityof the Gurkha Karbardi Grant, Dehradun is mainly migrated from the country Nepal.Mainly two or three generation ago the Gurkha people came from Nepal. These peoplewere ex-military persons for service purpose they come in India and resided in KarbariGrant. The people of this village believed that this Uttarakhand was a part of Nepal inprevious days. After that the Maharaja of Nepal gifted this land to Indian Government.They think that this land of their own mother land. That’s why the Gurkha people of thisvillage are still in regular contact with Nepal. Few are regular goes in Nepal for theirhome town. Except Nepal few families come from Garhwal side of Uttarakhand. In thisvillage so many people also come from nearby villages like Chandrabani, SelaQui,Anarwala, Mehuwala, Mobbewala and also from Kaulagarh, Balliwala, Ballupur etc. inDehradun. Few people also in this village are migrated from Saharanpur due to marriageor other purpose.

These Gurkha people use to speak Nepali language when they are talking with each otherusually. But they also have known Hindi language as well. They use to speak Hindi withoutsider. Their kinship system is almost alike Hindu kinship system. Almost everything


is same with Hindu kinship system culture. Nut they use their own kinship terminology.They use to call ‘Baba’ for father and ‘Ama’ for mother. Grand father is called by ‘Baje’and grandmother is called by ‘Bajai ‘Dai is use for brother. 'Natl' for grandson and‘Natini’ is use for granddaughter. Also few common example of kinship terminology are‘Dai’, ‘Bhai’, ‘Didi’, ‘Baini’ ‘Bhauyu’, ‘Jethan’, ‘Solti’ etc.

The Gurkha people of this Karbari Grant are originally Nepal origin but though theirculture somewhere differs from original Nepali culture in many aspects. Marriage cantake place at any time after the age of 7. It is considered good to get a girl married beforeshe reaches the age of 13. But now this concept is almost change. If a boy without beingengaged to her, meets a girl, fall in love, run away and marries her, he and his bride cannotapproach the girl’s father until called by him. When the father-in-law relents, he will sendword telling the boy that he may present himself with his wife at his home on a certainhour of a certain day. On their arrival the father-in-law will paint a spot on their foreheadswith a mixture of rice and dahi (Tika Dinnu Garnu) and then the boy and girl will haveto make submission by bending down and saluting him. This is usually the Gurkha peopledenoted “Dhok Dinnu".


The Gurkha people are now quite liberal about marriage, with only Gurkha people. Inthis village, there are many families whose sons and daughters married with non-Gurkhapeople. Intercast marriage is now very common in this village. Many Gurkha boys andgirls have marriage in Garhwali community. In Gurkha community, there are many castesystem i.e., Sharma, Khanal, Gautam, Acharya are considered as higher caste {Brahmin).Thakur, Shahi, Chhetri, Mall, considered after Brahmin (Kshetri). And after that all theseGurung, Thapa, Magar etc. are considered as third place. Among Gurung there are fourclasses in higharchy. Lama, Lamcha, Ghala, Godhane is placed respectively.

The data base genealogy on this Gurkha community of Karbari Grant is also shows somefamily diseases. One common case in almost one or two members’ even more than twomembers in a single family is ‘High Blood Pressure’.

Almost every Gorkha people like spicy food in their food pattern. They are from army.So almost every army men are take alcohol regularly. All these reason may their bloodpressure remain high almost every time.

Except blood pressure there are few more diseases are there which become family disease,and affected by this generation after generation like ‘Sinus’ ‘Blood Sugar’ ‘Hypertension’‘Diabetics’ ‘Tuberculosis. Except these few disease such as ‘Thyroid’, ‘Paralyzed’,‘Polio’, ‘Pneumonia’ also found but these are not family disease. These retired militaryare being treated in Military Hospital in Dehradun mainly and they are also gettingmonthly check-up facility as well in this hospital.

506 507

Referance

Morris, C. J. & Northey, W.B. 1974 : “The Gurkhas; Their Manner, Customs andCountry”. Delhi, Cosmo Publications.

Ministry of Defence 1965 : “Nepal and The Gurkhas” Her Majesty’sStationery Office, London

James, H. & Sheil-Small, D. 1965 : The Gurkhas, London, Macdonald & Co.,(Pub.) Ltd.

Vansittart, E. 1980 : “The Goorkhas”. New Delhi, ArianaPublishing House.

Bolt David. 1967 : “Gurkhas”. London, Weidenfeld andNicolson.

Farwell, B. 1984 : “The Gurkhas”. London, Allen Kane, PenguinBooks Ltd.

Ferraro, G. 1992 : “Cultural Anthropology-An AppliedPerspective”. New York, West PublishingCompany.

Bhatt, S.C. & Bhargava, G.K. 2005 : “Land and People-of Indian States and UnionTerritories-Uttranchal”. Delhi, KalpazPublications, vol-27.

Rapport, N. & Overing, J. 2000 : “Social and Cultural Anthropology - TheKeyConcept”. London and New York, Routledge.Taylor &Francis Group.

Srivastava, A. R. N. 2005 : “Essentials of Cultural Anthropolgy”.New Delhi, Prentice Hall of India PrivateLimited.

Schweitzer, P.P. (Ed) : “Dividends of Kinship-Meaning and uses ofsocial relatedness”. London and New York,Routledge. Taylor & Francis Group.



“Health Care Practices and TraditionalMedicine of Gorkha Population in the

Village Karbari Grant”

Arnab Mukherjee1

ABSTRACT

Traditional knowledge plays a great rule for most of the ethnic groups in countryside fortheir sustenance. The present paper highlights the health care practices among the Gorkhacommnity and the empirical data were collected from Karbari grant village.

INTRODUCTIONHealth and disease are measures of the effectiveness with which human groups, combiningcultural and biological resources, adaptation to their environment. Every culture irrespectiveof its simplicity and complexity has its own beliefs and practices concerning diseases.The culture of community determines its health culture. Health problems and practicesof any community are profoundly influenced by interplay of complex social, economicand political factors. Due to the belief in supernatural elements and religion in mattersconcerning health, the rural people and the tribes are almost invariably found to responsefaith in diviners or the traditional medicine men, sorcerers and shamans. However, tribesand rural people are not averse in accepting western medicine, whenever available Ethnomedicine deals with those beliefs and practices relating to health and disease, which arethe products of indigenous cultural development.

Traditional medicine is the sum total of knowledge, skills and practices based on thetheories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different cultures that are used to maintainhealth, as well as to prevent, diagnose, improve or treat physical and mental illnesses.Traditional medicine that has been adopted by other populations (outside its indigenousculture) is often termed alternative or complementary medicine. Herbal remedies areconsidered the oldest forms of health care known to mankind on this earth. Prior to thedevelopment of modern medicine, the traditional systems of medicine that have evolvedover the centuries within various communities, are still maintained as a great traditionalknowledge base in herbal medicines (Mukherjee and Wahil, 2006). Traditionally, thistreasure of knowledge has been passed on orally from generation to generation withoutany written document (Perumal samy and Ignacimuthu, 2000) and this is found amongmany indigenous people even today.

1Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun.

In some Asian and African countries, 80% of the population depends on traditionalmedicine for primary health care. In many developed countries, 70% to 80% of thepopulation has used some form of alternative or complementary medicine (e.g. acupuncture)(W.H.O Report).

Not many countries have national policies for traditional medicine. Regulating traditionalmedicine products, practices and practitioners is difficult due to variations in definitionsand categorizations of traditional medicine therapies. A single herbal product could bedefined as a food, a dietary supplement or a herbal medicine, depending on the country.This disparity in regulations at the national level has implications for international accessand distribution of products.

Herbal materials for products are collected from wild plant populations and cultivatedmedicinal plants. The expanding herbal product market could drive over-harvesting ofplants and threaten biodiversity. Poorly managed collection and cultivation practicescould lead to the extinction of endangered plant species and the destruction of naturalresources. Efforts to preserve both plant populations and knowledge on how to use themfor medicinal purposes is needed to sustain traditional medicine.

The practice of using herbs to treat diseases dates back to the very earliest period ofknown human history. Due to constant intimacy with vegetation cover, primitive societieshave gained profound knowledge about the medicinal utilities of plants. They have fullfaith in them and their time tested medicines. These medicinal plants obviously needcorrect botanical identity and other scientific confirmation for the facts and acceptance.

According to Edwards (2004). about two-thirds of 50000 medicinal plants in use are stillharvested from the natural habitat and about one-fifth of them are now endangered. Theindigenous knowledge on medicinal plants is gaining world wide recognition. The WorldHealth Organization has estimated that more than 80% of the world’s population indeveloping countries depends primarily on herbal medicine for basic health care needs(Vines, 2004)

Study Area and PeopleThe present study was focused on Gorkha population who live in the village KarbariGrant. They migrated from Nepal 2-3 generation before and started to live in KarbariGrant Village. The village has its own life style, social setup and a unique system of selfgovernance. There is a forest name Karwa Pani Forest adjacent to the village. The forestis very rich with ethno medicinal plants.

There is a natural spring which is the main water source of the village. Karbari Grant isa village of Sahaspur Mandal in Dehradun district of Uttarakhand State. Karbari grantis 14.76 km far from its mandal main town Sahaspur and 11.11 km far from properDehradun. This village is under the tehsil Vikashnagar. The village Karbari Grant issituated between 30.35' N Latitude and 77.94' E Longitude. The hamlet had about 104Gurkha household with a population of about 529.

Methods AppliedEthno medicinal data for wild plants traditionally used by inhabitants of the study areawere recorded during field visits. The fieldwork was conducted during March 2011. Key

510 511

informants were identified after preliminary discussion with the people. Voucher of theencountered plant species were collected and identified by specialists. Surveys, personalinterviews and group discussions as participatory rural appraisal (PRA) technique wereapplied to reveal the specific information about the traditional healing practices and ethnomedicinal uses of plants. Local healers, experienced aged persons were consulted forinformation on folk uses of plants, which was further authenticated by cross checkingwith key informants. The key informant was experienced older person.

Actual personal observation were also made during field studies information regardingthe plants and parts or products, uses, vernacular names, diseases, and process of preparationof medicine either individually or in combination with other plant part, and mode ofapplication for the treatment of a particular disease or diseases was documented.

Result & DiscussionFood Practices :- Generally they take three or four meals in a day. They take heavybreakfast in morning after that they take lunch at noon. In evening they take light snacksand late evening they take dinner. Generally they take heavy meal in lunch and breakfast.During acute illness, they like plain, easily digested foods.

Most common food of the Gorkha is ‘Chaol’ (Boiled Rice), ‘Roti’ or ‘Chapatti’ (flatbaked bread made with whole wheat flour), ‘Puri’ and ‘Paratha’ (flat bread fried in oilmade with whole wheat flour), with meat, locally available fish, vegetable and ‘Daal’(lentil curry). Generally they prefer chicken and mutton but they avoid beef.

They take hard and soft drink both. Generally Gorkha male prefer to take alcoholicbeverages but female avoid this type of drink except some occasion. The Gorkha peopleprefer to take tea three or four times in a day. The morning and evening tea is compulsoryfor them. They prefer to take tea with breakfast and in evening time with light snacks.Some time they take cold drinks and fruit juice which is easily available in market. Theyprefer to take ‘Momo’ and Noodles as a light snacks.

Hygiene and Sanitation :- Every society has its own concepts of health and hygiene(Upadhyay and Pandey, 2003). Most of the Gorkhas prefer morning shower but in summerseason they take bath twice daily. In winter season they use hot water for bathing. Theyuse lot of running water when they bathing. They use soaps and shampoos which is easilyavailable in market. Young Gorkha males and females prefer to use talcum powder, bodydeodorant and various type of perfume to remove bad odor of sweat of the body. InGorkha women long hair consider as a feminine beauty. They wash their hair once ortwice weekly. The Gorkha women use locally available coconut oil, mustard oil orperfumed oil to massage their scalp. The Gorkhas cut their nail short and keep clean.They cut their nail twice and thrice in month. The Gorkha man cut their hair once or twicein month but young generation Gorkha man keep long hair due to influence of westernizationand modernization . They shave their bared twice in a week.

The interior of the Gorkha houses is well decorated and well decorated and well decoratedand well ventilated and full of light. The kitchen is separate from the bed room. They usegas oven for cooking. The toilet and latrine is separate from main house. They prefer touse private toilet to defection. They are accustomed to take regular bath. They clean theirteeth by tooth paste and tooth powder which is available to local market. Generally theywash their hand before and after the eating.

“Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee

Concept of etiology of illness: - Illness is not solely biological and physical phenomenon.It is also an event that occurs in a social context and reflects the intimate association ofthe person with other people. Both the internal as well as social environments are sourcesof important events that affect the health of human beings. Illness is a universal phenomenon,occurring in all societies. It forces the temporary disruption to varying degrees, of regularpatterns of social interaction and responsibilities. Fulfillments of normal tasks by the sickare often impossible.

In Gorkhas, illness as such is taken primarily to mean, not feeling well but external injuryor accident are not recognized as illness.The Gorkhas don’t think that the disease may be caused due to the anger of some deityor due to some supernatural beings but they believe the diseases have attribution withsome natural or physical things. Some of the popularly recognized natural causes includediseases due to

(a) Environmental effect

(b) Effect of “wrong combination” of food.

(c) Contact with certain living organism.

(d) Unknown causes.

512 513

Physical Factors Name of Diseases English Name Caused recognizedDue to Effects of by Village FolksEnvironmental

condition

Environmental Sardath, Khashi Cold & Cough Due to cold climateCondition Sir Dard Headache Due to cold climate

Bukhar Fever Due to cold climateSardi Garmi Sunstroke Due to heat wave

Due to wrong food Patchis Dysentery Due to drinkand drink. contaminated water

or evil eye.Dast Vomiting Due to eat rich food

or wrong foodcombination like

meat and milkDiarrhea Diarrhea Due to eat

contaminated foodor evil eye.

Contact with certain Malaria Malaria Mosquito Biteliving organism

Causes not recognized Kustha Leprosy Causes unknown.

Evil-eye or ‘Nazar’: - Belief in the bad effect of the evil-eye is widespread among theGorkha. They think that evil-eye some time causes even death in case of children. If aperson look steadily at any child and says or think, how beautiful it is, it falls sick, suffersin vomiting and keeps crying whole day. To avoid evil-eye they tie black thread to theleg and neck of the children. Similarly some time the adult people may suffer for evil-eye. If someone gives greedy look and feel jealous to anybody’s amount of foods, thefood eaters may fall in sick and suffers from vomiting, indigestion and loose motion.But they perform ‘Sansari Mata’ puja for overall well being of the village.

The Gorkhas think that the good health depends upon the food habit and lifestyle. In theirview one who takes fresh food never becomes ill. They think that the breakfast is muchmore important than lunch and dinner and the quantity of food in breakfast is needed tobe big, the lunch is medium and dinner is very small quantity. The Gorkhas belief thatdisease like dysentery came from water. They take purified water. Many of the villagersof Karbari Grant use the water purification system like aquaguard, pureit and other waterpurification filter. According to the villagers smoking has bad effect on health. Asthma,High blood pressure is the causes of smoking. But the researcher has noticed manyGorkhas take Bidi or Cigarette regularly. Consumption of alcohol is noticed among theGorkha Population of this village. Many adult male especially who employed in IndianArmy take alcohol regularly. Total 183 respondents were interviewed out of which 114are females and 69 are males. Out of 183 respondents 29(15.84%) were alcoholic and154 (84.16%) were non alcoholic. About 11% individuals were found to be smoker and89% non smokers. Out of 114 females only one (0.88%) was found to be smoker and rest(99.12%) were non smoker. Only 1.76% were alcoholics and 112 (98.24%) were nonalcoholics. Out of 69 individual males 19 (27.53%) were smokers and 50 (72.47%) werenon smokers and 27 (39.13%) were alcoholics and rest 42 (60.87%) non alcoholics.

Except some old aged Gorkhas there has no concept of Shaman or Ojha as well as nobeliefs on magico religious performances to cure diseases.

Case Study-I: Hari Sing Thapa, 70 years old male

Now a day nobody has belief on shaman or ojha. When I was 12-13 years old I wasbecome ill. My mother took me to a man who is magico religious practitioner to cure myillness. The magico religious practitioner performed some magico religious activitythrough chanting ‘Mantra’ and beating drum like musical instrument.

It is noticed that many Gorkhas suffering from Hypertension, Anemia, Diabetes, Skindisease and so many chronic diseases. They prefer allopathic treatment to cure themselves.Some of the Gorkhas use traditional medicine for curing diseases. They mainly use herbalmedicine for treatment. There are two medical practitioners who use traditional medicine.The knowledge of their medicinal practice transmitted orally from their father. They toldthat Traditional Medicinal treatment is time consuming. It takes more time to cure diseasesthan allopathic medicine but it cures diseases completely. Now a day’s nobody has timefor traditional medicinal treatment. The traditional medicinal practitioners have not properscientific knowledge as well as formula about the procedure of medicine making becausethey have no formal training.


514 515

Case Study-11: Punam Sing Gurung, 50 years old female

I am suffering from hypertension, hyperthyroidism for 4 years. For these diseases I consultallopathic doctor and use allopathic medicine according to doctor’s prescription. Doctorsuggested me to eat ‘Roti’, green vegetables, toned milk, refined oil as cooking mediumand to avoid Rice, Potato, Ghee, Butter etc. 2 years ago I have fallen in bathroom andmy knee has broken. After that I go to Doon Hospital for treatment. In Doon Hospitaldoctor suggested me to do x ray photo copy of my broken knee. After that I was done xray photocopy and consulted with physician. My physician plastered my broken kneeand gave some medicine. The physician suggested me not to walk and told me to comeafter one month. After one month I went to the physian at Doon Hospital for furthercheckup and he opened my plaster and suggested some medicine. Now I am more or lesscure. Some people have belief but I have no belief in traditional medicine because it issome time unscientific and it has no effect on patient. Generally I prefer to consultallopathic physician for any kind of illness for me and my family. We are facing problemin case of any emergency like heart attack, because there is no hospital or allopathicphysician in our village.

The traditional medicinal practitioners use 26plant genera and 27 plant species for healingdiseases and their method of preparation and utilization is different. The information onscientific name, vernacular name of the plant part used to cure and methods of preparationand utilization has been provided-

Table - 2. List of Medicinal plants

Sl. Name of Vernacular Botanical Family Habit Parts Methods ofNo. ailments name of name Used Preparation and use

the plants

1. Coughn & Arush Adhatoda Acanth Shrub Leaf Leaf boiled in hot water.Cold vasica aceae The water is consumed

to cure cough and cold. The dose is daily morning for 7 days.

2. Gynecological Dhania Coriandum Apiaceae Herb Seeds One teaspoon corianderdisorder sativum seeds boiled in hot water.

The warm water gives to the patient to controleexcession menstrual flow.

3. Dysentery Barhami Centella Apiaceae Herb Leaf The paste of the 3-4 leafsBooti asiatica is consumed daily

morning in empty stomach to cure dysentery.

4. Cardiac Arjun ped Terminallia Combr Tree Bark The power of the skin ofproblem arjuna etaceae the bark added with pure

ghee and boiled rice is used to cure heart and cardiac pain


the plants

5. Skin disease Tambaku Nicotiana Solanaceac Herb Leaf, The dried leaf is boiled & Wound tabacum Root at hot water and the

water is used to wash thebacterial and fungal infested areas of skin andwound of the skin. The root dust is orally usedto cure indigestion

6. Constipation Aamla Embilica Phylanthaceae Tree Fruit Powder of the dried fruit& Indigestation officinalis mixed with the powder

of haritaki and bibhitakifruit add slight salt and consumed daily night before sleep to cure constipation and indigestion

7. Constipation Bibhitaki Terminallia Combretaceae Tree Fruit Powder of the dried fruit& Indigestation Bellirica mixed with aamla

powder and haritaki fruitpowder is used daily night to cure indigestion

8. Constipation Hiritaki Terminallia Combretaceae Tree Fruit The Powder of the fruit& Indigestation chebula mixed with aamla

powder and bibhitaki fruit powder is used dailynight to cure indigestionand constipation.

9. Acute Stomach Kadvi-booti Ainsliaea Asteraceae Herb Root The root pest is taken aptera orally to cure acute

stomach. The powder ofdried root is taken with luke warm water relievesquickly.

10. Cold, cough Ban-ajwain Thymus Lamiaceae Shrub Whole The plant decoction is & fever plant used orally to cure

serphyllum cough, cold and fever. The powder of the flowers mixed with gur(jagerry) is given as vermicide.

11. Skin disease Chaturang Lantana Verbenaceae Shrub leaf The leaf paste applied & wound camara over the wound, skin

disease to heal.

12. Hair fall Gurhal Hibiscus Verbenaceae Shrub Flower The decoction of flowerrosasinens is mixed with coconut oil

is used for good and black hair falling and help hair nourishing


516 517


the plants

13. Rheumatic Nirgundi Vitex Lamiaceae Shrub Leaf The paste of the leaf is arthritis negundo used externally to cure

rheumatic arthritis, swelling of the joint.

14. Mental disease Brahmi Bacopa Scrophulariacae Herb Leaf The leaf of the tree is monnieri fried into ghee then feed

to cure the mental disease.

15. Cough & Cold Tulshi Ocimum Lamiaceae Herb Leaf Decoction of leaf addedtenuiflorum with honey is taken

orally to cure cough, cold.

16. Stomach ache Kaith Limonoa Rutaceae Tree Fruit The unripe dried fruit is& Dysentery acidisima used orally to cure

diarrhea, dysentery andStomach ache.

17. Dysentery & Bael Aegel Rutaceae Tree Fruit The pulp of the ripe fruitDiarrhea marrmelos is taken as a tonic for

digestive effect. The powder of unripe and dried fruit is used for dysentery and diarrhea.

18. Diabetes & Neem Azadirachta Meliaceae Tree Leaf Leaf of neem tree boiledSkin Diseases indica in hot water. The water

is used to cure Diabetesmellitus. The paste of theleaf is used externally tocure skin disease.

19. Sunstroke Imli Tamarind Fabace Tree Fruit The fruit juice is taken us indica orally to cure sunstroke.

20. Wound Jangli Mentha Lamiaceae Herb Whole The paste of the tree is pudina asiatica plant used externally to treat

wound.

21. Urinary disorder Pudina Mentha Lamiaceae Herb Leaf The leaf juice is spicata consumed at morning in

empty stomach for 4-5 days to increaes urination.

22. Skin diseases Kumari Aloe Vera Xantho Herb Leaf The decoction of leaf isrrhoeaceae used for skin disease and

cures the wounds.

23. Blood Cancer Sadabahar Cattaranth Apocyn Shrub Root Powder of the root of theus roseus aceae tree is orally taken to the

treatment of blood cancer.

24. Toothache, Akarkara Spilanthes Compo Herb Flower Flower head is used Throat & Gum acmella siteae either fresh or dried andinfection powdered for toothache,

throat and gum infection.


the plants

25. Piles Nag fani Opuntia Cactaceae Shrub Fruit The decoction of fruit ofdillenii the tree is used orally to

cure piles.

26. Kidney stone Darmar Kalanchoe Crassul Herb Leaf The leaf juice is used & Hyper tension pinnata aceae orally to cure kidney

stone and hyper tension.

27. Stomach aches Kagji nimbu Citrus Rutaceae Shrub Fruit The juice of the fruit aurantifolia added with lukewarm

water and consumed to cure stomach aches.

There is no primary health center and no hospital in Karbari Grant. They go to MilitaryHospital in Dehradun for treatment of major and minor diseases. Generally the villagersuse Allopathic medicine which is suggested by the doctors of Military hospital. They getfacility in case of treatment in Military Hospital because at least one or two adult malefamily member of the Gorkha who lives in Karbari Grant is either employed in IndianArmy or retired army man. But the Military Hospital is too far from the village so theysometime face problem in case of emergency cases which happened in night. Accordingto the villagers they need a primary health center in village because in case of emergencysituation at least primary treatment is possible in primary health center. The villagerssaid that in many cases patient died on the way to the Military hospital. The pregnantmothers also go to Military Hospital for vaccination. The health employees (ANM) ofBuddhi Chowk Govt. Hospital come to the village for pulse polio vaccination in eachand every month.

Habit of Ethnomedicinal Plant in Percentage

Figure 1 Habit of ethno medicinal plant in percentage


29.63

40.74

29.63

Tree Herb Shrub

518 519

Conclusion and Discussion

The Gorkha villagers males and females both prefer to take alcohol and smoking. In caseof male frequency is greater than female. Males prefer smoking and drinking alcoholthan females. But few females (Only two individuals) prefer to drink alcohol. Some ofthe villagers are social drinker they don't prefer to take alcohol regularly they prefer totake alcohol occasionally like in Sansari mata Puja, Marriage and birthday party.

Except some old aged Gorkha there is no magico-religious concept of disease and theydon't prefer to go to shaman or ojha for curing the disease but the concept of Evil Eyeis very widespread among Gorkhas. The villagers prefer to go to doctor. Those who areemployed are of Indian Army the their family go to Military Hospital for treatment becausethey get facility to treatment. The Military Hospital provides treatment free of cost totheir family. But the Military Hospital is too far from the Village Karbari Grant. For thatreason they sometime face problem in case of Emergency cases. There is no allopathicdoctor or allopathic medicinal shop in the village Karbari Grant and there is no primaryhealth center in this village.

Some old people prefer to go to Local traditional medicinal man. Because they think thatthe allopathic Medicine has some side effect that may be causes of other disease.

They use the plant part separately or mixed with other plant part and other materials likeghee, jagerry, milk. Fresh parts as well as dried parts have seen to be used to preparetraditional medicine. Various parts of the plant like leave, stem, bark, root, fruit and flowereven whole plant have seen to be used to prepare traditional medicine.

From the data 1 have noticed that herbs (40.74%) are the most used plant followed bythe shrubs (29.63%) and trees (29.63%) in descending order. Many species like Acanthaceae,Apiaceae, Phylanthaceae and Verbebenaceae is frequently used in this village to curediseases.

Different researchers from the country have reported altogether 2416 ethno medicinaluses of plants (Sajem A.L & Gosai K, 2006, P-5). Different plants used by the Malanitribes of Himachal Pradesh, Santal of West Bengal, Jaintia tribes of Assam. Irula andThottianaickans of Tamil Nadu, Khonds of Andhra Pradesh, Bhil tribe in Madhya Pradeshetc. has some or the other relevancc with the plants that are found to be use by the Gorkharesiding in the Dehradun district of Utarrakhand.

Lantana camara is found to be used among the Irula Tribe of Tamil Nadu to cure thewounds and the same plant is found to be used among various tribes of Buldhana districtof Maharashtra. The fruit of Coriandum sativum is found to be used among Jaintia tribesof Asssam to cure Stomachache and the same plant is found to be used among Gorkhasto control excessive menstrual flow. Adhatoda vasica have also used among Irula to curerespiratory disorder and the same plant uses by the jaintia tribes to cure dysentery andblood vomiting.

The data collected shows that the majority of the remedies taken orally and some externally.The herbal medicines which used and prescribed by Gorkha population of the village

Consumption of Alcohol Habit Smoking

Habit SmokingMale in Percentage

Consumption of AlcoholMale in Percentage

Habit Smokingin Female

Consumption of Alcoholin Female

Figure 2 Consumption of Alcohol Figure 3 Habit Smoking

Figure 4 Habit Smoking (Male) Figure 5 Consumption of Alcohol (Male)

Figure 6 Habit Smoking (Female) Figure 7 Consumption of Alcohol (Female)

“Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab MukherjeeP

erce

ntag

e of

indi

vidu

al

100

80

60

40

20

0Alcoholic Non alcoholic

Smoker Non Smoker

27.53

72.47

Per

cent

age

of in

divi

dual

100

50

0

Alcoholic Non Alcoholic

70605040302010

0

39.13

60.87

Series1

Alcoholic Non alcoholic

84.16

15.84

11%

89%

Smoker Non Smoker

Per

cent

age

of in

divi

dual 120

100

80

60

40

20

0

99.12

0.88

Smoker Non Smoker

1.76

98.26

520 521“Health Care Practices ............ Village Karbari Grant” Arnab Mukherjee

Karbari Grant are either based on single plant or a combination of several plant parts.Most of the reported preparations are drawn from single plant; mixtures are used rarely.Some time the domestic substance is found to be used to prepare medicine.

The present author is fully convinced that traditional ethno medicinal remedies in thearea are valid and reliable. Doses vary sometimes depending upon age of sufferers. Thesetreatments of diseases with plants and plant products also cause no side effect.

References

Mukherjee, P. K. and A. Wahil, 2006. Integrated approaches towards drug development fromAyurveda and other systems of medicine. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 103: 25-35.

R. Perumal Samy, and Ignacimuthu, S. 2000. Antibacterial activity of some folkloremedicinal plants used by tribals in Western Ghats of India. Journal of Ethnopharmacology69: 63-71.

S. Ganesan, N. Suresh, and L. Kesavan, 2004. Ethnomedicinal survey of lower PalniHills of Tamil Nadu. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge Vol 3 (3): 299-304.

Chettri, D. R., P. Parajuli, and Subha, G. C. 2005. Antidiabetic plant used by Sikkim andDarjeeling Himalayan tribes, India. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 99:199-202.

Y. A. Dushing and D. A. Patil, 2010. Studies on Ethnomedicine inBuldhana District ofMaharashtra (India), Journal of Phytology 2/2:35-41.

Mitra, S. and S. K. Mukherjee, 2005. Ethnobotanical usages of Grasses by the tribalsof West Dinajpur district, West Bengal. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge.Vol 4(4): 396-402.

Sharma, P. K., N. S. Chauhan, and B. Lal, 2005. Studies on plant associated indigenousknowledge among the Malanis of Kullu district, Himachal Pradesh. Indian Journal ofTraditional Knowledge Vol 4(4): 403-408.

Rao, V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, C. S. Rao, K. Bharath, and M. Venkaiah, 2006.Ethnomedicinal practices among Khonds of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh.Indian Journal of Traiditional Knowledge. Vol 5(2): 217-219.

Sajem, A. L and K. Gosai, 2010. Ethnobotanical investigations among the Lushai Tribesin North Cachar Hill district of Assam, Northeast India. Indian Journal of TraditionalKnowledge Vol.9(1): 108-113.

Revathi, P. and T. Parimelazhagan, 2010. Traditional Knowledge on Medicinal PlantsUsed by the Irula Tribe of Hasanur Hills, Erode District, Tamil Nadu, India. EthnobotanicalLeaflets 14:136-160.

Jain, J. B., C. S. Kumane and S. Bhattacharya, 2006. Medicinal flora of MadhyaPradesh and Chattisgarh - A Review. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge.Vol. 5(2): 237-242.

Ganesan, S., G. Venkateshan and N. Banumathy, 2006. Medicinal plants used by ethnicgroup Thottianaickans of Semmalai hills (reserve forest), Tiruchirapapalli district,Tamil Nadu. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Vol. 5(2): 245-252.

Jadav, D. 2006. Ethnomedicinal plants used by Bhil tribe of Bibdod, Madhya Pradesh.Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge. Vol. 5(2): 263-267.

Sajem, A. L. and K. Gosai, 2006. Traditional use of medicinal plants by the Jaintia tribesin North Cachar Hills district of Assam, Northeast India. Journal of Ethnobiology andEthnomedicine. 2:33.

Acharya, K. P. and M. Acharya, 2010. Traiditional Knowledge on medicinal plants usedfor the treatment of livestock diseases in Sardikhola VDC, Kaski, Nepal. Journal ofMedicinal Plants Research. Vol. 4(2): 235-239.

A Demographic Study of GorkhaPopulation in Village Karbari Grant,

District Dehradun, Uttarakhand

Minakshi Sharma1

ABSTRACT

This paper deals with the demography of Gorkha population residing in the KarbariGrant village of Dehradun and discusses the socio-cultural aspects of the communitythrough the demographic parameters. Sample size comprises of all 529 Gorkha individuals(262 males and 267 females belonging to 104 households in the main hamlet of thecommunity called Gorkha Karbari Grant. The primary data for demographic parametersregarding household census, population characteristics, educational status, occupationalstatus along with disability profile and religious profile was collected. Demographicindicators like sex ratio, child sex ratio, literacy rate, work participation rate, etc. werealso calculated. The results of the study highlights the healthy sex ratio in general andvery poor child sex ratio in particular; high literacy (91.21%) but low level of highereducation; more than 50% work participation rate and service particularly in Indianarmy as the main occupation of the Gorkhas. Though the community has been given thestatus of OBC in the state, it still feels marginalised on developmental aspects. The issueslike low child-sex ratio, low higher education level and less representation of the communityin the state administration, politics and in the occupations other than army are requiredto be addressed for the holistic development of the community and the Gorkhas aregradually becoming aware about these aspects.

INTRODUCTIONDemography is the mirror to a population. It’s the backbone of planning and developmentfor the people. In the words of father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi “The soul of Indialies in villages”. It is remarkable here that it’s ultimately a village that develop into a townor city in due course of time. Therefore, demography of a village- the basic unit of planningand development assumes utmost importance in anthropology being the holistic scienceof man.


1Research Associate (Cultural), Anthropological Survey of India, North West Regional Centre, Dehradun

It is accessible at shortest distance from Shimla bypass main road through the road viaGaneshpur. At this opening a board indicating the way to Karbari Grant and name of landdonors for this path is placed on main Shimla By Pass road (Figure 1). A part of this routepasses a little through the forest and as the water canal is crossed; the hamlet GorkhaKarbari Starts.

Village History: The village has a very peculiar historical story behind the term “Grant”in the name of the village. It was told by some elderly in the village that before Indiabecame independent in 1947 this piece of land was owned by a King. About that time,the news about annexing all the kingdoms in to India after independence was spreadinglike fire. So the King, in fear of this, sold the land to the other King, who later ‘granted’or allowed the Gorkha population already existing there to continue agriculture on hisland. He even asked the jobless Gorkhas of that time, to come and farm his land. Thisis how the village got the word ‘Grant’ in its name. Even today a large portion of theagricultural land is owned by the descendants of this King.

Ethnic Groups/Communities: The village Karbari Grant is multi-ethnic and multi-castevillage. It mainly consists of multi-caste population of the Garhwali and Gorkha community. The Gorkha generally reside in the hamlet called Gorkha Kabari Grant along with a fewfamilies of other communities while Garhwali population is in majority in rest of thevillage. The Garhwali population generally includes Brahmins and Rajputs while GorkhaPopulation consists of the various castes like Pandits, Kshetri, Thapa and Gurung, etc.

Settlement Pattern: The medicinal properties of the water of the Karwa Pani stream andthe nearby forest resources are the main reason of human settlement in this area. Themain village road along which the hamlet Gorkha Karbari is located is almost parallelto the Karwapani stream. The houses are generally located along the both side of mainvillage road in a linear pattern and the agricultural fields lie at the back side of the houses.Some houses are embedded into the agricultural fields along the footpaths through them.

ObjectivesThe main objectives of the present research under the broad objective of ‘Demographyof Gorkha Population’ were as follows:

1. To conduct a household census.2. To record and analyse the population characteristics.3. To know the educational status .4. To record and analyse the occupational status.

MethodologyVarious qualitative and quantitative tools and techniques of research methods inAnthropology like observation, schedules, unstructured interview, field diary etc. wereemployed for data collection for this study. The sample population consisted of all 529Gorkha individuals consisting of 262 males and 267 females residing in 104 householdsof the Gorkha community in the studied hamlet. The definitions by Census of India forvarious demographic parameters like broad age groups, sex ratio, literacy rate, workparticipation rate, classification of workers, etc. were followed throughout the study.Digitalisation and analysis of data was done using MS Excel-2007.

524

Present StudyIn March 2011, the North West Regional Centre of Anthropological Survey of India inDehradun conducted ‘An Extensive Study on Gorkha Population’ under the nationalproject ‘DNA Polymorphism of Contemporary Indian Population’ in village Karbari Grantof Dehradun district. The present work by the author was a part of the above stated project.

Study Area and the PeopleThe village Karbari Grant comes under Gram Panchayat Karbari Grant of Block ‘Sahaspur’,Tehsil ‘Vikasnagar’ of district Dehradun. The village lies at the northern outskirts of thedense ‘Karwapani Reserve Forest’ in ‘Asarori Forest Range’ of ‘Rajaji National Park’towards south to the Shimla By Pass Road. There are 5 hamlets viz. Gorkha Karbari,Garhwali Karbari, Manak Siddha Karbari, Gooily Karbari and Jhiwarhedi Karbari in thevillage. The study area i.e. the hamlet Gorkha Karbari Grant lies in north-west part of thevillage and owes its name to the fact that the maximum concentration of Gorkha populationresides here. Most of the Gorkha population settled here consist of serving or retired armymen. Therefore, the exposure to urban life style of army and simultaneous interactionwith nearby rural and urban areas through Shimla Bypass road makes this hamlet an idealexample of rural-urban continuum in spite of its vicinity to the Karwapani reserve forest.

Location :The studied area is situated between 30035’N latitude and 77094’ E longitude.It is located towards the north-west of Dehradun district at a distance of about 21 kmfrom Dehradun city on Shimla By Pass road, and south of the National Highway 72 whichconnects Dehradun to Ponta Sahib, the famous pilgrimage for the Sikhs.

Accessibility: The studied village can be reached by foot or through a vehicle from ShimlaBypass main road. The main road coming from the hamlet has two openings on ShimlaBy Pass road; one, near Bhuddi Chowk towards north east and the other near Ganeshpurtowards north.

Figure1: Sign-board on Shimla Bypass indicating the road to the village

525A Demographic Study of Gorkha Population …District Dehradun, Uttarakhand Minakshi Sharma

kachcha. A remarkable point is that people have not destroyed their older kachchahousehold in the same premises according to the desire of their parents and theystill perform the ‘Kuldevta Pujan’ in their Kachchha house.

1.3. Households by Family Size

Based on the analysis of 104 households belonging to the Gorkha community, thestructure of Gorkha population as per the family size is as follows:

Table 1.3: Family Size in Gorkha Karbari

Family Size Number of Families

1 to 5 74 (71%)

6 to 10 26 (25%)

11 to 15 04 (4%)

Total 104

In the studied area, most of Gorkha families (71%) consist of 1 to 5 members,followed by 25% of Gorkha families that consist of 6 to 10 members. A few (4%)of Gorkha families consist 11 to 15 members (Table 1.3).

So far as their family setup is concerned, most of the families consisting up to 5members are ‘nuclear’ (having husband-wife and their unmarried children only)while those consisting more than 5 members are of ‘joint’ type (having husband-wife, their married and unmarried children, and grand children and other relatives)generally. In few cases, unmarried or widow sister or widowed brother of the headof household or of his wife also reside in the joint family.

2. Population Charcteristics of the Gorkha Population

2.1. Sex CompositionThe sex composition of Gorkha Population based on 529 individuals in 104households of Gorkha Karbari Grant is shown in Figure 2.1 as follows:

The number and percentage of Gorkha females was found to be slightly higherthan their counterparts among the community.

526

Results and Discussion1. Household Census

1.1. Households by Community

The Gorkha Karbari hamlet has a total number of 109 households in total includingthe Gorkha and other communities with a population of 638. Out of these 109, thehouseholds belonging to Gorkha community are 104 in number with a populationof 529 individuals. Other than the Gorkha, there are 2 Garhwali, 2 Punjabi, and1 Bawari family in the Gorkha Karbari Hamlet (Table 1.1). Most of the Gorkhafamilies residing in Gorkha Karbari hamlet though migrated long back from Nepal,are natives of the village now.

Table 1.1: Community Wise Households in Gorkha Karbari

Sl. No. Community No. of Households

(i) Gorkha 104(ii) Garhwali 2(iii) Punjabi 2(iv) Bawari 1

Total Households 109

All communities other than the Gorkha are neo-local to the village. There are someneo-local Gorkha families also who have recently settled in the village throughsome friend, relative or marriage alliance with the daughter of the village. Forfurther analysis, the 104 households belonging to Gorkha population only havebeen taken into account.

1.2. Households by Infrastructure

Almost all the houses owned by the Gorkha community in the hamlet are ‘pucca’(having concrete roof, brick wall and cemented floor) with a number of 102 houses.At present, only 2 houses belonging to very poor Gorkha families are ‘kachcha’(having tiled roof, mud walls and earthen floor) in the village (Table 1.2).

Table 1.2: Infrastructure of Houses in Gorkha Karbari

Sl. No. Type of Infrastructure No. of Houses

(i) Kachchha 2

(ii) Pucca 102

Total Households 104

But, the old Gorkha men of the village tell that this development is very recent.In their young age, there were just 15-20 households and all of these houses were


Female50.47%

Male49.53%

SexComposition

Figure 2.1

Figure 2.3.2 Population Pyramid of Gorkha Community

3. Status of Education among Gorkha Population in Gorkha Karbari HamletEducation is very important for the holistic development of a society. The Gorkhacommunity give adequate importance to education as is evident from the literacyand educational level given below:

3.1. Literacy RateAll individuals aged 7 and above i.e. 478 in number comprising of 231 males and247 females has been taken into account to analyse status of educational amongGorkha population. According to the primary data collected, the literacy rate amongGorkha population is 91.21% (Table 3.1).

Table 3.1: Status of literacy among Gorkha Population

Category Number of Males (%) Number of Females (%) Total (%)

Literate 217 (93.94%) 219 (88.66%) 436 (91.21%)

Illiterate 14 (6.06%) 28 (11.34%) 42 (8.79 %)

Total 231(100%) 247(100%) 478(100%)

The ‘male literacy’ among Gorkha Population is 93.93% while the ‘female literacy’among Gorkha Population is 88.66%. (Table 3.1). This shows that the male literacyin Gorkha population is higher than the female literacy. But, it is remarkable to

528

2.2. Sex RatioThe sex ratio of Gorkha Population in the studied area is 1019 which is healthierin comparison to the census 2011 (provisional) figure for the state of Uttarakhand(963) and that of India (940). The Child sex ratio of Gorkha Population in thestudied area is 517 which is much poor in comparison to the census 2011(provisional)figure for the state of Uttarakhand (886) and that of India (914). The low figureof child sex ratio is a matter of concern and is in absolute contradiction of thenormal sex ratio figure. The sex composition in the age group of 0 to 1 years, withhigher number of male children though skewed against females but apparently nodiscrimination was observed or stated by the community among boys and girls.

2.3. Age Sex Structure

2.3.1. Broad Age GroupsAge composition reflects the dominance of a particular age group of the populationin socio-cultural life and economic status of a community. Following the classificationof Census of India, the Gorkha Population data is classified in four broad agegroup as follows:

Table 2.3.1 Broad Age Groups in Gorkha Karbari Grant

Age Group Number of Males (%) Number of Females (%) Total

0-6 31 (11.83%) 20 (7.49%) 51(9.64%)

07-14 37 (14.12%) 28 (10.49%) 65 (12.29%)

15-59 164 (62.60%) 197 (73.78%) 361 (68.24%)

>60 30 (11.45%) 22 (8.24%) 52 (9.83%)

Total 262 (100%) 267(100%) 529(100%)

As per the Table 2.3.1, there are maximum number of individuals (68.24%) in theage group of 15-59 years in Gorkha Karbari reflecting the good status of availablework force. The population in the age group of 07-14 years (12.29%) shows thepotential workforce in near future while the age group more than 60 years (9.83%)and 0-6 years (9.64%) indicate the dependents.

2.3.2. Population PyramidThe Gorkha population has been further classified into smaller age groups to geta more clear picture of the age sex structure of the Gorkha population.

It is observed through the analysis of population pyramid (Figure 2.3.2) that thetotal Gorkha population is decreasing up to the age of 15 yrs; it is uniformlyincreasing from the age of 15 yrs to the age of 30 yrs and thereafter it decreasesgradually. The population pyramid shows that the number of females upto the ageof 10 years are less than the males while the females in the age group of 11-35is generally higher than males which is largely because of marriage. This alsoexplains the contradiction between the the sex ratio and child sex ratio.


86-90 Years81-85 Years76-80 Years71-75 Years66-70 Years61-65 Years56-60 Years51-55 Years46-50 Years41-45 Years36-40 Years31-35 Years26-30 Years21-25 Years16-20 Years11-15 Years6-10 Years

0-5 Years

19

1

1

5

1

99

10

12

19

12

16

17

30

29

36

26

20

17

15

17

22

29

19

32

25

23

15

15

10

12

14

5

5

40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40

M

F

4.2. Occupational Categories among Gorkha population in Gorkha KarbariGrantIn Gorkha Karbari, all the occupational activities have been classified into themajor and other occupations as follows:

Figure 4.2: Occupational Categories in Gorkha Karbari

Major occupations include ‘Service/Job’ (including both government and privatejobs), ‘Daily Wage Workers’ (working on daily wage as labourers or otherwise),‘Household Industries’ (industries run by one or more household members or thepersons doing service and repairing of transport equipments like motor mechanics,electricians, etc.), ‘Agricultural Labourers’(working as labourers for agriculture),and ‘Cultivators’ (those cultivating their own land) as about half of the populationis involved in these activities. While rest of the occupations and the persons doinghouse work including housewives have been put under the category of ‘Others’for the analysis of occupational status of Gorkha Karbari Grant.

Figure 4.2 highlights that maximum Gorkha individuals (36%) in the studied areaare engaged in service/job. Among these, most of the individuals do governmentservice particularly in Indian Army as the Gorkhas have been the soldiers historically.Cultivation is practised by a few individuals (only 2%) because of the lack ofirrigation facilities, fear of monkeys and residential plotting in the area. Thosewho fail to get any kind of service or job or those who are less educated eitherwork as agricultural labourers (3%) or daily wage workers (5%) or become selfemployed in household industries (3%). The occupational category of ‘Others’represents about half of the population because it also includes the housewivesand other persons engaged in household work as workers besides those engagedin the other occupations.

4.3. The existing workplaces of Gorkha population in Gorkha Karbari GrantThe Gorkha population generally work in nearby villages like Ganeshpur, Jhiverhedi,Bhuddi, Badowala, Nayagaon, Ratanpur and other nearby areas within adistance of 10 kms as daily wage labourers. Some do private jobs in nearbycities like Selaqui, Vikasnagar and Dehradun. Those employed in government

530

note here that Gorkha females have attained comparatively higher education asindicated by the education level as discussed below.

3.2. Education LevelThough the Gorkha community gives importance to education but they generallydo not aspire for higher studies. Among the literates, only 15.83% Gorkha individualscontinued their education beyond class 12.Similarly, only 10.14% among literatemales and only 21.46% among literate females continued their studies beyondclass 12. The education level of females is higher because most of the Gorkhamale youth generally target to get into armed forces after passing high school orintermediate. But, during the present study, the author also observed that the maleGorkha youth have started giving importance to higher education and professionalcourses now due to increasing competition for army jobs.

4. Occupational Status of Gorkha population in Gorkha KarbariThe total workforce between the age group 15 to 59 years in Gorkha Karbariconsisting of 361 individuals (197 females and 164 males) has been taken intoaccount to analyse the occupational status of Gorkha population in the studiedarea. The occupational status of Gorkha Karbari is discussed below:

4.1. Work Participation Rate (W.P.R.)

Figure 4.1: Work Participation in Gorkha Population

Among the total population of 529, the work participation rate in Gorkha populationis 55.01% (291 workers) that consists of 52.74% (279) ‘main workers’ and 2.27%(12) ‘marginal workers’. It means 44.99% of the Gorkha population is dependenton on the 55.01% actual work force.

Here, it is remarkable that the author during the field work also found 35 seniorcitizens (aged above 60 years) including 09 males and 26 females being activelyinvolved as the workforce in Gorkha population while the absence of child labour(<15 years) in Gorkha Karbari is observed.


Non-Workers44.99%

Workers55.01%

Main Workers52.74%

MarginalWorkers2.27%

Daily WageWorkers5%

3%

3%2%

OtherOccupations

51%

Service/Job36%

MajorOccupations

49%

AgriculturalLabourers

Cultivators

HouseholdIndustries

were identified during study only in the five individuals. The Gorkhas generally practiceHindu religion. Only one family recently converted to Buddhism was noted. They worshipall Hindu Gods. Most popular are the ‘Barah Dev’ (Lord Vishnu), ‘Lord Shiva’ and‘Goddess Kali’. Though migrated from Nepal long back in history, they regard India astheir motherland. They prefer themselves to be called as the Gorkha and their languageas Gorkhali rather than Nepali. They are proud of serving the country as soldiers in theIndian army. The community has been given status of OBC in the state, however, theystill feel marginalised on developmental aspects. The issues like low child-sex ratio, lowhigher education level and less representation of the community in the state administration,politics and in the occupations other than army are required to be addressed for the holisticdevelopment of the community and the Gorkhas are gradually becoming aware aboutthese aspects.

AcknowledgementsAuthor expresses deep sense of gratitude to all the subjects of Karbari grant villagewho gave their valuable time and information to enriched the data. Author is thankful toDr. Vinod Kaul (Superintending Anthropologist (P) and Head of Office), Dr. Shaik AbdulAzeez Saheb, Superintending Anthropologist (C), Dr. S.N.H. Rizwi (Anthropologist) andDr. Harashavardhana (Anthropologist) of Anthropological Survey of India, North-Westregional centre, Dehradun for their valuable comments on the paper which helped meimmensely in improving it. The author is also thankful to Anthropological Survey of India(Govt. of India), Ministry of Culture for providing the financial support for conductingthis research study. Author expresses special thanks to the two team members viz. Mr.Jokhan Sharma and Mr. Arnab Mukerjee for their cooperation in digitisation of huge dataof Gorkha Population and also to all the other team members who were part of thisextensive study of Gorkha population viz. Dr. Priyanka Singh, Dr. Jayanta Nayak, ShriNishant Saxena, Shri K.S. Pandey, Shri Subrato Kundu, and Smt. Lucy Pramanik whowere there with me to extend their help as and when required during the fieldwork.

References1. Census of India 2011, Data Summary,

http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Metadata/Metada.htm

2. Census of India, 2011http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/censusinfodashboard/index.html

3. Census of India, Provisional Population Totals Paper1 of 2011: Uttarakhand:Census2011 Press Release dated 02.04.2011: 2http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov results/data_files/uttarakhand/ppt_figures_press_rel.pdf

4. Census of India, Provisional Population Totals Paper2, Volume1 of 2011: Rural &Urban Distribution: Uttarakhand Series 6: Census 2011:1-2http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov-results/paper2/data_files/uttrakhand/4-fig-uttra-1.pdfhttp://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov-results/paper2/data_files/uttrakhand/4-fig-uttra-2.pdf

532

jobs are generally working nationwide at long distances. Some of the Gorkhaindividuals also migrate temporarily to Nepal to earn their livelihood and for themarriage purpose.

5. Disability ProfileThe disability in the village is 1% approximately. There are only 6 disabledindividuals comprising of 2 mentally retarded (both males) and 4 physicallydisabled one. Among the physically disabled, one male and one old female isdisabled due to paralysis while 2 females are orthopaedically disabled due toarthritis and overweight.

6. Religious ProfileAll 104 Gorkha families in the studied area except one (who recently convertedto Buddhism) are Hindus. Every Gorkha household has a ‘Tulsi’ tree at its entrancethat is revered as a female deity. ‘Tulsi Vivah’ is a popular celebration amongGorkha community. The practice of keeping a flower in a copper pot filled withwater at entrance of the house is observed as a traditional practice of Gorkha toplease the Goddess Laxmi for prosperity. The Gorkha worship all Hindu Gods.Barah Dev- the incarnation of Lord Vishnu is Kul Dev of the village. The templeof ‘Barah Dev’ in north-west and ‘Manak Siddh Baba’ in the south west are tworeligious centre located within the village. The ‘Sansari Devi Pooja’, ‘Barah DevPoojan’ and ‘Bhandara’ (big feast) at ‘Manak Siddh’ temple are three regularannual religious events here. Besides ‘Dat Kali’ and ‘Nag Devta’ are also worshippedas the ancestral deity. A figurine of ‘Kul Devta’ (local deity) resembling the‘Shivalinga’ (a symbol of Hindu Lord Shiva who bears the ‘Nag’ as ornament) isplaced at a corner in the agriculture field of the Gorkha usually. Sai Baba is verymuch revered among new generation.

ConclusionThe present study among the 104 Gorkha households in the village Karbari Grant revealsthat the Gokhas basically love the nature and prefer to settle around forest, river, etc. Thesex ratio (1019) among Gorkha population is very healthy. On the contrary very poorchild sex ratio (517) is a matter of concern. The literacy rate among Gorkha communityis very high (91.21%) and there is a marginal gender gap of 2.73% in literacy rate withmales being on higher side. So far as education level is concerned females take an edgebecause the males prefer the army jobs rather than higher studies. The Gorkhas are verydiligent and are not shy of doing any kind of work that gets reflected by the workparticipation rate of 55.01%. Participation of females in the workforce is generally forhousehold work while the males are engaged in economically productive activities outside.It makes the participation of females in active work force comparatively higher than theircounterparts. The maximum numbers of the Gorkha individuals are employed in governmentjobs, particularly in Indian Army indicating their occupational preference towards servingin the armed forces for the nation and highlighting their patriotism. Among the remainingpopulation, most of the Gorkha individuals work as ‘Daily Wage Workers/labourers’,followed by ‘Household Industry Workers,’ ‘Agricultural Labourers’ and ‘Cultivators’respectively. The health status of the Gorkha community is generally good as only 1%population was found disabled. The mental retardation, paralysis and orthopaedic disability


534

Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India

Jaya Sanyal1, Biswanath Sarkar2

ABSTRACT


1&2Anthropological Survey of India, 27 Jawaharlal Nehru Road, Kolkata, INDIA

Functional, biochemical or structural abnormalities of the basal ganglia, the cerebellumand their connections are responsible for the vast majority of the disorders. It is nowgenerally accepted that there is no single cause of Parkinson's disease, and the conceptof "Parkinson's diseases" is now emerging to indicate multiple etiologies for a group ofdiseases with overlapping clinical and pathological features. As a result of these studies,a new insight into the mechanisms of neuronal death, many neurodegenerative diseasesincluding PD are now considered proteinopathies caused by abnormal protein processingin the affected cells.

Advances in understanding mechanisms of neurodegeneration are now being translatedinto therapies that are not merely symptomatic but also potentially disease modifying.Although, levadopa continues to be the most effective symptomatic treatment for Parkinson'sdisease, the emergence of motor fluctuations and dyskinesias limit usefulness of the drug.Considerable attention is devoted to depict the scenario of Parkinson's disease in WestBengal, India. This paper depicts a general introduction of Parkinson's disease, riskfactors (genetic and environmental) involved and different mechanisms leading to thedisease pathogenesis as studied among PD patients of West Bengal.One of the majorattractions of this paper is the screening of DJ-1 and LRRK2 genes for the first time inIndia and correlation of the mutations with phenotypic/clinical data. This study highlightsthe interplay of genetic and environmental risk factors acting on the Bengalee speakingpopulation on PD progression and comparing with other studies of the world. In future,advanced screening of other genes involved might unfold mechanisms in diseasepathogenesis along with gene-gene interaction. Several other markers can be predictedthus, helping clinicians for better and early diagnosis of this complex disorder andpredicting treatment response.

Although not meant to be encyclopedic, this comprehensive report highlights recentadvances in basic sciences related to PD and as such should be of interest not only toclinicians but also to basic investigators pursuing answers to some unanswered questionsabout the pathogenesis of this challenging disorder. It is the hope and wish of the authorsthat this will serve as a testimony to update the knowledge of Parkinson's disease in Indiawith special emphasis on West Bengal.

to pesticides exposure and also well water consumption exclusively for more than fiveyears. Factors like rural living, farming and use of pesticides and insecticides appear tobe interrelated. Most studies that show increased risk of PD with pesticides exposure alsoshow increased risk with rural living. But in the study from Northern part of India (Behariet al., 2001), both cases and controls were collected from the same catchment area of thehospital and this may be one of the explanations why rural living could not emerge as arisk factor. But with respect to the cohort of Eastern India, controls included relatives ofpatients accompanying them in clinic and OPD, which included both rural and urbansubjects in a more random fashion. This is probably why both pesticides exposure andrural living emerged as significant factor. Though it was difficult to ascertain the natureof pesticides but mostly they were organophosphorus, organochlorine, carbamates inchemical nature and this quantification of exposure to pesticides was not possible. Thequantum of land owned by a rural household is perhaps an important indicator of theeconomic status of the household. In India, three different types of crops are cultivatedin a year per field. The field size varies from 0.1-2 acres of land. Farmers use differentpesticides to cultivate crops like Dhaan (rice), vegetables, potato, cabbage, brinjal etc.Ketazine (250ml/spray), Action 505, Eldrine, Phostathione, are some of the commonlyused pesticides sprayed to eradicate pests. Though the cut off value for the use of pesticideshas been kept to five years, it has been seen that patients exposed to such toxic substancesfrom their younger years have more severe PD symptoms (Hoehn and Yahr score > 4)than those exposed at a later stage. Manual laborers though engaged in other occupation,sometimes also work in such open fields. This may be the reason that they have a greaterrisk for occurrence of PD. It was expected that farmers would comprise a significantproportion of cases but only two cases (1.1%) and two controls (0.5%) were farmers. Thefarmers in the PD cohort are of older age with one of them having a positive familyhistory. Comparatively, the controls with farming as an occupation were of younger age.It can be assumed that with longer years of exposure to pesticides they might developPD in their lifetime that explains the discrepancy that farming as an occupation was notassociated with PD. In rural West Bengal, housewives of farmer families and also peopleof other professions like shopkeepers and small businessman handle pesticides duringcultivation of land seasonally. This indicates direct exposure to pesticides is probablymore important than rural living or farming as a risk factor. Many patients with Parkinson'sdisease have clinically significant anxiety, depression, fatigue, sleep disturbance, orsensory symptoms. The comorbidity of these nonmotor symptoms and their relationshipto PD severity has not been extensively evaluated. Two epidemiological studies fromIndia and one from Japan have documented an increasing prevalence of PD among womenwith advancing age. (Saha et al., 2003; Das et al., 2006; Kimura et al., 2002). The exactreasons are not known. One of the reasons may be that women are usually nonsmokers.An experimental study has documented a beneficial effect of oestrogen on neuronsincluding dopaminergic (DA) neurons (Miller et al., 1998). However, no significantcorrelation has been demonstrated between parkinsonian symptoms and the levels ofoestrogen and progesterone. Thus, a gender-based interaction (e.g. men in the US andEurope, and women in Japan and India) between environmental and/or genetic risk factorsmight explain this difference. A meta-analysis of 44 case-control and 4 cohort studieson smoking, and 8 case-control and 5 cohort studies on coffee-drinking showed a 60%lower risk of PD in smokers than non-smokers, and a 30% lower risk among coffee-drinkers than non-drinkers, respectively (Hernan et al., 2002). The primary candidate

536

INTRODUCTIONMovement disorders describe a group of neurological disorders that involve the motorand movement systems. Parkinson’s disease (PD), essential tremor, dystonia is some ofthe commonly known disorders that fall in this category. Although the etiology ofmovement disorders is poorly understood, both genetic and environmental factors playan important role in the disease pathogenesis. In this chapter, the scenario of PD in EasternIndia is highlighted.

The ancient texts of the Indian system of medicine ‘Ayurveda’, describes Parkinsonismand tremors as early as 5000-3000 BC. The Ayurvedic physician, Charaka, was possiblythe first to describe Parkinson’s disease (PD) in his treatise “Charaka Samhitha” wherehe called it ‘Kampavata’, literally meaning ‘tremors of neurological origin’. Interestingly,the treatment recommended in Ayurveda for PD is the seeds of Mucuna pruriens whoseextract contains levodopa. All this was known much before James Parkinson describedthis disease in modern times.

The prevalence studies have recorded widely differing rates in India mostly due todissimilar ethnicity and age structure of the studied population. A study on the Parsicommunity shows a very high prevalence of PD, as their longevity is different from thatof the national average and is characterized by a larger age population as well as a distinctethnicity. Epidemiological study from India revealed that about approximately 7 lakhIndians are affected with PD because of the larger size of Indian population (Behari etal., 2002). However, the prevalence rates could be much higher (3.30 per 1000 elderlypopulation > 60 years) based on the recent report from eastern India (Das et al., 2006).The age and sex specific prevalence showed increasing frequency of neurological disorderswith advancing age in both genders excepting slight dip in the fourth and fifth decadesamong females. Different inclusion criteria, multiethnicity, different environmental factors,poor medical facility and insufficient number of aged population may be responsible forlower prevalence of chronic neurological disorders as compared to Western countries.Increase in the life expectancy in future will lead to increasing burden of chronicneurological diseases in absolute term in Indian society considering the one billionpopulations at present. The age-adjusted prevalence rate (PR) and average annual incidencerate were 52.85/100,000 and 5.71/100,000 per year, respectively. The slum populationshowed significantly decreased PR with age compared with the non-slum population.The adjusted average annual mortality rate was 2.89/100,000 per year. The relative riskof death is 8.98. The case-control study showed that tobacco chewing protected andhypertension increased PD occurrence (Das et al., 2010).

Role Environmental risk factors in PD patients of Eastern IndiaA study from Eastern India with male:female ratio to be 4:1 revealed that family historyof Parkinson's disease, pesticide exposure, exposure to toxins other than pesticides, ruralliving and previous history of depression were associated with increased risk of PD andsmoking is inversely associated. The above study being a hospital-based study mightreflect a higher male-female ratio as more males seek medical attention for comparablysevere medical illness in Indian context. Such hospital-based studies are generallymisleading, as survival of women recruited from hospital is worse as compared to men.This suggests a bias in favor of males in seeking medical advice for neurological disorders(Sanyal et al, 2010). Agriculture is the main occupation of rural people, which is linked

537Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar

UPDRS, and the Hoehn and Yahr stage. Analyzed in a different way, NO levels werehigher in PD patients with disease onset > 50 years, and in those with a greater degreeof parkinsonism (UPDRS score > 30 or Hoehn and Yahr > 2). However, this differencedoes not justify stating that plasma nitrate levels are therefore related to the risk ofdeveloping PD, particularly as patients with short PD duration did not have elevatedlevels of NO.

Malondialdehyde (MDA) is considered to be an intermediate compound and a majorindicator of lipid peroxidation process (Halliwell et al., 1987). With respect to the EasternIndian PD patients (Sanyal et al., 2009), plasma MDA levels were inversely correlatedwith age of the patients and differed significantly from that of controls thus agreeing withthose reported by Kilinc et al., 1988. Dexter et al., 1989 have shown that basal lipidperoxidation measured as MDA levels is increased in substantia nigra of PD patients’brain. One report from India by Sudha et al., 2003 showed high erythrocyte lipidperoxidation at 0 hour of PD patients. High MDA, nitrate levels, excessive SOD activityin patients with less duration, early stages, decreased CAT, G-Px may indicate a systematicreaction related to chronic oxidative stress in brain. These can be viewed as peripheralmarkers for PD although such markers might not be of any diagnostic value. We find thedifference between early and late PD patients convincing. We therefore, conclude thatsome defect in the free radical protecting enzymes does not develop over the years ofParkinson’s disease. This is supported by the observation that early patients, even thosethat are elderly, have high levels of these enzymes, while late patients, even young ones,seem to have lost the ability to increase their antioxidant levels and thus have less freeradical protecting capacity. It is possible that this loss is due to increased oxygen stressinduced by the levadopa therapy. On the whole, it can be concluded that erythrocytes ofEastern Indian PD patients are under oxidative stress as is evidenced by reduced SOD,CAT, G-Px with greater duration and later phase of PD.

Role of genes in PD patients of Eastern IndiaPD generally arises as a sporadic form but is occasionally inherited as a simpleMendelian trait.

Screening of DJ-1 in Eastern Indian PD patientsDJ-1 gene mutation has recently been linked to PARK7, an autosomal recessive early-onset form of Parkinson’s disease. DJ-1 (OMIM 602533) is an eight exon gene spanning24kb, the open reading frame is encoded within exons 2-7 and exon 1 (1A and 1B) isalternatively spliced and non-coding. So far, 22 DJ-1 mutations have been reported inHuman Genome Mutation Database (http://www.hgmd.cf.ac.uk/ac/all.php).

Analysis of codon usage data has an importance in understanding the basic molecularorganization of a genome and that all organisms do not prefer all codons equally. Codonusage is known to be non-random and species specific. Codon usage patterns differsignificantly from organism to organism and they differ among different genes withinthe same taxa. Compositional constraints and translational selection are thought to be thetwo major factors for codon usage variation among the genes.

To understand the evolution at molecular level, DJ-1 protein among nine species, Daniorerio, Macaca mulatta, Pan troglodytes, Bos taurus, Mus musculus, Rattus norvegicus,Taeniopygia guttata, Canis familiaris, Homo sapiens was analyzed. To understand thenucleotide compositional characteristics among the DJ-1 from different species, gene

538

substances that offer a protective effect are nicotine and caffeine. Study by Sanyal et al,2010 revealed an association between PD and previous history of depression up to 15years prior to PD symptom onset. Although, the relevance of depression in pathogenesisof PD is unclear, depression has found to be common in PD patients and predates symptomsof PD. This might be linked to a reduction in brain catecholamine, serotonin or dopamine.Interestingly, there was no association of PD with exposure to domestic pets for fiveyears whereas, two times reduced risk for developing PD was found for those exposedmore than ten years (Behari et al., 2001). Whether there is any mechanism of possibleprotective effect of exposure to pets in PD is difficult to attribute to any factor and thisfield needs to be explored. In studies on survival of cardiac infarction, patients who owneddogs had better survival as compared to those who did not own a pet. It might behypothesized that sympathetic nervous system arousal and decrease in anxiety in responseto stressors could play a role in survival after cardiac infarction. This hypothesis may notbe applicable in etiology of PD. Inflammatory processes and cytokine expression hasbeen implicated in the pathogenesis of several neurodegenerative disorders. Inflammationis a common finding in the PD brain, but due to the limitation of postmortem analysisits relationship to disease progression cannot be established.

Role of Oxidative stress in PD patients of Eastern IndiaDue to increase in free radicals and other reactive oxygen species, which play an importantpart in neuronal death in major neurodegenerative diseases, oxidative stress is a primarycausal event in the etiology of PD. Under normal conditions, the actions of reactivespecies are opposed by a balanced and coordinated system of antioxidant defenses likeSuperoxide dismutase (SOD), catalase (CAT) and Glutathione peroxidase (G-Px). Oxidativestress might be a consequence of reduced efficiency of these endogenous antioxidantsthat render PD patients more vulnerable to oxidative stress. In a study on Eastern Indiaamong 160 subjects, it was seen PD patients had a significant higher RBC SOD activity(Sanyal et al, 2011). The mean RBC activity of CAT was found to be lowered in patientscompared to the controls. These enzymes do not decrease with age or age of onset, butthe correlation with duration of disease, UPDRS and HY stages was significant for thosepatients suffering for a greater duration with later stages of PD progression; thus thelowering of activity of these biochemical parameters. In the initial stages of the disease,increased SOD, CAT, G-Px activity in the nervous system of PD patients may be aprotective response to the increased production of the anions.

Mechanisms underlying neuronal death in PD are poorly understood, although severalin vitro studies have suggested the involvement of oxidative stress (Gotz et al., 1990).According to the hypothesis of Youdim et al. 1993, NO could be implicated in thepathogenesis of PD in at least three ways: NO-mediated involvement of corticostriatalglutamatergic neurons (Bret et al., 1989; Mccall et al., 1992) NO interaction with theiron storage protein ferritin resulting in the release of iron, formation of iron-nitrosylcomplexes and promotion of free radicals, triggering lipidperoxidation (Reif et al., 1990);and NO-induced impairment of mitochondrial function (Abou-sleiman et al., 2006; Nuneset al., 2005). A single report from India by Sanyal et al., 2010 showed an elevated plasmalevel of nitrates was found in PD patients, however, there was no significant differencein plasma nitrate level between the subgroup of PD patients with disease duration of twoyears or less vs. that of the control group. In the PD group as a whole, there was a positivecorrelation of nitrate levels with patient age, age at disease onset, disease duration,


sequences from different species were obtained and analyzed. The GC content was foundto be lower in Homo sapiens, Canis familiaris and Pan troglodytes ranging from 48.2%-49.9%, as compared to the other species like Danio, Mus, Rat, Bos, Taeniopygia whichshows a higher value ranging from 50%-55%. While accessing the codon usage preferencefor coding region of DJ-1 genes from different species, A-T rich codons were found tobe more abundant in organisms whose G+C content (GC%) in DJ-1 gene was lesser andGC-rich codons were more abundant in organisms with higher G+C content. It is seenthat species with greater GC% content also tend to have a lower A/T in their third codonposition (A3, T3) values (Fig. 1). Interestingly, the effective number of codons (Nc),which is an indicative of codon usage bias in a particular gene sequence was found tobe lower in Danio (47.91) and Bos (49.91), whereas Nc value was higher in Pan, Macaca,Homo sapiens and Mus musculus.

While comparing, the amino acid composition of different homologous DJ-1 proteinsequences, amino acids like Phe, Trp Cys were found to be in some low abundance thanthat of Leu, Ala, Pro, which are more abundant amino acids among all the species forwhich DJ-1 has been studied. The abundance of the other amino acids such as Asn, Thr,Ile, Val are more conserving across different species (Fig 2).

The DJ-1 sequences from evolutionary different species have been analyzed. It is observedthat there are some differences among their sequences in nucleotide compositional level. But,DJ-1 proteins from these species were much conserve, in terms of their amino acid composition.Thus it provides a hint towards the conserved evolutionary pattern of DJ-1.

Fig 1: A3,T3,C3,G3 composition for DJ1 protein among 9 organisms.

Fig 2. Amino acid composition for DJ-1 protein among 10 organisms.

In a cohort of 150 PD patients from Eastern India (Sanyal et al., 2011), a total of sixintronic variants (IVS4+30T>G, IVS4+45G>A, IVS4+46G>A, IVS4-98G>A,IVS5+31G>A and IVS5+69G>C) were detected in the DJ-1 gene including one novelintronic change (IVS5+69G>C). Clinical features of the two patients exhibitingIVS5+69G>C (novel change) were compared and both were found to have early onsetPD. However, the risk of this variant (IVS5+69G>C) in PD pathogenesis is not yetunderstood. IVS4+30T>G, IVS4+45G>A, and IVS4+46G>A were found to be presentequally both in the patient and control cohorts (Table 1).

Table 1. DJ-1 Gene polymorphisms and variants

Nucleotide Amino Patient (%) Control (%) SNP Statuschange acid change N=150 (no. of N=150

(no. of chromosomes=300)chromosomes=300)

IVS4+30T>G NA 26 (17.33) 27 (18) rs2641116 (Reported)

IVS4+45G>A NA 26 (17.33) 27 (18) rs2641117(Reported)

IVS4+46G>A NA 65 (43.33) 40 (26.66) rs56327722 (Reported)

IVS4–98G>A NA 5 (3.33) 0 (0) rs6703670 (Reported)

IVS 5+31G>A NA 4 (2.66) 2 (1.33) rs389298(Reported)

IVS 5+69G>C NA 2 (1.33) 0 (0) Novel

Interestingly, two nucleotide variants, rs2641116 (IVS4+30T>G), rs2641117(IVS4+45G>A) were found to be in complete linkage disequilibrium (LD). The minorallele frequencies of these variants were comparable between patients (0.17) and controls(0.18). The case-control association study showed that rs56327722 was found to besignificantly over represented among the patients than the controls with A allele as a riskfactor for PD among Eastern Indian PD patients (OR=1.798; 95%CI=1.170-2.762,P=0.010). Nucleotide variant, IVS4-98G>A (rs6706370) was found to be present in 5patients (3.33%) whereas intronic variant, rs389298 (IVS5+31G>A) is present in 8 and4 chromosomes among patients and controls respectively. No other such variants wereeither seen in the exons 2, 3, 6 and 7 or in their exon-intron boundaries.

There is lack of association of DJ-1 with PD in Eastern India. No heterozygous orhomozygous missense/nonsense mutations in the coding exons of DJ-1 was foundsuggesting DJ-1 mutation is very rare among the patients with familial and sporadicParkinsonism from East India. Because the identified DJ-1 mutants were found in agenetically isolated community and in consanguineous families, DJ-1 mutants may beunusual in the general population. Although intronic regions contain regulatory elements,the variants detected in our study are unlikely to be pathogenic. The identified intronicvariants which unlikely to affect splicing and seem to be represented as polymorphisms.Among the variants, rs2641116, rs1264117 and rs389298 have already been reported inChinese population (Guo et al., 2005). Mutations had not also been identified in otherAsian populations like Japan, China, Taiwan, and Korea. Therefore, our finding is in linewith the different Asian populations as well as other populations (Israel, Turkey, Philippines,

540 541Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar

0.50.45

0.40.35

0.30.25

0.20.15

0.10.05

0

T3s

C3s

A3s

G3s

Canis_

familia

ris

Homo_

sapie

ns

Taen

iopyh

gia_g

uttata

Rattus

_nor

vegic

us

Mus_m

uscu

lus

Bos_ta

urus

Pan_tr

oglod

ytes_

Macac

a_mula

ttaDan

io

PARKIN MUTATION STUDIES IN INDIA

Role of PARKIN polymorphisms as risk factors varies in different populations amongvarious ethnic groups. Unlike many other populations of the world, India consists ofethnically, geographically and genetically diverse populations, comprising of more thana billion people of four major linguistic lineages, consisting of 4693 communities withseveral 1000 endogamous groups . Indian populations, known for their rich diversity, arenot included in the genotyping of single nucleotide polymorphisms in the global surveyfor all the genes associated with PD. As part of a larger effort to study genomic variationin Indian population, a total of 1000 adult individuals from three linguistic groupsbelonging to 10 ethnic groups who inhabit geographically diverse regions of India wereselected for the screening of five PARKIN gene polymorphisms (rs1801474, rs72480421,rs1801582, rs1801334 and rs35125035) in 10 Indian populations (Munda, Andh, Kamar,Kathodi, Toto, Gallong, Kathakur, Nihal, Birhor, Bondo) to study the Indian gene pool. The rs72480421 (His200Gln) was found to be monomorphic. MAF of rs1801334 is thehighest in Indian populations (0.109) than those of the other populations who participatedin Hapmap project yielding a very high heterozygosity. However, with respect to rs1801474,MAF was found to be similar between YRI (0.102) and Indian populations (0.103). MAFof the variant rs1801582 is low in Indian populations (0.135) as compared to Luhya(0.218) and Maasai (0.196) of Kenya, Mexicans (0.224), Gujarati Indians (0.292), buthigher than the Japanese (0.058), Hans Chinese (0.08) populations. Out of sixteen possiblehaplotypes, five major haplotypes having frequencies greater than 5% accounted foralmost all chromosomes (90–98%) in all populations studied. However haplotypefrequencies showed striking variation among populations. In all populations, GGGGCis the major haplotype with the frequency ranging from 52.8% (Munda) to 76.2 (Gallong),GCGC was the second major haplotype in Birhor (15.6%), Munda (19.7%) and Andh(21.8%). The other haplotype with more than 5% frequency in at least one populationare GGAC, GGGA and AGGC (Fig 3).

Figure 3. Relative proportions of most frequent five-site haplotypes of PARKIN among ten Indian populations.

542

Bulgaria, Greece, and Tunisia) (Tan et al., 2004; Tomiyama et al., 2009). Taken together,it appears that compared to the PARKIN gene, routine priority screening for DJ-1 mutationsin all PD patients may not be necessary or cost effective. Interestingly, intronic variant,IVS4+46G>A (rs56327722) was significantly over represented among the patients andthus appeared as a risk factor for developing PD. Such an association of intronic variantwith PD has already been described previously in other genes (Xu et al., 2002). However,role of this intronic variant in the disease mechanism is not clear. This could be in LDwith some other causal mutation, which needs to be deciphered. In conclusion, althougha number of intronic variants and a novel intronic change were detected, absence of anyDJ-1 mutations amongst PD patients suggests that DJ-1 has little relevance in diseasepathogenesis in our Indian cohort.

Role of LRRK2 gene in Eastern India

A breakthrough has been achieved by linkage of families with autosomal dominant PDto the PARK8 region located on chromosome 12p11.2-q13 (Funayama et al., 2002;Zimprich et al., 2004). LRRK2 mutations appear to be limited to certain populations invarious geographical locations; different ancestry and founder effect (Zabetian et al.,2005) can be related to their variability thereby explaining its absence in the Indians. TheLRRK2 G2019S mutation is the most common genetic determinant with studies reportingfrequencies between 1% and 7% in patients with PD of European origin and between 2%and 40% in Ashkenazi Jews and North African Arabs (Lesage et al., 2006; Ozelius et al.,2006). Though G2019S mutation is absent in Eastern Indian population which is inaccordance with the Chinese population (Tan et al., 2005), a single report demonstratedthe presence of G2019S in only one Indian patient (0.12%) and low prevalence in Asia(Punia et al., 2006 ; Tan et al., 2005). The I2012T and 12020T mutations are absent inour study which is similar to the Taiwanese (Lu et al., 2005), Polish (Bialecka et al.,2005) and North Indian studies (Punia et al., 2006) earlier in contrast to the Japanese andEuropeans (Berg et al., 2005; Zimprich et al., 2004). The R1441G mutation occurs inabout 8% in PD patients from the Basque country and 2.5% in late-onset Spanish population(Paisan-Ruiz et al., 2004; Mata et al., 2005). This mutation is also not found in our cohortthat is at par to the Italian (Goldwurm et al., 2005), Portuguese (Bras et al., 2005) andNorth Indian population (Punia et al., 2006). Similarly, R1441C and R1441H were presentneither in Eastern India nor in Portuguese (Bras et al., 2005) and in a study from NorthIndia (Punia et al., 2006). Again, Y1669C is absent in our PD patient cohort like theItalian population (Goldwurm et al., 2005), whereas it exists as 0.26% in German cohort(Zimprich et al., 2004). Based on our results, routine testing for these mutations fordiagnostic purpose and genetic counseling may not be cost effective at least in the studiedpopulation. Although LRRK2 mutations are reported at various frequencies in populationsof Spain, Basques, African Arabs, Ashkenazi Jews, the present study indicate that thesemutations do not contribute significantly to PD amongst the cases with familial PD andsporadic patients cutting across all the castes and groups taken in our study; thereby theyare of little relevance for their pathogenic role in this disease inheritance and cannot berecommended for the diagnostic screening of those mutations in contrast to North Americanand European populations.


10. Sanyal J., D. P. Chakraborty, B. N. Sarkar, et al. Environmental and Familial RiskFactors of Parkinson’s disease: Case-Control Study. Canadian Journal of NeurologicalSciences. 2010; 37(5):637-642

11. Das S. K., A. Biswas, T. Roy, et al. A random sample survey for prevalence ofmajor Neurological disorders in Kolkata. Indian journal of Medical Research. 2006;124:163-172.

12. Das S. K., A. K. Misra, B. K. Ray, et al. Epidemiology of Parkinson disease inthe city of Kolkata, India, A community-based study. Neurology. 2010;75(15):1362-1369.

13. Das S. K., K. Sanyal, A.Moitra, Neuroepidemiological studies in an urban town ofBengal. Indian J Public Health. 1998; 42:33-36.

14. Das S. K., K. Sanyal, Neuroepidemiology of major neurological disorders in ruralBengal. Neurology India 1996; 14: 47-58.

treating PD in India being lower than in developed nations, optimal treatment is still outof reach for many Indian patients (Ragothaman et al., 2006). Patients in India presentwith a wide variety of movement disorders and these pose challenges, especially in termsof treatment, given the therapeutic limitations due to a near total lack of health insurance.Unfortunately, lack of awareness, limitation of human resources and cost factors denythe benefits of therapy to many patients.

References1. Abou-Sleiman P. M., Muqit MMK, Wood NW. Expanding insights of mitochondrial

dysfunction in Parkinson’s disease. Nature Reviews Neuroscience. 2006; 7(3):207–219.

2. Behari M., S. P. Bhatnagar, U. Muthane, et al. Experiences of Parkinson's diseasein India. Lancet Neurol. 2002; 1:258-262.

3. Behari M, Srivastava AK, Das RP, et al. Risk factors of Parkinson's disease in Indianpatients. J Neurol Sci. 2001; 190:49-55.

4. Behari M., A. K. Srivastava, R. M. Pandey, Quality of life in patients with Parkinson'sdisease. Parkinsonism Relat Disord 2005;11(4):221-226.

5. Berg D., K. Schweitzer, P. Leitner, et al. Type and frequency of mutations in theLRRK2 gene in familial and sporadic Parkinson’s disease, Brain. 2005;128(12):3000–3011.

6. Bharucha N. E., E. P. Bharucha, A. E. Bharucha, et al. Prevalence of Parkinson'sdisease in the Parsi community of Bombay, India Arch Neurol. 1988; 45:1321-1323.

7. Bialecka M, S. Hui, G. Klodowska-Duda, et al. Analysis of LRRK2 G2019 S andI2020T mutations in Parkinson’s disease, Neurosci. Lett. 2005; 390(1):1-3.

8. Bras JM, Guerreiro RJ, Ribeiro MH, et al. G2019S Dardarin substitution is a commoncause of Parkinson’s disease in a Portuguese cohort, Mov Disord. 2005;20(12):1653–1655.

9. Bret D. S., S. H. Snyder, Nitric oxide mediates glutamate-linked enhancement ofcGMP levels in the cerebellum. Proc Nat Acad Sci 1989; 86:5159-5162.

544

Although the present study includes only rs1801474 (Exon 4) and rs72480421 (Exon 5)are in the so-called deletion hot spot, remaining 3 SNPs are also separated by large introns.The distance between rs1801582 (exon 10) and rs1801334 (exon 11) is 26.6 kb, likewisebetween rs1801334 and rs35125035 (exon 12) is 10.1 kb. Contemporary ethnic populationsof India are highly variable both culturally and biologically. The origins of the geneticallyand culturally diverse populations of India have been subject to numerous genetic studiesbased on blood group, serum protein and red-cell enzyme polymorphisms (Cavalli-Sforzaet al. 1994; Papiha 1996). Further detailed study in this field will give a greater insightto analyze the haplotypic and LD and decipher the pathogenesis of PD patterns in thisregion. The haplotype diversity and the fragmented LD across PARKIN gene in allpopulations of the present study are suggesting the existence of frequent recombinationwithin the large introns of the PARKIN gene.

The rate varies in different ethnic populations. A total of 499 PD patients from India wereanalyzed to identify the causal mutations in the Parkin gene. Fifteen point mutations, 7heterozygous exon rearrangements and 2 homozygous exon deletions were identified.Diverse frequency and a wide spectrum of mutations including point mutations, insertionsand deletions within the Parkin gene, have been reported in different ethnic populations.The frequency of Parkin mutations varies in different populations; Europeans (50%),Germans (9%), French (16%), Italians (13%), North Americans (21%), Brazilians (8%)and Indians (8%). Djarmati et al.40 reported that Parkin gene mutations are rare in Serbianearly-onset PD (EOPD) patient samples (1.3%), suggesting that the Parkin gene mutationrate depends on the ethnic origin of the patients and that other genetic factors contributeto the development of EOPD. In a study of 73 Caucasian families with EOPD (age <45years), 49% had mutations in the Parkin gene. In comparison, in 100 patients with sporadicPD and age of onset <45 years, Parkin mutations were detected in 70% of patientspresenting at age <20 years, but only in 30% of those presenting at age >30 years. Biswaset al. identified two coding SNPs (cSNPs), Serl67Asn (c.601G/A) and Val380Leu(c.1239G/C) and evaluated the association of these 2 cSNPs with PD by genotyping 138eastern Indian PD patients and 141 ethnically matched controls.41 Both the cSNPs in theParkin gene within the cohort showed a significant association with PD independent ofthe age of onset, sex and presence of other polymorphisms. The association study revealedthat the Val380 allele (c.1239G) was significantly over-represented in the PD patients(88.4%) compared with controls (71.6%) (p<0.001, OR: 3.02, 95% CI: 1.88-4.86). Theallelic distribution of Serl67Asn also differed significantly between the patient and controlgroups (p=0.006, OR: 2.72; 95% CI; 1.3-5.74). Again, the most frequent genotype was(G,G) (p=0.003, OR: 3.12; 95% CI: 1.42-6.97).

The epidemiology of PD includes not only clinical epidemiology but also geneticepidemiology, which contributes to a better understanding of the underlying pathogenesis.The pathogenesis of sporadic adult-onset PD poses a great challenge. Behari et al evaluatedthe quality of life (QoL) in PD patients and observed that female gender, depression,reduced independence, higher levodopa dose (>400mg/day) and UPDRS scores wereassociated with worse QoL (Behari et al., 2005).

Medicines and surgical interventions have improved the quality of life of PD patients butare still expensive and unaffordable to many living in developing countries. ManagingPD in Indians where only 3% have health insurance is a challenge. Indian patients spendnearly 40% of their average gross income to buy medicines and despite the costs of


15. Funayama M., K. Hasegawa, H. Kowa, et al. A new locus for Parkinson’s diseases(PARK8) maps to chromosome 12p11.2-q13.1. Am Neurol. 2002; 51:296-301.

16. Goldwurm S., A. Di Fonzo, E. J. Simons, et al. The G6055A (G2019S) mutation inLRRK2 is frequent in both early and late onset Parkinson’s disease and originatesfrom a common ancestor, J. Med. Genet. 2005; 42(11):e65.

17. Gotz M. E., A. Freyberger, P. Riederer, Oxidative stress: a role in the pathogenesisof Parkinson’s disease. J Neural Transm. 1990; 29:241-249.

18. Gourie-Devi M., G. Gururaj, P. Satish Chandra, et al. Prevalence of Neurologicaldisorders in Bangalore, India: a community based study with a comparison betweenurban and rural areas. Neuroepidemiology. 2004; 23:261-268.

19. Gourie-Devi M., V. N. Rao, R. Prakashi, Neuroepidemiological study in semi-urbanand rural areas in South India. In: Gourie-Devi M (ed). Pattern of neurological disordersincluding motor neuron disease (ed). New Delhi: Oxford and IBH; 1987:11-21.

20. Guo J. F., B. S. Tang, Y. H. Zhang, et al. Mutation analysis of DJ-1 gene in patientswith autosomal recessive early-onset Parkinsonism. Zhonghua Yi Xue YiChuan XueZa Zhi. 2005; 22:641-643.

21. Halliwell B., Grootveld H. The measurement of free radical reactions in humans.FEBS Lett.1987; 213:9-14.

22. Sanyal J., B. N. Sarkar, T. K. Banerjee, et al. Peripheral markers for oxidative stressin Parkinson’s disease patients of Eastern India. Neurochemical Journal.2011; 5(2):146-149.

23. Kilinc A., A. S. Yalqin, D. Yalcin, et al. Increased erythrocyte susceptibility to lipidperoxidation in human Parkinson's disease. Neurosci Lett. 1988; 87: 307-310.

24. Kimura H., M. Kurimura, M. Wada, et al. Female Preponderance of Parkinson'sdisease in Japan. Neuroepidemiology. 2002; 21:292-296.

25. Lesage S., A. Durr, M. Tazir, et al. LRRK2 G2019S as a cause of Parkinson’s diseasein North African Arabs, N Engl J Med. 2006; 354(4):422-423.

26. Lu C. S., E. J. Simons, Y. H. Wu-Chou, et al. The LRRK2 I2012T, G2019S, andI2020T mutations are rare in Taiwanese patients with sporadic Parkinson’s disease,Parkinsonism Relat Disord. 2005; 11(8):521–522.

27. Mata I. F., J. P. Taylor, J. Kachergus, et al. LRRK2 R1441G in Spanish patients withParkinson’s disease, Neurosci Lett. 2005; 382:309–311.

28. Mccall T., P. Vallance, Nitric oxide takes centre-stage with newly defined roles.Trends Pharmacol Sci. 1992; 13:1-6.

29. Miller D. B., S. F. Ali, J. P. O'Callaghan, et al. The impact of gender and estrogenon striatal dopaminergic neurotoxicity. Ann N. Y. Acad Sci. 1998; 844:153-165.

30. Nunes C., L. Almeida, J. Laranjinha, Synergistic inhibition of respiration in brainmitochondria by nitric oxide and dihydroxyphenylacetic acid (DOPAC): implicationsfor Parkinson’s disease. Neurochemistry International. 2005; 47(3):173-82.

31. Ozelius L. J., G. Senthil, R. Saunders-Pullman, et al. LRRK2 G2019S as a cause ofParkinson’s disease in Ashkenazi Jews, N. Engl. J. Med. 2006; 354(4):424-425.

32. Paisan-Ruiz C, Jain S, Evans EW, et al. Cloning of the gene containing mutationsthat cause PARK8-Linked Parkinson’s disease. Neuron. 2004; 44:595-600.

33. Punia S., M. Behari, S. T. Govindappa, et al. Absence/rarity of commonly reportedLRRK2 mutations in Indian Parkinson’s disease patients. Neurosci Lett. 2006;409:83-88.

34. Ragothaman M., S. T. Govindappa, R. Rattihalli, D. K. Subbakrishna, U. B. Muthane,Direct costs of managing Parkinson's disease in India: concerns in a developingcountry. Mov Disord 2006;21(10):1755-1758.

35. Razdan S., R. L. Kaul, A. Motta, et al. Prevalence and pattern of Major Neurologicaldisorders in rural Kashmir (India) in 1986. Neuroepidemiology 1994; 13:113-119.

36. Reif DW, R. D. Simmons, Nitric oxide mediates iron release from ferritin. ArchBiochem Biophys 1990; 283:537-541.

37. Saha S. P., S. Bhattacharya, S. K. Das, et al. Epidemiological study of neurologicaldisorders in a rural population of Eastern India. J Indian Medical Association. 2003;101:299-300.

38. Sanyal J., S. K. Bandyopadhyay, T. K. Banerjee, et al. Plasma levels of lipid peroxidesin patients with Parkinson’s disease. European Review for Medical andPharmacological Sciences. 2009; 13(2):129-132.

39. Sanyal J., B. N. Sarkar, T. K. Banerjee, et al. Plasma level of nitrates in patients withParkinson’s disease in West Bengal. Neurology Asia. 2010; 15(1):55–59.

40. Sudha K., A.V. Rao, S. Rao, et al. Free radical toxicity and antioxidants in Parkinson’sdisease. Neurol India. 2003; 51: 60-62.

41. Tan EK, Shen H, Tan LC, et al. The G2019S LRRK2 mutation is uncommon in anAsian cohort of Parkinson’s disease patients, Neurosci. Lett. 2005; 384(3):327-329.

42. Tan E. K., C. Tan , Y. Zhao, et al. Genetic analysis of DJ-1 in cohort Parkinson’sdisease patients of different ethnicity. Neurosci Lett. 2004; 367:109-112.

43. Tomiyama H., Y. Li, H. Yoshino, et al. Mutation analysis for DJ-1 in sporadic andfamilial Parkinsonism: screening strategy in Parkinsonism. Neurosci Lett. 2009;455:159-161.

44. Youdim M. B. H., D. Ben-shachar, P. Riededer. The possible role of iron in theetiopathology of Parkinson’s disease. Mov Disorder. 1993; 8:1-12.

45. Zabetian C.P., A. Samii, A. D. Mosley, et al. A clinic-based study of the LRRK2gene in Parkinson disease yields new mutations, Neurology. 2005; 65(5):741–744.

46. Zimprich A., S. Biskup, P. Leitner, et al. Mutations in LRRK2 cause autosomal-dominant parkinsonism with pleomorphic pathology. Neuron. 2004; 44:601-607.

546 547Scenario of Parkinsons Disease in India Jaya Sanyal, Biswanath Sarkar


igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds lkekftd] lkLÑfrd ,oavkfFkZd thou esa fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu

ifjp;

1vuqla/kku lg;ksxh ¼lkLÑfrd½2Nk;k fp=kdkj

oSlh u`tkrh; lewg ftuesa izkphu ;k vkfne y{k.k] fof'k"V laLÑfr] HkkSxksfyd vyxko] c`gr~ lektls lEidZ esa ladqfpr LoHkko ,oa fiNM+kiu tSls fo'ks"krk gS vuqlwfpr tutkfr dgha tkrh gSA

bu tutkfr;ksa esa oSlh tutkrh; lewg ftudh vFkZ O;oLFkk vkt Hkh Ñf"k iwoZ rduhfd ij vk/kkfjrgS] tks fuEu lk{kjrk nj ,oa tula[;k kl dh voLFkk esa gS] vkfne tutkrh; lewg dgykrh Fkh]vc ikfVZdqyjyh oYujsoy tutkfr lewg ¼ih- Vh- th-½ dgykrh gSA

mij of.kZr fo'ks"krkvksa ds vk/kkj ij Hkkjr dh 75 tutkfr;ksa dks ikfVZdqyjyh oYujsoy tutkfrlewg ¼ih- Vh- th-½ esa j[kk x;k gSA ;s izÑfr ij fuHkZj jgus okyh tutkfr;kW gSA buesa ls vf/kdrjHkwfeghu gSA ftuds ikl FkksM+h cgqr Hkwfe gS og Ñf"k yk;d ugh gSA QyLo:i ;s viuh thfodk esaÑf"k dks 'kkfey dj ugha ik;h gaSA budh tula[;k de gSA buds lkekftd ,oa vkfFkZd thou esacgqr de ifjorZu gq;s gSA iz'kklfud ,oa fodkldkjh lqfo/kkvksa ls nwj] vk/kkjHkwr lqfo/kkvksa ds vHkkoesa nwjnjkt {ks=k esa lfn;ksa ls ;s jgrh vk jgh gSA budh laj{k.k ,oa fodkl dh furkar vko';drkgS] ftlls budh ?kVrh tula[;k dks jksdk tk ldrk gSA

igkM+h dksjck NRrhlx<+ jkT; ds tliqj ftys esa fuokl djrh gSA dekj] cSxk] fcjgksj rFkk vcwtekfj;k dh Hkkaafr ;g Hkh NRrhlx<+ dh vkfne tutkrh; lewg ls lEcfU/kr tutkfr gSA igkM+hdksjck tSlk fd uke ls gh izrhr gksrk gS ;s igkM+h {ks=kksa esa gh fuokl djrh gSaA budk thou 'kSyh,oa n'kZu blh ds vuq:i <yk gqvk gSA igkM+h dksjck rhu izdkj dh gksrs gSA dkyk igkM+h] fMgfj;kigkM+h ,oa ,jaxk igkfM+;kA dkyk igkM+h igkMh dksjck ds uke ls tkuh tkrh gSA fMgfj;k igkM+hfMg vFkkZr xkWao esa fuokl djrh gSA ,jaxk igkM+h dksjck xkWao ,oa igkM+h nksuks LFkkuksa ij jgrh gSA;asa e`r xk;&cSy dk ekal [kkrh gSA xk;&cSy dk ekal [kkus ds dkj.k bUgsa rhuksa izdkjkas esa lclsauhpk le>k tkrk gSA fMgfj;k ,oa igkM+h esa Hkh vkil esa 'kknh&C;kg [kku&iku ugha pyrk gSAfMgfj;k eSnkuh {ks=k esa jgdj [ksrh&ckjh dja thfodk ikyu djrs gSA rhuksa dksjck esa fMgfj;k viusdks lclsa ÅpkWa le>rh gSA blds ckn igkM+h dksjck fQj ,jaxk dksjck dk LFkku vkrk gSA ,jaxkigkM+h dksjck dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr lclsa n;uh; gSA ;s iw.kZ :is.k taxy ij vkfJr gSA ouksit budsthou dk eq[; vk/kkj gSA

jkt fd'kksj ¨ÉÉ½þÉiÉÉ ä1vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydj 2

550 551jkt fd'kksj egrk,, vkj- ,l- tkaHkqydjigkM+h dksjck tutkfr...........fujarjrk ,oa ifjorZu

vkfFkZd&thouigkM+h dksjck tutkfr dk eq[; is'kk taxy ls Qy&Qwy ,df=kr djuk] dan&ewy laxzg djukgSA taxy ls tykou dh ydM+h ykdj cspuk] Ñf"k midj.k ¼gy] tqvk½ cukdj cspuk rFkk ?kjcukus esa mi;ksx gksus okys ydM+h Hkh ;s taxy ls ykdj xkWaoksa esa cspdj thfodk pykrs gSA taxyhikS/ks ds fNyds ls ;s jLlh cukdj bls csprs gSA dan&ewy esa eq[; :i ls xM: dkank] tsB dkankvkfn taxy ls ykrs gSA bls lkQ djds mckyrs gS fQj [kkdj isV dk Hkw[k 'kkar djrs gSA taxyhQyksa esa pkj] dVs] vke] rasnw] vkWaoyk vkfn laxzg djrs gSA cjlkr ds fnukas esa iqVq] [kq[kjh Hkh ;staxy ls ykdj bUgs csprs gSA pksjh&fNis taxyh if{k;kas dk Hkh f'kdkj dj ysrs gSaA igkM+h dksjck[ksrh Hkh dj ysrs gSA [ksrh esa edbZ] dwVdh ¼xksanyh½] cjbZ ¼cktjk½] tVxh ¼xwatk½] jkgj ,oa ljlksmitkrs ga SA ;s lHkh [ksrh fVdjk Hkwfe es a dh tkrh gS a rFkk o"kkZ ij vk/kkfjr gksrh gSA

lkekftd thouigkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa Hkh vU; tutkfr;ksa ds leku xks=k O;oLFkk ik;h tkrh gSA ,nes] gkWalnk]eqj>k] fxywe] leVokj] gM+ek] >qe:] /kqfj;k] pkUMk rFkk 'ko: budk izeq[k xks=k gSA xks=k O;oLFkkdk eq[; dk;Z lkekftd thou dks fu;af=kr djuk gksrk gSaA igkM+h dksjck ,d fook?? ,oa ,dyifjokj dks iz/kkurk nsrh gSaA igkM+h dksjck dk ifjokj fir`oa'kh;] fir`js[kh; rFkk fir`LFkkuh; gksrkgSA 'kknh ds ckn ;s ifjokj ls vyx jgus yxrs gSaA ek¡&cki lkekU;r% NksVs csVs ds lkFk jgrs gSAvxj ek¡&cki 'kkjhfjd :i ls Bhd gS rks NksVs iq=k ds 'kknh ds ckn ;s yksx Hkh vyx jgdj thfodkikyu djrs gSaA tc 'kkjhfjd :i ls detksj ,oa o`) gks tkrs gSa rc fQj ek¡&cki vius csVks dslkFk jgus yxrs gSaA

thou pØtUeL=kh ds xHkZorh gksus ds rhljs ;k ik¡pos eghus esa iwoZt LFky ij ewxkZ cfy nsdj iwtk dh tkrh gSAcPps dk tUe fcuk ck/kk ds gks ;g lkspdj ;s ,slk djrs gSA vktdy igkM+h dksjck dh xHkZorhefgyk;s fVVusl dh lqbZ yxokus yxh gSA ijUrq izlo ds le; vLirky tkuk ilan ugha djrs gSAfojgksj tutkfr ds leku izlo ihM+k izkjaHk gksus ds ckn xHkZorh efgyk dks ?kj ds ckgj vk¡xu esafudky fn;k tkrk gSA vk¡xu ds fdlh dksus ij og cPps dks tUe nsrh gSA izlo LFky ij ?kj ,oaml xks=k ls lEcf/kr dksbZ Hkh efgyk ;k iq:"k ugha gksrs gSA dqlkbZu tks fd ?kklh ;k yksgjk tkfrdh gksrh gS og izlo esa lgk;rk igq¡pkrh gSA cPps dh ukHkh >M+us rd ,dkUr LFky ij ek¡ ,oacPpk nksuks jgrs gSA cPps ds tUe ds ckn cPps dh ek¡ dks lktk isM+ dk fNydk ikuh esa mckydjmldk jl fiyk;k tkrk gSA ukHkh >M+us ds ckn NBh fd;k tkrk gSA NBh dsoy 'kqf)dj.k dkfnu gksrk gSA NBh ds fnu ?kj dk lHkh diM+k lkQ fd;k tkrk gSA ?kj dks xkscj ls fyikbZ djds'kq) fd;k tkrk gSA NBh ds ckn tPpk ,oa cPpk nksuksa ?kj esa izos'k djrs gSa rFkk cPps dks lHkh xksnysus yxrs gSaA

cjghNBh ds ckn tUe ds ckjgos fnu cjgh dk vk;kstu fd;k tkrk gSA bl fnu lHkh fjLrsnkj ,oaxk¡o ds yksx vkeaf=kr fd;s tkrs gSA yM+dk ,oa yM+dh nksuks ds gh tUe esa leku [kq'kh euk;htkrh gSA yM+dh gksus ij vf/kd [kq'kh feyrh gS D;ksafd og cM+h gksdj ?kj dk dke&dkt esa gkFkc¡Vk;sxhA yM+fd;k¡ ?kj dh ftEesnkjh fuHkkrh gSA lc feydj egqvk dh 'kjkc ihdj [kq'kh eukrsgSA uotkr f'k'kq ,oa mlds ek¡ dks u;k diM+k fn;k tkrk gSA iwoZt LFky ,oa [kqfj;k jkuh ds LFkyij iwtk dh tkrh gSA ekrk&firk ,oa ?kj ds L;ku yksx ¼cqtqxZ½ cPps dk ukekadj.k djrs gSA cPpsds iSj esa igys 'kjkc Li'kZ djk;k tkrk gS fQj ml 'kjkc dks fi;k tkrk gSA

eUgksjhrhu ikd ¼,d ikd¾15 fnu½ ds ckn firjksa ¼iwoZt½ dh iwtk djds cPps dh ek¡ jlksbZ dk dke djukizkjaHk djrh gSA eUgksjh ds ckn gh og ?kj ds lHkh dke&dkt esa iw.kZ:is.k gkFk cVkus yxrh gSA

d.kZ&Nsnud.kZ Nsnu dks igkM+h dksjck esa dqaoj fogk ¼'kknh½ Hkh dgk tkrk gSA lk¡r ls vk¡B o"kZ ds mez esacPps dk dku Nsn fn;k tkrk gSA bl fnu ekek&QwQw ds ?kj ls fo'ks"k djds yksxksa dks vkeaf=krfd;k tkrk gSA xk¡o ds x.kekU; yksx Hkh cqyk;s tkrs gSA cPps ds ekek {kerkuqlkj migkj esa cdjh]xk; ;k vU; lkeku ykrk gSA ;g migkj cPps ds iw¡th ds :i esa c<+rk tkrk gSA d.kZ&Nsnu dsfnu gh vf/kdrj igkM+h dksjck ds yksx buds 'kknh Hkh r; dj nsrs gSA vxj ekek QwQw ds ?kjdksbZ yM+dk@yM+dh gks rks mlh ls 'kknh r; dj nh tkrh gS vU;Fkk ekek ;k QwQw ds xks=k esa gh[kkstk tkrk gSA vFkkZr d.kZ Nsnu ds fnu gh 'kknh ds mEehn~okj dk p;u gks tkrk gSA

fdlh&fdlh igkM+h dksjck esa ;g Hkh ns[kk x;k fd lkr&vkB o"kZ esa dku Nsn ugha fd;k tkrk gSijUrq 'kknh ls igys dku Nsn vko';d ekuk tkrk gSA 'kknh ds fnu rd vxj dku Nsnh ugha gqvkjgrk gS rk s mls lkekftd n.M fn;k tkrk gSA n.M es a cdjk fy;k tkrk gSA

fookgigkM+h dksjck esa fookg eesjs&QwQsjs HkkbZ&cgu esa ekU; gSA ;s tkfr vUrfoZokgh rFkk xks=k cfgfoZokggksrs gSA nsoj fookg] HkkHkh fookg rFkk fo/kok iqufoZokg dh izFkk buesa gSA dHkh&dHkh dksbZ yM+dkvUrZtkrh; fookg djrk gS rks lekt ,sls fookg dks ekU;rk ugha nsrh gSA vxj dksbZ leku xks=kesa fookg djrs gS rks mls oj&o/kw ds ?kj okyksa dks lekt cfg"Ñr dj nsrh gSA ,sls ifjfLFkfr esalekt dks lkewfgd Hkkst nsuk gksrk gSA lkewfgd Hkkst esa [kLlh dkVk tkrk gSA xk¡o ds igkM+h dksjcklekt okys Hkkst esa lfEefyr gksrs fQj bUgs lekt esa ekU;rk feyrh gSA

igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa fookg iku&ck¡/kh] cjks[kh ,oa yfxu tSls Lrjksa ls xqtjdj lEiUu dhtkrh gSA

iku ck¡/khiku ck¡/kh dks ckr ck¡/kuh rFkk ykBh Mjkiuh Hkh dgk tkrk gSA iku ck¡/kh ds fnu fookg iDdk djfy;k tkrk gS] blfy, bls ckr ck¡/kuh ;k ykBh Mjkouh Hkh dgk tkrk gSA bl fnu ds ckn oj,oa dU;k okys fookg ls eqdj ugha ldrs gSA eqdjus ij ykBh Mjkouh vFkkZr M.Ms ls ekj [kkusdh Hkh ukScr vk ldrh gSA vktdy ykBh Mjkouh dsoy izrhdkRed 'kCn jg x;k gSA M.Ms lsekjus dk dke ugha ds cjkcj gksrk gSA iku ck¡/kh dk dke dksVikj dh mifLFkfr esa lEiUu gksrkgSA xk¡o ds x.kekU; cqtqxZ ,oa utnhdh fj'rsnkj cqyk;s tkrs gSA oj i{k ds yksx u;k diM+k] xgukvkfn ysdj o/kq i{k ds ?kj vkrs gSA vk¡xu esa rqylh eap ds ikl o/kq dks fcBk dj u;k diM+k]xguk vkfn nsdj pqekou fd;k tkrk gSA lc yksx dU;k dk s vk'kh Zokn nsr s gSA

cjks[khiku ck¡/kh ds ckn cjks[kh gksrk gSA vkt ds fnu oj i{k ls pkj ls ik¡p Hkkj dksluk ¼,d Hkkj ¾nks g.Mh½] u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ysdj o/kq ds ?kj vkrs gSA oj i{k dh vksj ls utnhdh fj'rsnkj]xk¡o ds dqN fxus&pqus yksx jgrs gSA o/kq i{k ls Hkh utnhdh fj'rsnkj ,oa xk¡o ds fl;ku ¼cq<+s]cwtwxZ½ mifLFkr jgrs gSA u;k diM+k ,oa xguk igudj o/kq lHkh ds lkeus mifLFkr gksrh gS rFkklHkh dks iz.kke dj vk'khZokn ysrh gSA 'kknh dk fnu r; fd;k tkrk gSA 'kknh dh frfFk ,d ;k nkso"kZ ckn Hkh fu/kkZfjr dh tk ldrh gSA


vk"kk<+ eghus ¼tqykbZ&vxLr½ esa igyh o"kkZ esa taxy esa iqVq [kq[kjh ¼e'k:e½ mxrs gS] bldh lCthcukdj o/kq ds ?kj mls f[kykus ds fy, igq¡pk;k tkrk gSA bls iqVq] [kq[kjh >ksj f[kykuk dgk tkrkgSA ;g ,d vko';d fu;e gSA bls iwjk fd;s fcuk fookg dh vkxs dh jhfr ugha dh tkrh gSA

yfxu'kknh ls rhu fnu iwoZ rsy gYnh] u;k diM+k] xguk vkfn ysdj oj i{k ds rhu&pkj vkneh dU;kds ?kj ij tkrs gSA cSxk rqylh LFky ,oa iwoZt LFky ij iwtk djrk gS] fQj rhu fnu rd ogharsy gYnh o/kq ds gkFk&iSj esa yxk;k tkrk gSA oj i{k okys ?kj okil vkdj oj dks blh fnu lsrsy gYnh yxkuk izkjaHk djrs gSA rhu fnu rd oj ,oa c/kq nksuksa ds ?kj ij vius&vius cgu ,oaHkkHkh 'kke ls rsy g???? yxkrs gSA xkuk xkrs gS ,oa u`R; Hkh djrs gSaA blesa xk¡o dh efgyk;sa ,oayM+fd;ka lfEefyr gksrh gSA

fookg( fogk)fookg ds fnu lqcg xk¡o ds yksx taxy tkrs gSA ogk¡ ls lky] dsanw ¼rsanw½] egqvk vkfn dh Mkyhykrs gSA dsnw] egqvk ,o alky ds Mkyh ls cSxk e.Mi cukrk gSA xk¡o ds yksx iwjs vk¡xu esa lkydh Mkyh ls Nk;k gsrq ?keM+k ¼Nr½ cukrs gSA e.Mi ij cSxk iwtk djrk gSA xk¡o okys fookg okys?kj ls gh rsy ysdj unh ;k rkykc esa ugkus tkrs gSA ugkdj lHkh 'kknh ?kj esa gh 'kkdkgkjh Hkkstudjrs gSA

'kke dks ckjkr fudyrh gSA igys ckjkr iSny gh tk;k djrs Fks ijUrq vktdy VSªDVj ls ckjkrfudyrh gSA ckjkr esa xk¡o ls izfr ?kj ,d O;fDr rFkk lxs lEcU/kh 'kkfey gksrs gSA ckjkr okyhfnu ls iwoZ fnu oj i{k ls nks ;k rhu O;fDr ckjkfr;ksa dh la[;k ,oa igq¡pus dh vuqekfur le;dh tkudkjh ysdj o/kq ds ?kj esa tkrs gSA ckjkr igq¡pus ij o/kq i{k dh vksj ls Lokxr fd;k tkrkgSA oj ds firk ,oa pkpk dks o/kq ds firk Qwy ekyk igukdj ,oa xys feydj Lokxr djrs gSAdU;k ds ?kj ij Hkh oSls gh e.Mi cuk gksrk gSA ogha ij dksVokj 'kknh lEiUu djkrk gSA oj dksxk;&cSy] ?kM+h] jsfM+;ks] lkbZfdy vkfn {kerkuqlkj migkj fn;k tkrk gSA o/kq i{k ds xk¡ookys ,oafj'rsnkj o/kq dks iSlk ,oa ?kjsyw lkeku migkj esa nsrs gSA

cky ck¡puk@rsy fi;kucky ck¡puk igkM+h dksjck esa vko';d fu;e gSA blls oSokfgd thou dh lQyrk ,oa vlQyrkdk fu/kkZj.k fd;k tkrk gSA blesa dU;k ds ekax esa rsy Mkyk tkrk gS] vxj rsy dh /kkj lh/ks ukddh vksj c<+rh gS rks ,slk ekuk tkrk gS fd budh oSokfgd thou lQy gksxh vkSj ;fn rsy dh/kkj ukd dh vksj u vkdj QSy tk; rks oSokfgd thou vlQy le>k tkrk gSA bl fLFkfr esa'kknh jksd nh tkrh gS&D;ksafd budk oSokfgd thou d"Viw.kZ] rukoiw.kZ gksxkA fookg ls lEcfU/krtks Hkh [kpZ vc rd oj i{k okys fd;s jgrs gS] lHkh dU;k i{k okyksa dks okil djuk iM+rk gSA ;sfØ;k;sa cSxk }kjk lEiUu fd;k tkrk gS rFkk dksVikj lk{; ds :i esa mifLFkr jgrk gSAdksbZ&dksbZ igkM+h dksjck ds yksx bl v'kqHk y{k.k dks iwtk ikB djds Bhd Hkh djrs gSA

cw¡nk Hkjuk ¼ek¡x Hkjuk½rsy fi;kuk lQy gksus ds ckn cw¡nk Hkjk tkrk gSA cw¡nk Hkjuk Hkh xks=k ds vuqlkj fHkUu&fHkUu gksrkgSA blesa rsfy;k ,oa flanwfj;k xks=k okys ek¡x esa rsy ,oa flanwj Mkyrs gSA bl xks=k okys oj ,oao/kq dks diM+s ls <¡d dj cw¡nk Hkjus dk fu;e djrs gSA

/kwj;k xks=k okys rsy ,oa flanwj dk mi;ksx ek¡x Hkjus esa ugha djrs gSA ;s yksx ek¡x Hkjus esa ,M+hls jxM+dj cus /kwy dk mi;ksx djrs gSA oj nk;s iSj ds ,M+h ds cy ,d pDdj ?kqe tkrk gS fQj

,M+h ds ikl ds /kqy dks mBkdj o/kq ds ek¡x esa Hkjrk gSA bl xks=k ds yksx oj & o/kq dks diM+s ls<+drs ugha gSA>e: xks=k okys yksx vkx ds jk[k ls ek¡x Hkjrs gSA bl xks=k okys esa Hkh oj o/kq dks <+dk ughatkrk gSAmijksDr lHkh xks=kksa esa ek¡x Hkjrs le; oj ,oa o/kq dks ikfjokfjd thou dk opu ¼oknk½ fuHkkukiM+rk gSA lq[k&nq[k esa lkFk jgus dk opu ysrs gSA oj&o/kq Hkaoj ¼Qsjs½ ysrs gSA cSxk iwoZt iwtk]xzke nsork] ljuk iwtk djrk gS] fQj o/kq dh fonkbZ gksrh gSA

e`R;wigkM+h dksjck esa e`R;w ds ckn 'ko dks nQuk;k ,oa tyk;k nksuks ???fØ;k fd;k tkrk gSA e`R;w dsfnu xk¡ookys rFkk fj'rsnkjksa dks [kcj fd;k tkrk gSA [kcj nsus dk dke xks=k dk ;k fQj xk¡o dkgh dksbZ O;fDr djrk gSA vxj 'ko dks tykus dk fu.kZ; gksrk gS rks xk¡o ds lHkh lfEefyr yksxvius&vius ?kjksa ls ,d ,d ydM+h ysdj vkrs gSA 'ko dks tykus dh fØ;k _rq ds mij fuHkZjdjrk gSA vxj cjlkr dk le; gks rks 'ko dks nQuk;k tkrk gSA e`R;w ds ckn 'ko dks u;k lQsndiM+k ls <d fn;k tkrk gSA utnhdh fj'rsnkj Hkh vius lkFk u;k lQsn diM+k ysdj vkrs gSAe`r O;fDr ds iw=k 'ko dks da/kk nsrs gSA vxj bl ifjokj esa pkj HkkbZ ugha gksa rks mlh xks=k lsfj'rs esa Hkrhtk yxusokys yksx da/kk nsrs gSA 'ko ds lkFk /kku] iSlk] Fkkyh] yksVk] diM+k vkfn lkekuj[kk tkrk gSA buesa ,slh ekU;rk gS fd er O;fDr dh vkRek bu phtksa dks ns[krh gS fd gesa vko';dlkexzh nh x;h gS ;k ughaA nkg laLdkj ds ckn lHkh yksx ej?kVh ls okil vkrs gSA e`rd ds ?kjij rhu fnu rd pqYgk ugha tyrk gSA mlh xks=k ds xksfr;k ;k xk¡o ds vU; yksx rhu fnu rdmUgsa [kkuk f[kykrs gSA

rhu ugkue`R;w ds rhu fnu ckn xk¡o rFkk fj'rsnkjksa dh efgyk;s unh ;k rkykc esa ugkus tkrs gSA 'kke dksrhu yM+dh ,oa nks yM+dks dqy ik¡p cPpksa dks dqaoj Hkkr f[kyk;k tkrk gSA dqaoj ogh ekus tkrs gSftudh dku Nsn ugha fd;k x;k gksrk gSA ?kj dks gYnh ikuh fNM+ddj 'kq) fd;k tkrk gSA bldsckn ?kj esa [kkuk cukuk izkjaHk fd;k tkrk gSA

nl ugkue`R;w ds nlos fnu Bkdwj ¼ukbZ½ }kjk eq.Mu fd;k tkrk gSA ifjokj ds lHkh iq:"k lnL; eq.Mudjrs gSA jkr dks xeh Hkkst fn;k tkrk gSA xeh Hkkst dHkh&dHkh lksykgosa] bDdhlosa ;k iPphlosafnu Hkh vk;ksftr fd;k tkrk gSA ;g e`rd ?kj ds vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds mij fuHkZj djrk gSA blesa'kkdkgkjh Hkkstu cuk;k tkrk gSA xeh Hkkst esa lfEefyr lHkh yksx vius&vius ?kjksa ls pkoy] iSlkysdj lfEefyr gksrs gSA blls e`rd ?kj dks vkfFkZd cks> ugh iM+rk gSA

/kkfeZd thouigkM+h dksjck tutkfr izÑfr iwtd gSA ljuk tks fd isM+ gksrk gS ftlesa budk Hkxoku fuokldjrk gSA ljuk budk eq[; nsork gksrk gSA ljuk ds vykok rqylh esp] xzke nsork] [kqfM+;k jkuh]lkjax e<+h] tqxM+h LFky vkfn buds /kkfeZd LFky gSA le;≤ ij ;gk¡ ;s yksx iwtk djrs gSA

fgUnw nsoh nsork dk bu tutkfr;ksa esa izHkko ugha gSA f'koth vFkkZr 'kadj Hkxoku dh ;s iwtk djrsgSa ijUrq bUgs ;s cqM+k nso ds uke ls tkurs gSA


lkyHkj esa igkM+h dksjck tutkfr fuEufyf[kr iwtk djrs gS %&gfj;kyhvk"kk<+ ¼twu&tqykbZ½ eghus esa tc gjh&gjh lfCt;k¡ mxus yxrh gS rks ;s budks [kkus ls igyslkewfgd :i ls xk¡o dk iwtkjh ¼cSxk½ ds vxqokbZ esa ljuk LFky esa p<+krs gSA Hkxr iwtk ljukLFky ij iwtk djrk gS ftlesa xk¡o ds gjsd ifjokj ls yksx lfEefyr gksrs gSA blds ckn gh bUgs[kkuk izkjaHk djrs gSA

dks<+kiwtklkou ¼tqykbZ&vxLr½ eghus esa eksVs vukt tSls dwVdh] dksnks id tkrk gS] ijUrq bUgs Hkh [kkus lsigys cSxk ds usr`Ro esa dqVdh dk dks<+k ¼vkVk½ cukdj ljuk LFky esa p<+krs gSA bls Hkh ;s yksx,d R;kSgkj ds :i esa eukrs gSA

u;k R;kSgkjHkknks ¼vxLr&flrEcj½ eghus esa xksM+k /kku ¼mcM+&[kkcM+ ;k taxyh {ks=k esa mitus okyk /kku½ idtkrk gSA bls Hkh [kkus ls igys bldk [khj cukdj cSxk Hkknks ,dkn'kh ds fnu ljuk LFky ijp<+krk gS fQj lc [kkus yxrs gSA

dBksjhpS=k&cS'kk[k ¼vizsy&ebZ½ eghus esa dBksjh iwtk ljuk LFky esa fd;k tkrk gSA bls cht cksuk Hkhdgk tkrk gSA bl fnu xqM+ /kqi] pkoy] ukfj;y dks Hkqat dj ¼ÝkbZ½ bldk yk<+k ¼<syk½ cuk;ktkrk gSA lc dksbZ vius&vius ?kj ls yk<+k ysdj ljuk LFky ij tkrs gSA lcds ?kjksa ls yk;kx;k yk<+k dks ljuk LFky ij ,d txg j[kdj blds mij lq[kh ifRr;k¡ ,oa NksVs&NksVs ydM+h lsvkx tyk fn;k tkrk gSA fQj blds mij ikuh fNM+dk tkrk gSA ikuh fNM+dus ds ckn yk<+kNksVs&NksVs lQsn d.k esa fn[kkbZ iM+rk gS ftls ;s izrhdkRed :i ls iwVw ¼taxyh Qly½ le>rs gS]bls bDdB+k dj [kkrs gSA bls pqurs&pqurs yksx ;g Hkh cksyrs gS fd bl o"kZ fdruk iwVw fudyk gS]gesa rks dkbZ fnDdr ugha gksxhA

buesa ,slh /kkj.kk gS fd ljuk Hkxoku bl dBksjh iwtk ls [kq'k gksrs gS rFkk ,sls gh vf/kd ls vf/kdek=kk esa iwVw&[kq[kjh gesa cjlkr ds eghus esa iznku djsaxsA gekjk dksBkj [kkus&ihus ds lkeku lsHkjk jgsxkA

nkyQksM+hiwl ¼fnlEcj&tuojh½ eghus esa nygu dh [ksrh gksrh gSA nygu esa eq[; :i ls mjn dh [ksrh dhtkrh gSA iwl iwf.kZek ds fnu mjn rksM+dj nky cukrs gS fQj ljuk esa iwtk djrs gSA blds ckngh mjn dks [kkus yxrs gSA nky QksM+h ds ckn ls nky ds :i esa [kk;k tk ldrk gS blls igysvxj mjn [kkuk gksrk mls lkcwr ¼xksVk½ [kk;k tkrk gSA

[k:t[kfygku ¼[ksr ls /kku ykdj j[kus dk LFkku½ esa /kku >kM+us dk dke ¼Threshing½ [kRe gksus dsckn gjsd ?kj okys ikfjokfjd :i ls /kwi] ukfj;y] flanwj] nk: ¼ns'kh½ ls cSxk ls iwtk djkrs gSA

xzke nsorkxk¡o dh lqj{kk] jksx] egkekjh vkfn ls cpus ds fy, izR;sd lky cS'kk[k ¼ebZ½ eghus esa xzke nsorkLFky ij xk¡o dk iwtkjh iwtk djrk gSA ;g iwtkjh fdlh Hkh tkfr dk gks ldrk gSA xk¡o ds lHkh

tkfr ds yksx pank bdB~Bk djds xzke nsork LFky ij iwtk djrs gSA iwtk esa cdjs dh cfy nhtkfr gSA ek¡l dks izlkn ds :i esa ck¡Vk tkrk gSA

ifjorZuigkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds lkekftd lkaLÑfrd ,oa 'kS{kf.kd thou esa ifjorZu ds dkjd dks ljdkjhlgk;rk] ljdkjh dk;ZØeksa esa etnwjh ,oa f'k{kk ds :i esa ns[kk tk ldrk gSA ljdkjh lgk;rk ds:i esa bUgs ljdkjh edku] cht ,oa cSy tksM+h fn;k x;k gSA igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa fujUrjrk,oa ifjorZu dks fuEufyf[kr fcUnqvksa ls n'kkZ;k tk ldrk gS% &

fuokligkM+h dksjck tutkfr dk dguk gS fd igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds yksx LoHkko ls >xMkyw gksrsgSA ;s ckr&ckr esa yM+ tkrs gSA blfy, ???? ;s nqj&nqj esa nks&pkj ifjokj ds :i esa fuokl djrsFksA fdlh O;fDr dh e`R;w gks tkus ij ;s LFkku cny nsrs FksA ijUrq vc ;s FkksM+k le>nkj gks x;sgSA txg cnyus dh ijEijk [kRe gks jgh gSA bldk vkSj ,d dkj.k ljdkjh vkokl dh lqfo/kk HkhgSA ljdkj dh vksj ls tks edku cuk;k tkrk gS og buds >qXxh >ksiM+h ls vPNk gksrk gSA blfy,]txg cnyus dh fØ;k esa deh vk jgh gSA igys yksx iw.kZ :is.k f'kdkj ,oa [kkn~; ladyu ijvk/kkfjr Fks] vc bUgs FkksM+h cgqr tks tehu nh x;h gS bls NksM+uk ugha pkgrs gSA blfy, igkM+hdksjck ds yksx vc LFkk;h :i ls ,d gh LFkku ij jgus yxs gSA

igukokbudk dguk gS fd igys xksVk diM+k igurs Fks flykbZ djds tksM+kbZ fd;k gqvk diM+k ugha igursFksA iq:"k dej esa yaxksV igurs Fks] ckdh 'kjhj [kqyk jgrk FkkA efgyk;s Hkh fcuk flykbZ fd;kgqvk Fkku dk diM+k dej ds fupys Hkkx esa ?kqVus rd ds fy, igurh FkhA dgha ckgj tkus ij,d nqljk diM+k 'kjhj ds mijh Hkkx esa j[k ysrs FksA ijUrq vc iq:"k ,oa efgyk;sa nksuks flys&flyk;sadiM+s igus yxs gSA iq:"k yw¡xh] xath] deht] 'kVZ] isUV vkfn rFkk efgyk;sa lyokj] iStkek] lkM+h]CykÅt iguus yxh gSA

fookgbudk dguk gS fd igys fookg tUe ls gh fu/kkZj.k fd;k tkrk FkkA ;gk¡ rd xHkkZoLFkk esa gh yksxr; dj ysrs Fks fd vxj fcifjr fyax ds cPps gksaxs rks ge lEcU/kh cusaxsA buesa tSlk fd igysppkZ fd;k x;k gS] d.kZ Nsnu dks ;s dqaoj¼vfookfgr½ fookg ds :i esa ekurs gSA bls vkB+ os o"kZdh mez rd dj fy;k tkrk gSA blh le; eesjs&QqQsjs HkkbZ&cgu ds chp thou lkFkh dk fu/kkZj.kdj fy;k tkrk Fkk, ijUrq vkt dy d.kZ Nsnu vko';d ekuk tkrk gS ijUrq thou lkFkh dk p;uvko';d ugha ekuk tkrk gSA vc yksx cM+k gksus ij gh 'kknh djkus yxs gSA

ifjokjigys igkM+h dksjck ds yksx ,dy ifjokj esa gh jgk djrs FksA fookg ds ckn yM+dk&cgw vyx jgrsFks] ijUrq vktdy yksx fookg ds ckn Hkh HkkbZ&HkkbZ lkFk jgus yxs gSA cqtqxZ ek¡&firkth dks vcfookfgr cPps lkFk j[kus yxs gSA igys ,slk ugha FkkA

cky ck¡puktSlk fd igys o.kZu fd;k x;k gS cky&ck¡puk buesa 'kknh dh ,d vko';d izfØ;k Fkh] blesa 'kknhdh lQyrk dh Hkfo";ok.kh dh tkrh FkhA pkgs 'kknh cpiu esa gh D;ksa u fu/kkZfjr dh tk pqdh gks;k fookfgr tksM+s D;ksa u eesjs&QqQsjs HkkbZ&cgu gks vxj cky&ck¡pus dh fØ;k lQy ugha gks rks


'kknh rksM+ nh tkrh Fkh] ijUrq blesa Hkh vktdy ifjorZu vk jgs gSA yksx cSxk ;k xq.kh ls iqtk&ikB+djkds Bhd djk ysrs gSA vktdy cky ck¡pus dh fØ;k dks Hkh yksx vc vko';d ugha le>rs gSA

d.kZ Nsnud.kZ Nsnu igkM+h dksjck esa dq¡oj fogk ¼vfookfgr&fookg½ ds :i esa dgk tkrk Fkk] ijUrq le; dslkFk&lkFk blesa Hkh ifjorZu vk jgs gSA vkB+ o"kZ dh mez rd ;g djk yh tkrh Fkh rFkk ;g laLÑfrdk vko';d vax Fkk] ijUrq vkt&dy igkM+h dksjck ds yksx bls fookg ds igys rd djk ysrs gSAigys ;s vkB+ o"kZ rd vo'; djkrs Fks ijUrq vc 'kknh ls igys djkus yxs gSA 'kknh esa vxj fdlhiq:"k dk dku Nsn ugha gS rks mls lkekftd n.M nsuk iM+rk gSA

u'kk[kksjhbuds vuqlkj u'kk[kksjh vkt Hkh ,d cM+h leL;k gSA blds lq/kkj esa le; yxsxkA lkekftdjhfr&fjokt ;k vkfFkZd fØ;k dykiksa ls lEcfU/kr lHkh usx fu;e esa ns'kh 'kjkc vko';d lkexzhgSA lHkh iwtk esa 'kjkc Hkxoku dks p<+k;k tkrk gSA 'kknh] e`R;w vkfn lHkh lkekftd fØ;k&dykiksaesa 'kjkc vko';d ekuk tkrk gS] fQj Hkh blesa dqN lq/kkj vk jgk gSA igys yksx vf/kdrj ihdju'ksa esa gh jgrs Fks] ijUrq vc yksx /khjs&/khjs bls de dj jgs gSA

etnwjhigys yksxksa dk thou taxy rd gh esa lhfer jgrk Fkk] ijUrq vc ljdkjh fodkl dk;ZØeksa esaetnwjh feyus yxh gSA vktdy ;s bZVk HkB~Bk esa dke djus xk¡o ls ckgj Hkh tkus yxs gSA blizdkj vkfFkZd fØ;k dykiksa dk {ks=k c<+rk tk jgk gSA

usr`RoigkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa igys xk¡o Lrj dk jktuhfrd laxBu gksrk Fkk tks xk¡o rd gh lhfergksrk Fkk] ijUrq igkM+h dksjck fodkl izkf/kdj.k ds cuus ls vc bUgh ds tkfr dk dksbZ v/;{k gksrkgS tks buds fodkl ls lEcfU/kr dk;ksZ dk lapkyu djrk gSA ijUrq budk dguk gS fd v/;{k dspquko dk dksbZ Li"V ekun.M ugh gS] v;ksX; O;fDr dk pquko bl in ij fd;k tkrk gS] mnkgj.kLo:i orZeku v/;{k vf'kf{kr ,oa cgqr O;ogkfjd ugha gSA blls visf{kr fodkl ij izHkko iM+rkgSA bl izdkj usr`Ro ds {ks=k esa Hkh ifjorZu vk;k gSA

f'k{kkf'k{kk ds {ks=k esa igkM+h dksjck tutkfr esa vc ifjorZu ns[kus dks fey jgs gSA tutkfr ifj;kstukds vUrxZr bUVhxzsVsM VªkbZcy MsOgysiesUV ds rgr~ vkoklh; Ldwy cxhpk ldZy dk;kZy; dh vksjls pyk;k tk jgk gSA tks dsoy igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds cPpksa ds fy, gSA blesa gjsd xk¡o lscPps vk jgs gSa] tks Nk=kkokl esa jgdj i<+kbZ djrs gSA dqN&dqN i<s+ fy[ks ¼10oha] 12oha½ ikl ;qod];qofr;ksa dks ukSdjh Hkh fey pqdh gSA bl izdkj f'k{kk ds {ks=k esa :>ku buesa fn[kkbZ iM+ jgk gSA

fu"d"kZmijksDr o.kZu ds ckn fu"d"kZ ds :i esa ;g dgk tk ldrk gS fd igkM+h dksjck tutkfr ds yksx?kqeDdM+ ,oa taxy ij vk/kkfjr tutkfr FkhA ijUrq ljdkjh lgk;rk ,oa f'k{kk ds izHkko esa buesaLFkkf;Ro dk fodkl gks jgk gSA yksxksa esa ljdkj }kjk izkIr edku ,oa FkksM+s&cgqr tehu tks feysgS&blh ds dkj.k ;s ?? LFkku ij LFkk;h :i ls jgus yxs gSaA jkstxkj dk {ks=k c<+us ls ;s dkedjus ckgj Hkh tkus yxs gSA vkoklh; Ldwy esa djhc&djhc gjsd xk¡o ls nks&pkj cPps jgdj i<+kbZdjus yxs gSaA ijUrq buds lkekftd vkfFkZd fodkl dh vHkh Hkh dkQh vko';drk gSA

+É¦ÉÉ®ú YÉÉ{ÉxÉ|ÉºiÉÖiÉ +vªÉªÉxÉ EòÉä Eò®úxÉå ¨Éå ½þ¨É ¦ÉÉ®úiÉÒªÉ ¨ÉÉxÉ´ÉÊ´ÉYÉÉxÉ ºÉ´ÉæIÉhÉ Eäò ÊxÉnæù¶ÉEò Eäò +É¦ÉÉ®úÒ ½èþ, ÊVÉx½þÉäxÉä ½þ¨Éå <ºÉ EòÉªÉÇ EòÉä Eò®úxÉäEòÉ ¨ÉÉèEòÉ ÊnùªÉÉ* UôkÉÒºÉMÉb÷ |É¶ÉÉºÉxÉ uùÉ®úÉ ÊnùªÉä MÉªÉä ºÉ½þªÉÉäMÉ Eäò |ÉÊiÉ ½þ¨É =xÉEòÉ +É¦ÉÉ®ú |ÉEò]õ Eò®úiÉä ½èþ* ºÉÉlÉ ½þÒ ½þ¨É {É½þÉc÷ÒEòÉä®ú¤ÉÉ B´ÉÆ +xªÉ, ºlÉÉxÉÒªÉ ÊxÉ´ÉÉÊºÉªÉÉå Eäò +É¦ÉÉ®úÒ ½èþ, ÊVÉxÉEäò ºÉÉIÉÉiEòÉ®ú Eäò ={É®úÉxiÉ ªÉ½þ ¶ÉÉävÉ {ÉjÉ ºÉÆ¦É´É ½Öþ+É* +xiÉ ¨Éå ½þ¨É¸ÉÒ |É¡Öò±±É ¨ÉÉäZÉ®úEò®ú EòÉ +É¦ÉÉ®ú |ÉEò]õ Eò®úiÉä ½èþ, ÊVÉxÉEäò |ÉªÉÉºÉ ºÉä ¶ÉÉävÉ {ÉjÉ <ºÉ °ü{É ¨Éå +ÉªÉÉ*

ºÉxnù¦ÉÇ ºÉÚSÉÒnÖù¤Éä, BºÉ.ºÉÒ 1951 nù Eò¨ÉÉ®ú, ±ÉJÉxÉ=; nù ªÉÖxÉÒ´ÉºÉÇ±É {ÉÎ¤±É¶ÉºÉÇBÎ±´ÉxÉ, ´ÉäÊ®úªÉ®ú 1939 nù ¤ÉèMÉÉ, ±ÉxnùxÉ; VÉÉìxÉ ¨Éä®úÒ½þºÉxÉèxÉ, xÉnùÒ¨É 1992 VÉxÉVÉÉiÉÒªÉ ¦ÉÉ®úiÉ; VÉ´ÉÉ½þ®ú {ÉÎ¤±É¶ÉºÉÇ Bhb÷ Êb÷º]ÅõÒ¤ªÉÚºÉºÉÇÊ´ÉtÉlÉÔ, ±É.{ÉÒ. 1963 nù ¨ÉÉ±Éä®ú; B EäòºÉ º]õb÷Ò <xÉ xÉäSÉ®ú-¨ÉäxÉ-º|ÉÒ]õ Eò¨É{±ÉäCºÉ +Éä¡ò B Ê½þ±É ]ÅõÉ<Ç¤É <xÉ Ê¤É½þÉ®ú,

EòÉä±ÉEòÉiÉÉ, ¤ÉÖEò±Éåb

Semiological Application of Plants andVegetation in folk life and culture of

Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection

R. B. Mohanty1, B. K. Tripathy2 & T. Panda3

ABSTRACT

Survey on Semiological (Study of signs and symbols) application of certain plants orplant products was conducted in the rural as well as tribal belts of Jajpur district, Odishaduring 2009-2011. A totalnumber of 32 varieties of species belongingto 31 genera and21 family of plants symbolizing something and conveying a definite but silent messagewere recorded, used in socio-religio- cultural activity of people of this district. Broadlythese are used for four different category of purposes like (A) during birth, death, marriageand thread ceremony, (B) worship and other religious rituals, (C) faith and belief and(D) miscellaneous use. Out of them maximum members, are from family poaceae (5),followed by Arecaceae (4), Moraceae (3), Rutaceae (2) and Fabaceae (2). Regarding theindividual species, paddy has the highest types of application followed by Mango, Margosa,Palmyra palm, Palasa & Kusa respectively. Some of those species have negligibleeconomic value. But, they are nurtured around the villages and protected for such specificutility. It ultimately adds to the conservation of those species in the localities concerned.

INTRODUCTIONLanguage is a divine gift to the human society and is essentially vital to human life. Itis the vehicle of communication and the mirror of a culture. The verbal communicationis also central to the functioning of the society. Man shares his knowledge, experiencesand achievements with othersthrough communication carried by the medium of language(Senkuttuvan, 2005:45). There are numerous types of languages used by human communitiesthroughout the world. In India alone, there are as many as 325 languages and 25 scripts


1 Reader in Botany, N.C. (Autonomous) College, Jajpur, Odisha - 7550012 Lecturer in Botany, Dharmasala Mohavidyalayajaraka, Jajpur,0disha-7550503 Lecturer in Botany, S.N. College, Rajakanika, Kendrapara, Odisha - 754220

their livelihood, now face the threat of large scale displacement due to rapid expansionin mining and industrial activities.

The history of Jajpur can be traced back to the 'Mahabharat' period as a Shakti Khetrawith Goddess "Viraja" as its presiding deity. It has also a large number of Buddhistremains of the ‘Bhaumakara’ period (8th - 9th century A.D.). Jajpur had a separate identityfrom the ancient days, being the capital of 'Uttara Tosali’, Utkal. It was the culturalcockpit and political epicentre of the ancient Kalitigan empire who witnessed many upsand downs due to political turmoil right from the Guptas (4th - 5th centuries A.D.) uptothe Britishers(19th - 20th Centuries A.D.). It happened to be the place of synthesis ofmany religions and cults like Buddhism, Jainism, Saktism, Saivism and Vaishnavism,all of which cameto this land, set their foot and finally formed a fusion of all and therebymade it a place of religious toleration (Routray, 2007:2). However, its history can beconstructed scientifically from the ‘Gupta’ dynasty (4th - 5th century AD) on the basisof the ancient manuscripts and epigraphical as well as copper plate inscriptions discoveredfrom different parts of the district from time to time. Obviously, this district is a placeof human settlements from the ancient period.

The inhabitants of Jajpur, both tribals and non-tribals have faith and belief on some super-natural power. They practice many socio-religious functions as well as rituals throughoutthe year. Obviously animism, naturalism, reverence and respect for nature and naturalobjects like plants, animals, rivers, mountains and forests etc. are become the integralpart of the socio-cultural life and tradition of the people of this region (Mohanty &Tripathy, 2011:279). Semiological application of plants and vegetation is one such intricaterelation between man and plants, practiced from ancient period in Jajpur district of Odisha.

Methodology

Data concerning semiological application of plants were collected through extensivesurvey during the year 2009-2011. A minimum of three villages from each block (total10 blocks) were visited for this purpose. The respondents were selected basing on theirageand experience. Data were collected through casual conversation but following a standardprescribed procedure (Kothari, 1990:9). Occasionally the help of the local guide andlanguage interpreter was sought for this purpose. On two occasions, direct observationin a marriage as well as thread ceremony became possible during the field tour and datawere collected through personal contact and participant observation method. Most of theplants used are very common species but some specimens with doubtful identity wereascertained referring to the flora of this region (Saxena & Brahmam, 1994). The mostrelevant data were recorded and finally presented in a tabular form after cross checkingthe authenticity of information.

Observation

During the field study it was observed that, people use 32 different plant species onspecific occasions to signify a definite matter or happening. It can broadly be divided in

560

in use, being derived from various linguistic families. There are also in existence and useof thousands of dialects (Singh & Manoharan, 1993; Das, 2005:20). But, during thebeginning of the civilization, the pre-historic man used different signs and gestures toexpress his mind, feeling and experiences, probably much before the evolution of suchverbal mode of communication. Today, despite tremendous development in the field oflanguage and literature, the process of using different signs and symbols to indicate, guideor caution about any particular matter still continues in different cultures and societiesthroughout the world, whether it is a pre-literate, ancient or a modern one. But, the studyof different signs and sign using behaviour was not systematically carriedout up to the17th century, till the English philosopher John Locke (1690) focused on it using the word'Semiology' for the first time. The idea of 'Semiotics as an interdisciplinary mode ofexamining phenomena in different fields emerged only in the late 19thand early 20thcentury with the independent works of Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure and theAmerican philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce (Anonymous, 2010:626), who have broadlydefined a sign as "Something which stands to somebody for something". Moreover, theyhave identified an icon, an index or a symbol as the three main categories of signs useduniversally. Modern semioticians opine that sign can take the form of words, images,sounds, odours, flavours, acts or even objects (Chandler, 2010:1-6). Today Peirce's aswell as Saussure's principles are applied in different fields including Asthetics, Anthropology,Psychoanalysis, Communications and Semantics. Although much work have been doneon this aspect (Strauss, 1968; Sebeok, 1975; Eco, 1976; Hawkes, 1977; Maria, 1978;Scholes, 1982; Carlson, 1990; Culler, 2002), the use of plants and herbs as sign or symbolis sporadic (Dubois, 1906, Jain, 1963; Sengupta, 1965; Gupta, 1971; Vartak and Gadgil,1981; Singh and Pandey, 1982; Gupta, 1987; Sinha, 1991), whereas there are no suchreports from Odisha.Hence, this project was undertaken to explore and study thesemiological application of plants, their role, significance and present relevance in therural as well as tribal belts of Jajpur District, Odisha.

Land and People

Jajpur district (85°40' - 86°44'E and 20°33' - 21°10/N) is bounded by the Keonjhar districtin north, Cuttack in South, Bhadrak district in the east and Dhenkanal in the West. It hasan area of 2899 sqkms and 16.25 lakhs of population as per 2001 census. The districtaccounts for 1.86% of the state's territory and shares 4.41% of state's population Jajpurhas 1778 no. of villages covering 10 blocks, 10 Tahasils and 01 subdivision (Anonymous,2010). The scheduled caste and scheduled tribal population of the district are 373513(22.99%) and 125989 (7.76%) respectively. The scheduled tribes are chiefly Munda,Santal, Juang and Sabar communities who inhabit the adjoining Sukinda, Danagadi,Barchana, Dharmasala and Korei blocks of the district from ancient period. These arehilly and forested localities with rich mineral resources for which a number of iron andchromite based industries have been developed there. Thereby it became instrumental forlarge scale influx of outsiders, directly affecting the traditional rural and tribal way oflife of the people in those localities. Moreover, the tribal's of the area, who have mainlybeen living from time immemorial in forest lands and depending on forest resources for

561Semiological Application of Plants and Vegetation……Jajpur District, Odisha : An Introspection R. B. Mohanty, B. K. Tripathy & T. Panda

harvest of crops. The imaginary foot prints of the Lakshmi and Lotus flowers are drawnwith the powdered rice paste, inviting the Goddess on that occasion. The roots of KhasKhas plant, a symbol of coolness become essential during ‘Rudravisekha’ , a specificritual of Lord 'Siva' while water lily flower representing 'moon' God is used to appeasehim in Kumar Purnima festival on the full moon day of October every year.

(C) Faith and Belief :The shopkeepers and business houses hang a chain made withLemon and red chili, believed to evade the evil eye while a new vehicle after purchaseis first worshipped and made to run over a lemon, believed essential to counteract theevil forces responsible to crate accidents in future. In another case, a damaged basketmade from palm leaf frond and a broom from sugar palm leaf are hanged high atop a polein-front of a half constructed building with the same intension.

The caretaker of the cowherd takes penance forexpiation of sin due to accidental deathof a cow in rope by begging for some days. He wears a rope surrounding his neck whichis prepared from paddy straw and also a piece of straw holding in the teeth, which indicateshis plight. In contrast, a little turmeric paste is applied to the marriage invitation letteror on a new cloth before use, symbolizing good fortune and happiness. Moreover, plantingtwo banana saplings on two sides of the entrance door of a house and hanging garlandmade with the leaves of either mango or mast tree symbolizes some auspicious occasionor function, celebrated there.

(D) Miscellaneous use:Rope, made from paddy straw is tied to thetwigs surrounding theouter boundary of an orchard indicating no entry zone in the flowering and fruiting season.Also, a figure made by the same paddy straw to resemble a person, is dressed in old clothsand made to stand in an orchard or crop field to frighten the birds and other invadersaway, i.e. a scare crow structure.

Discussion

The term 'Semiology' was independently proposed by the Swiss linguist Saussure in hisCourse in General Linguistics (1915), as thestudy of "the life of signs within society".Since then 'Semiotics' and 'Semiology' have become alternative names for the systematicstudy of signs, as the function in all areas of human experience, not limited to explicitsystems ofcommunication i.e. language,Morse Code, traffic signs and signals and a greatdiversity of other human activities and productions like our body postures and gestures,the social rituals we perform, the kind of cloths we wear, the meals we serve, the buildingwe inhabit, the objects we deal with also convey definite messages to members in aparticular culture, and so can be analysed as signs which serve in diverse modes ofsignifying systems. Claude Levi Strauss in 1968 and later, initiated the application ofsemiotics to cultural Anthropology and also established the foundations of the Frenchstructuralism in general by using Saussure's linguistics as a model for analyzing, inprimitive societies, a great variety of phenomena and practices, which he treated as quasi-languages that manifest the structures of an underlying signifying system. These includekinship systems, totemic systems, ways of preparing food, myths and pre-logical modesof interpreting their world etc. (Abrahm & Harpham, 2011:276).

562

to four categories i.e. semiological use during (A) Birth, death, marriage and threadceremony, (B) worship and other religious rituals, (C) faith and belief and (D) Miscellaneoususes (Table - 1).

(A) During birth, death, marriage & thread ceremony : An 'Euphorbia' stem with leavesis hanged at the entrance door as a sign of child birth.On the sixth day, a small ritualisperformed called 'Sathi Puja' for the long life of the child in which a 'Screw Pine' stemis worshipped wishing the child to be resistant and adaptive likeit. In case of death, if thebody of thedeceased is lost in extreme situation like flood, or if a person is lost andbelieved dead due to unknown reasons, a human structure representing that person ismade with the holy grass 'Kusa' and burned after which death ritual is performed. Thefamily members and relatives eat simple food without oil and spices adding little ‘Margosa’leaf to it, symbolically expressing sorrow and respect to the departed soul. Some 'Sesame'seeds are offered with little water in the river or pond in remembrance of the person,wishing him to attend heaven called /Tilatarpan/.

Similarly during marriage, a definite number of betel nuts are sent in invitation to therelatives symbolizing closeness, love and respect. Few Mango leaves, 'Jujube' leaves andDubagrass are tied surrounding the arms of the bride and groom signifying as well aswishing them good luck, fertility and long lasting sweet relation among the couple. Theyare worshipped like 'God' and few grass, unboiled rice and Jujube leaves are sprinkledon them as a sign of respect, love and welcome to the newlyweds.

During the thread ceremony of 'Brahmins' and some 'Khetriyas', the young Brahmachariboy before adolescence, wears a loin cloth, a rope made up of holy grass, 'Kusa' functioningas a belt, holds two long stems of 'Bamboo' as well as 'Flame of the forest' plants and a'palm' leaf umbrella, all symbolizing the dress code and hard life of an ascetic, whowanders in forests and different places in search of knowledge and salvation.

(B) Worship and religious rituals:- In any religious ritual and worship, a sacred pitchercontaining holy water, a 'mango' twig having definite number of leaves and a greencoconut above it is placed and worshipped, symbolizing lord 'Ganesh', the God of wisdom,bliss and welfare. During 'Durga' puja festival, the 'Bail' tree is first worshipped representingdivine mother and invited. An 'Ash Gourd' fruit is offered and cut into two piecessymbolizing animal sacrifice. A 'Butterfly pea’ creeper, locally named as ‘Aparajita’ orundefeatable one is tied around the arm signifying invincibility. Moreover, plantslikeSacredBasil, Bael tree, Banyan, Peepal, Garlic pear tree, Sami, Margose, Flame of the forest,Ashok and Siamese rough bush locally called 'Sahada' plant are considered holy andworshipped representing a definite God of the Hindu pantheon or believed to be the abodeof a God or spirit and having some super-natural (totemic ones) power. The personsponsoring a ritual and the priest normally sits on a mat made from the 'Kusa' and a ringprepared from this holy grass (Kusabatu) is put on the ring finger, a sign of taking someshort of Oath before performing the ritual. Similarly the white coloured paddy symbolizing'Lakshmi', the Goddess of wealth and prosperity is worshipped along with betelnut, duringthe Lakshmi puja festival on every Thursday in month of 'Margasira' (Nov. - Dec.) after


Das,N.K. (2005) "People of India and Indian Authoropology: A tributeto K.S. Singh." Jour. Anthro. Surv. Ind. 54(i), 20.

Dubois, J.A. (1906) Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. ClarendonPress, Oxford.

Eco, U. (1976) A Theory of Semiotics. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press, USA.

Gupta, S.M. (1971) Plant Myths and Traditions in India. E.J. Brill., Leiden.

Gupta, S.M. (1987) Women and tree motifs. In S.K. Jain (Ed.) A Manualof Ethnobotany. Scientific Publishers, Jodhpur,India, 103-109.

Hawkes, T. (1977) Structuralism and Semiotics. University of CaliforniaPress, California.

Jain,S.K. (1963) "Magico-religious beliefs about plants among theAdivasis of Bastar." Qr. Jour. Mythic Soc. 4, 73-94.

Kothari, C.R. (1990) Research Methodology. Wishwa Prakashan,Daryaganj, New Delhi, 9.

Locke, J. (1690) Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Eliz Holt,London.

Maria, C. (1978) An Introduction to Literary Semiotiss. Indiana Univ.Press, Bloomington, USA.

Mohanty, R.B. & "A note on the assessment of some Totemic in thePlants Tripathy, B.K. (2011) light of Ethnobotanical thinking/' Jr. Anth. Surv. of

Ind. 60(2), 279 - 284.

Routray, H. (2007) Ancient Monuments of Jajpur. Jajpur ChitrakalaAcademy, Jajpur, 2.

Senkuttuvan, R. (2005) "Speech of Lingngam." Jour. Anthro, Surv. Indi. 54(1), 45-58.

Saussure, F.D. (1915) Course in General Linguistics, (ed.) by Charier Bally& Albert Sechehaye : Me Graw Hill Book Company,New York.

Saxena, H.O. & The Flora of Orissa (Vol. I - IV). Orissa ForestBrahmam, M. (1994) Development Corporation Ltd. BBSR, Orissa.

Vartak, V.D. & Semiotics and Interpretation. Yale University Press,Gadgil, M. (1981) USA.

Strauss, C.L. (1968) The Tell-tale Sign: A Survey of Semiotics. Peter deRidder Press, Netherlands.

Sinha, R.K. (1991) Tree symbol worship in India. Indian publications,Calcutta.

564

Similarly, the present investigation concerning the semiological application of certainplants and vegetation focuses on the role and utility of some flora in conveying a definitebut silent message, which becomes an integral part of tradition and culture of this society.For such ancient abstract relationship of manwith plants,they are protected and nurturedin his surrounding which ultimately adds to the conservation of certain plant species ina locality (Sinha, 1991:21). Moreover, it indicates the phyto-geographical character ofthe region concerned. But, the religious overtones and moral bindings with regard to faith,belief and observance of different rituals and customs are fast vanishing due to the changein life style of the people as a result of rapid industrialization as well as invasion ofwestern culture in this region. Hence some serious thought and concrete action are requiredso that the cultural practices would be revived which would also be in consonance withmodernity. It can add to the conservation of flora of this locality.

AcknowledgementsThe authors express their gratitude to the villagers who shared their knowledge duringthe field study and to the respective college authorities as well as administrative andrevenue officials for their permission, help and assistance to carryout the work successfully.Thanks are also due to Dr. S.D. Adhikary, Reader in English, N.C. (Auto.) College,Jajpur, for his constant guidance, suggestion and help in various ways.

References

Abrams, M.H. & A Handbook of Literary Terms Cengage learning,Patparganj, New Delhi, 276-278.

Anonymous, (2010) The New Encyclopaedia Britannica(Micropaedia), 626-627.

Anonymous, (2010)0rissa Directorate of Economics & Statistics,District at a glance (2010) Bhubaneswar.

Carlson, M. (1990) Theatre Semiotics : Signs of Life. pp Bloomington,Indiana University press.

Chandler, D. (2010) Introducing Semiotics. pp, New York, Cobeley &Jansz, 1-6.

Culler,J. (2002) The Pursuit of Signs. Cornell University Press,New York.


Singh, V. & Languages and Scripts, People of India. NationalR.P. Pandey. (1982) series, Vol. IX, Oxford University Press, Delhi.

Singh, K.S. & " Plants used in religion and magico - religious beliefsS. Manoharan. (1993) in Rajsthan." Jour. Econ. Tax. Bot. 3, 273- 278.

Sengupta, S. (1965) "Ecosystem preservation through faith and traditionin India." Jour. Human Ecol. 2(1), 21-24.

Sebeok, T.A. (1975) Structural Anthropology. Allen Lane : The PenguinPress, London.

Scholes, R. (1982) Studies on Sacred groves along the western Ghatsfrom Maharashtra and Goa: Role of beliefs andfolklore, In Jain, S.K. (Ed.) Glimpses of IndianEthnobotany. Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, 272-278.

Table - 1Semiological use of plants for different purposes

Sl.No. Vernacular English Botanical Name & Family Mode ofName Name Use

1 Bela Baeltree Aegle marmelos (L.) Corr. (Rutaceae) B

2 Gua Betel nut Areca catechu L. (Arecaceae) A,B

3 Nima Margosa Azadirachta indica A. Juss. (Meliaceae) A,B

4 Baunsa Bamboo Bambusa vulgaris sch. Ex Wendl. (Poaceae) A

5 Panikakharu Ash Gourd Benincasa hispida (Thunb.) cogn. B(Cucurbitaceae)

6 Tala Palmyra Borassus flabellifer L. (Arecaceae) A,CPalm

7 Palasa Flame of theforest Butea parviflora Roxb. (Fabaceae) A,B

8 Lanka Chilli Capsicum annum L. (Solanaceae) C

9 Lembu Lemon Citrus aurantifolia{Chhs\in & Panz) Sw. C(Rutaceae)

10 Aparajita Buter fly Pea Clitoria ternatia L. (Fabaceae) B

11 Nadia Coconut Cocos nucifera L. (Arecaceae) B

12 Baruna Garlic Pear tree Createva magna (Lour.) DC. (Capparidaceae) B

13 Haladi Turmeric Curcuma Longa L. (Zingiberaceae) C

14 Duba Bermuda Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. (Poaceae) AGrass

15 Kusa Holy Grass Desmostachya bipinnata (L.) Stapf. (Poaceae) A,B

16 Sijhu Euphorbia Euphorbia ligularia Roxb. (Euphorbiaceae) A

17 Bara Banyan Ficus benghalensis L. (Moraceae) B

566

18 Aswastha Peepal Ficus religiosa L. (Moraceae) B

19 Amba Mango Mangifera indica L. (Anacardiaceae) A,B/C

20 Kadali Banana Musa sapientum L. (Musaceae) C

21 Kain Water Lily Nymphaea pubescens Willd. (Nymphaeaceae) B

22 Tulasi Sacred Basil Ocimum sanctum L. (Lamiaceae) B

23 Dhana Paddy Oryza sativa L. (Poaceae) A,B/C,D

24 Kia Screw Pine Pandanus fascicularis Lam. (Pandanaceae) A

25 Khajuri Sugar Palm Phoenix sylvestris (L.) Roxb. (Arecaceae) C

26 Debadaru Mast tree Polyalthia longifolia (Sonn.) Thw. (Anonaceae) C

27 Sami Sami Plant Prosopis cineraria (L.) Druce. (Mimosaceae) B

28 Ashoka Ashok Saraca asoca (Roxb.) de Wilde. (Caesalpiniaceae) B

29 Tila Sesame Sesamum indicum L.(Pedaliaceae) A

30 Sahada Siamese rough bush Streblus asper Lour. (Moraceae) B

31 Bena Khas Khas Vetiveria zizanioides (L.) Nash. (Poaceae) B

32 Barakoli Jujube Ziziphns mauritiana Lam. (Rhamnaceae) A

(A - Plants used during birth, death, marriage & thread ceremony, B - During worshipand religious rituals, C - faith & belief, D - Miscellaneous use)


Sl.No. Vernacular English Botanical Name & Family Mode ofName Name Use

Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease amongMukha Dora Tribe and Indigenous

Healing Practices followed by the tribes in theAgency of Andhra Pradesh

S Yaseen Saheb1 and T S Naidu 2

ABSTRACT

Mukha Dora, the least known tribe in Andhra Pradesh is concentrated in Vizianagaramdistrict. Etymologically Mukha Dora means collective group of lords. They speak Telugu- Dravidian language. They have two exogamous clans (Vamsams): Naga Vamsam andSurya Vamsam. They are traditionally Podu / shifting cultivators. Data was collected from200 households during 1982-83, distributed in 12 hamlets chosen from interior areas andseven villages that have accessibility to modern civic amenities. Infant mortality rate ishigh in Mukha Dora (266.67). Total infant mortality in acculturated group (285.71) ishigher than in isolated group (250). The isolated group shows higher female infant mortality(119.05) than in acculturated group. Mukha Dora record lower infant mortality rate thanneighboring tribes. Scabies is rampant due to deficient personal cleanliness. Vitamindeficiency and malnutrition are common among children and nourishing mothers. Majorityof stomach ailments are due to worm infections. Malaria is wide spread and endemic tothe region. Female child mortality is more than males in acculturated group, resulting in66.67 males per 100 females. Diarrhea and fever are common in infants; while malaria,diarrhea and accidents are frequent among children. Incidence of malformations in maleswas higher than in females. Single case of cerebral palsy (spastic) and congenital mentalretardation, harelip and gastro-intestinal malformation among males was observed inacculturated group. Anomalies, disabilities and illness are in higher proportion in isolatedgroup (55 %) than in exposed group (11%). Mukha Dora residing in acculturated villageshave benefited by modern amenities to maintain their health, while their brethren inisolated villages still adhere to traditional practice of healing.


1 Superintending Anthropologist, Anthropological Survey of India,Southern Regional Centre, Bogadi, Mysore- 570026.

2 Director, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy,Pondicherry University, Puducherry.

healthcare specialists, Guruvu (Priest), Disari and Jenny (Medicine men) have beenelucidated. Data on health and hygienic practices, environmental sanitation, personalhygiene and incidence of illness, cause of disease and treatment was collected from 176subjects, belonging to 200 households. Information on medicinal plants, local names,parts used in the preparation and treatment were collected from traditional medicine menand recorded literature on ethno medical practices followed by the local tribes, NukhaDora, Konda Dora, Manne Dora, Khond, Jatapu, Gadaba, Kotiya, Savara and KondaKammari. In this paper we elucidate traditional knowledge of the tribes inhabiting inAgency areas - Parvathipuram and Salur Agency; their knowledge of medicinal plantsand usage in healthcare through traditional healing practices.

Food & BeveragesThe staple food of Mukha Dora consists of coarse grains like Korralu (Setaria italica),Samalu (Panicum miliare), Gantelu / Sajjalu (Pennisetum typhoideum), Chodi (Eleusinecorcana), Jonnalu (Sorghum vudgare), Odalu (Baster millets) and variety of Dhanyam(rice) that are generally cultivated in their Podu lands or Mettu / Gattu terrace fields.They consume wild food like Jelugu pindi (Caryota palm pith), Thati pindi (Palmyrahpith), Mamidi tenkalu (Mango kernel) and Chinta pikkalu (Tamarind seeds) as subsidiaryfood. The process of removing itch and food preparation has been detailed elsewhere(Saheb and Naidu, 1985). Some of them residing in acculturated villages procure Rice,Ragi, Bajra, Jowar and other daily necessities through the Public Distribution Depots.

They dig out variety of edible roots and tubers like Arigi dumpa, Chilagada dumpa(Ipomoes batatas), Kanda dumpa (Amorphophallus campanulatus), Chedu dumpa(Dioscorea versicolor), Pindi dumpa, Vymu dumpa, Yeetha dumpa, Arati dumpa (Musaparadisium), Chama dumpa (Colocasia antiquorum), Pendulamu (Dioscorea alata), KarraPendalamu (Manihot esculenta) from forest for food and medicine. The itch inherent insome of the roots is removed through boiling and filtration before consumption. Theygather edible green leaves like Nulateega, Narateega, Puliteega, Kasateega, Muragadateega,Palleruteega (Tribulus terrestris), Mullukura, Gongura (Hibiscus cannabinus),Bachchalikura (Baselia rubra), Guruvikura, Sothikura, Ponnagantikura (Alternatherasessilis), Gummadiaku (Cucurbita maxima), Palakoora (Spincia oleracea), Chukkakura(Rumex vesicarius), Chinta chiguru (Tamarindus indica), Karivepaku (Murraya koenigii),Munagaaku (Moringa oleifera), Thotakura (Amarantus gangeticus), Aviseaku (Sesbaniagrandiflora), Mullangi (Raphanus sativus), Menthikura (Trigonella foenum graecum) andPodina (Mentha spicata) from forest for domestic consumption and medicinal use. Theyeat variety of vegetables like Kakarakaya (Momordice charantia), Chikkudu (Dolichoslablab), Sorrakaya (Lagenaria vulgaris), Goruchikkudu (Cyamopsis teregonoloba),Aratikaya (Musa sapientum), Beerakaya (Luffa acutangula), Potlakaya (Trichosanthesanguina), Panasa (Artocarpus heteroplyllus), Bendakaya (Abelmoschus esculentus),Boppaye (Carcia papaya), Dondakaya (Coccinia cordifolia), Dosakaya (Cucumis sativus)and Vankaya (Solanum melongenr) grown in their doddlu (kitchen garden). They cultivatepulses like Pesalu (Phaseolus aureus Roxb.), Ulavalu (Dolchos biflorus), Anumulu(Phaseolus aconitifolius Jacq.), Konda Kandulu (Cajanus cajan), Alasandalu (Vignacatjang), Kommu senagalu (Cicer arietinum), Katingulu, Minapa/Minumulu (Phaseolusmungo Roxb.), Dhaniyalu (Coriandrum sativum), and oil seeds like Nuvulu (Sesamumindicum), Verusenaga (Arachis hypogaea), Avise gingelu (Lenum usitatissimum), Aavalu(Brassica nigra), Valeselu (Guizotia abyssinica), Menthulu (Trigonella foenum), Amudamu

570

INTRODUCTIONMukha Dora, a forest dwelling tribe inhabits the Agency area of Vizianagaram,Visakhapatnam and Srikakulam districts of Andhra Pradesh. They are known by differentnames in Andhra Pradesh and in States of Odisha and Chhattisgarh. EtymologicallyMukha Dora in Telugu means collective group of Lords and the name is derived as theywere holding Mukhasi Pattam bestowed by Jeypore kings. The local people call them byseveral synonyms, Muga Dora, Mukha Dora, Mukhasi Dora, Nooka Dora, Nukha Dora,Mukhasi Raja, Muttadar and Mukhasidar. Mukha Dora living in Visakhapatnam and inStates of Chhattisgarh and Odisha states is called Nukha Dora. Francis (1907: 24) referredto the people as a sub caste under Khond but classified them as Doralu and Mukha Doralu.Thurston (1909) wrote Mukha Dora is a sub-division and synonym of Konda Dora. Theyclaim to be the descendants of Jerra, a divine being living in the forests leading a nomadiclife and subsisting on animal food. They trace the legendary origin to Sabara, who shotthe arrow that killed Lord Sri Krishna of Mahabharata and hence they are called JerraSobarulu. Mukha Dora speaks a dialect of Telugu that belongs to Dravidian language.The total population of Mukha Dora was 40000 as per 2001 Census. Thirty thousand ofthem are conversant in Telugu language. They also speak Kuvi dialect with Kondh,Jatapu, Manne Dora and Konda Dora. Mukha Doras are divided into two exogamousclans (Vamsams) namely Naga Vamsam and Surya Vamsam. Naga Vamsam has severalsurnames: Gammela, Vanthula, Mamidi, Ganthuri, Murla, Chedda, Bachala, Veelam,Chikkudi, Jatti, Urumula and Kandula. Surya Vamsam comprises of surnames like Korra,Vemula, Sukuru, Chintala, Thammala, Dippala, Pudhuri, Emila, Guruvala, Koneti, Pusalaand Kakara. Mukha Dora prefers consanguineous marriages. They follow patrilinealsystem of inheritance and patrilocal residence after marriage. Mukha Dora claim superiorstatus and rank over other tribes in the local social hierarchy. They maintain commensalrelations with Konda Dora. Mukha Dora inhabiting in interior Forests practice podu(shifting) cultivation, while those residing in Hill slopes and near to semi-urban villagespractice terrace cultivation. The present paper delineates on the incidence of Morbidity,Disease, Illness among Mukha Dora and the native Traditional Healing Practices that arefollowed have been reported.

MethodologyMukha Dora, the least known tribe of Andhra Pradesh was studied from ParvathipuramAgency of Vizianagaram district during the year 1982-83 from two groups i.e. oneconsiderably exposed to external contact marked as acculturated group, and the otherliving in comparative isolation known as isolated group. Data was collected from 100households spread in 12 isolated hamlets namely Chinna Barigam, Pedda Barigam,Pothanna Valasa, Rampadu, Dorla Thadi Valasa, Pula Valasa, Neredla Valasa, JakarlaValasa, Nimmalapadu, Komati Valasa, Sollaru and Nerella Valasa; while informationfor acculturated group was collected from 100 households distributed in seven villagesnamely Kurukutti, Gadaba Valasa, Vankachinta Valasa, Mamidipalli, Batti Valasa, ThotaValasa and Chandrumanu Valasa. The two groups were identified basing on the ecologicalsetup such as comparatively isolated and considerably exposed to external contact,proximity and accessibility to modern civic amenities. Various types of morbid conditions,diseases and ailments prevalent in 200 households of Mukha Dora was recorded throughscheduled questionnaire, interviews and personal observations and indigenous knowledgeabout healing measures for different types of diseases / ailments practiced by native

571Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu

(Gajji) in children. They carry out manual work on bare foot, due to which heal cracksand anelu (foot corn) have been observed. Most of them wear gochi (loin cloth) and exposethe body to severe climatic condition, which directly affect their health.

Environmental Hygiene: Mukha Dora keep houses clean by smearing cow dung andsweep the floor often. Walls are painted with red clay / lime stone. They observe personalhygiene during religious festivities. The cleanliness of the surroundings is spoiled byfowls. They spit / blow noses wherever they sit / congregate. Cattle sheds are attachedto the houses and they rarely remove cattle dung. Ash from the fire pits get scatteredspoiling the environment. Most of their hamlets are located on hill top / sloppy foot hills. Waste and night soil are thrown near the settlements. Women and children use backyardsto answer nature calls and allow accumulation of garbage and filth near the houses. Rainswash away the filth and garbage into the streams, polluting drinking water source. Inboth isolated and acculturated villages, they do not have toilets and sanitation. They gointo the forest (isolated villagers) or open fields (acculturated villagers) for attendingnature calls. They generally wash in the same streams from where their women fetchwater for drinking and cooking. Acute drinking water problem exists in some of theacculturated villages (Saheb and Naidu, 1985).

Sanitation: Sanitary facilities are completely lacking in all the 25 hamlets surveyed,except semi-urban villages like Pachipenta and Salur. Rain water gets drained to the low-lying areas gets accumulated in pools, forming breeding grounds for mosquitoes, causingepidemics. The situation is pathetic in semi-urban areas than in interior villages. Publichealth and paramedical health services are unable to provide much-needed health careto the people.

Diseases / ailments: Mukha Dora suffer from diseases like scabies, intestinal worms(round worm, hook worm, whip worm), jaundice, diarrhea, cholera, gastroenteritis,measles and smallpox as per Medical records (1981-82) available at Primary HealthCenter, Pachipenta; Mobile Health Center, Mamidipalli; Government Dispensary, Thonamand Government Hospital, Salur. Leprosy is rare among the tribes living in Agency,though prevalent in Vizianagaram District. Scabies is rampant due to deficient personalcleanliness. Vitamin deficiency and malnutrition are common among children andnourishing mothers. Majority of stomach ailments are due to worm infections attributedto unprotected water supply. Malaria is wide spread in the region as it falls in the endemiczone. National Malaria Education Program hass make all efforts to eradicate malaria byanti malaria operations. However the prevalence of malaria is at higher proportion in theinterior and isolated villages (Saheb et al, 1987). Health services are making best effortsto eradicate epidemic diseases that are prevalent in the area. They have awareness aboutmedical and paramedical services, but they rarely make use of these services. As thesefacilities are far away from their habitation, they invariably consult local medicine men,Guruvu / Jenny / Disari for remedial measures. They seek the help of Guruvu / Jenny toprotect them from wrath of malevolent deities / spirits. Chicken pox and measles areconsidered due to wrath of local deities, Nishani demudu / Pydithalli. They worship andappease deities/ evil spirits and ancestors through animal sacrifice. They believe blackmagic / sorcery, known as Banamathi, Chetabadi and Chillangi inflict illness / death toa person.

Infant Mortality: Infant mortality is defined as the number of infant deaths per 1000 livebirths in the year and death of children aged above 1 year to 14 years as child mortality.The poor economic condition, lack of sanitation and malnutrition has affected mother

572

(Castor) in their Podu / metta / gattu fields for domestic consumption. They use Castoroil / Sesame oil as cooking medium. They collect Nimmakaya (Citrus medica var acida),Jagikaya (Myristica fragrans), Allum (Zingiber officinale), Miriyalu (Piper nigrum),Pippallu (Piper lorgum), Pasupu (Cucuma domestica), Usirikaya (Emblica officinalis),Regupandu (Zizyphus jujuba), Maredupandu (Aegle marmelos), Marripandu (Ficusbengalensis), Ramphalam (Annona reticulate), Jeedipandu (Anacardium occidentale),Jamapandu (Psidium guajava), Panasa (Artocarpus heterophyllus), Neeredu pandu(Syzygium cumini), Badam (Prunus amygdalus), Velaga pandu (Limonia acidissima),Chinta pandu (Tamarindus indica), Kamala pandu (Citrus aurantium), Thatipandu(Borassus flabellifer) and Seethaphalam (Annona squamosa) from forest for domesticconsumption and medicinal use. They collect wild fruits like Vepapandu (Malia azadirachta),Ravipandu (Ficus religiosa), Usthikaya (Solanum torvum), Cuncudukaya (soap nuts),Kanugakaya (Carissa carandas Linn.) and Mahuva (Bassia logifolia) for medicinal use.They collect honey, wax and minor forest medicinal products for consumption and sale.

They are non vegetarians. They hunt small game like Adavi Pandi (wild boar), AdaviMeka (wild goat), Adavi Gorre (wild sheep), Kanaju (Antelope), Duppi (Deer/spottedDeer), Yedupandi (Porcupine), Sambar and trap Manupilli (wild Cat), Adavi Kodi / Nippukodi (wild fowl), Kundelu (Rabbit), Raseluka (wild Rat), Mongoose, monitor lizard andbirds like Dove, Pigeon, Partridge etc. in Eastern Ghats of their habitation. They abstainfrom eating beef. They collect eggs of wild Fowl, Peacock, Dove, Pigeon and Partridgefrom forest for hatching and consumption. Some of them are adept in fishing in streams,rivers and tanks using nets and hooks. Some of the fish varieties available are Karumparegalu, Vanjara paregalu, Mitta paregalu, Akumarpulu, Gulivendalu, Eencha paregalu,Mittalu, Bochichepalu, Nettalu, Kakikavadlu and Burra paregalu.

They prepare intoxicant drink, Maddi using Samalu (Panicum miliare) millets flour.They also consume locally available alcohol. Some of them distil Ippa (Madhuca indicaGmel.) sara (arrack) using Ippa / Mahuva (Bassia longifolia) bark and flowers, medicinalherbs and mandu (intoxicants). They extract toddy (sap) from Jelugu chettu (Caryotaurens), Thati manu (Borassus flabellifer) and Yeetha manu (Phoenix sylvestris). Men,women and children drink toddy on festive and ceremonial occasions. Fresh toddy isadministered to children as medicine to ease stomach ailments. The process of distillationof Ippa sara has been described elsewhere (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). They do not feedCow / Goat milk to children.

Results and DiscussionPersonal Hygiene: Mukha Dora takes bath occasionally due to chilly weather in themountains. Women generally take bath in streams. Children are given regular bath. MukhaDora living in acculturated villages washes habitually. They apply castor oil / gingili oil/coconut oil for hairdressing. Mukha Dora brush their teeth with Veduru (bamboo tendershoots) or Vepachettu (Azadirachta indica Juss.) or Karenga (Carissa carandas Linn.) twigsor Chitramulam or Uttareni root. They occasionally apply ash / charcoal / sand to cleanteeth. Some people use synthetic toothpaste to clean teeth. Most of the children eat foodwithout cleaning their teeth. They generally use soap nuts, Cuncudu kayalu or Shikakayalu(Acacia caesia Willd.) for bath, which they collect from Forest. In acculturated areas theyuse Janatha soaps for bathing and washing clothes. Most of the children suffer from stuffynose and occasionally parents help in blowing noses. Children use leaves instead of waterfor cleaning after nature call. Children move around half naked, wearing gochi (loin cloth)tied to their waist. Unhygienic practices are the main cause for the prevalence of scabies,


affected, while daughters are free from this defect. Anomalies recorded in isolated groupare absence of 3rd toe and hand, abnormality of the 1st toe, congenital blindness andsquint eye. Two cases of congenital deaf and dumb are observed in females of acculturatedgroup. Incidence of brachedactyly is higher in isolated group than in acculturated group.On the whole anomalies are slightly more in isolated group than in acculturated group,where more males are suffering than females. The prevalence rate of total anomalies inmales are 33.98 and 33.15 in isolated and acculturated groups respectively and showslightly higher value than in females (23.39 in isolated group and 23.35 in acculturatedgroup). The prevalence rate in pooled sample is 33.59 in males and 22.86 in females(Table 2). Prevalence rates of anomalies in isolated group shows slightly greater (29.18)value than in acculturated group (27.78).

b) Disabilities: Several forms of disabilities have been reported among Mukha Dora.Two females were afflicted with epilepsy; one from isolated villages and another fromacculturated villages. The frequency of blindness due to cataract is more in males thanin females. One person each either with spondulytis or stammering or paralysis wasobserved in isolated group. Persons disabled due to hands amputation are slightly morein isolated group than in acculturated group. The frequency of disabled females is morein isolated group (Table 1). The prevalence rate is higher in acculturated males (33.15)and in isolated females (33.09), while the corresponding rates in isolated males andacculturated females are 14.56 and 11.17 respectively. The prevalence rate in the pooledsample is almost equal in both the sexes (Table 2).

c) Illness: Prominent forms of illness recorded are skin diseases, fever and ailmentsrelated to bronchial-respiratory problems. Chronic asthma is found to be more in bothsexes of the acculturated group. Incidence of illness associated with Gastro-intestinalsystem is in equal proportions. More people are suffering with different forms of ailmentsand skin diseases in acculturated group than in isolated group (Tables 1). Conjunctivitisis common in females. People suffering from fever are significantly more in number inthe isolated section. Malaria fever or black water fever, popularly known as agency feverin Vizianagaram district is endemic in the area. The illness related to Genital-urinarysystem is mainly due to the vasectomy and tubectomy. The total prevalence rate of illnessis comparatively high in both sexes of acculturated group than in isolated group. Thetotal prevalence rate of morbidity is high in the acculturated section, wherein results showthat males are more prone to diseases than females (Table 2).

Indigenous healing methodsMukha Dora performs ritual remedies for diseases caused by malevolent deities / evilspirits and administers counter magic for those caused by sorcery practices. When aperson suffers from chronic illness like tuberculosis, goiter, paralysis, etc, the patientapproaches Guruvu to appease the deity, Jakara demudu / Nishani demudu / Pydithallithrough religious rites, ritual offerings and magical procedure. When a person suffersfrom Chicken pox, Small pox, Measles, Cholera etc, the patient approaches Jenny, whois both physician and magician to seek remedy for the ailment. Jenny performs somerituals chanting magic hymns/ mantras, waiving peacock feathers, offering bhoga toappease the Goddess and suggests healing methods and ties amulets to the patient (Saheband Naidu, 1985). If the disease is caused due to food, environment and behaviour, Disariadministers herbal remedies after physical observation of the patient and disease symptoms.Mukha Dora believes that illness originate due to breach of customary taboos, wrath of

574

and child health. Mothers are under nutritional stress during pregnancy and lactation.Malnourishment of mothers leads to premature births and low birth weight babies.Boddudokri (mid wife) assists mother at child birth in Agency areas, at times lead todelivery complications, contributing to both maternal and infant mortality. Infant mortalityrate is significantly high in Mukha Dora (266.67) in both isolated and acculturated groups.Total infant mortality in acculturated group (285.71) is higher than in isolated group(250). The isolated group shows higher female infant mortality (119.05) than in acculturatedgroup, while the trend was reversed in male infant mortality. Mukha Dora recorded lowerinfant mortality rate than the neighboring tribes (Saheb and Naidu, 1985). The main factorcontributing to high infant mortality was poor nutritional status of pregnant women. 50%of women are anemic during pregnancy. Higher infant mortality recorded in both isolatedand acculturated villages is due to cholera and cyclonic storm that devastated theirhabitation and economy.

Child Mortality: Nine children (4 males and 5 females) died before attaining the age of15 years among Mukha Dora. Female child mortality is slightly higher than males inacculturated group, resulting in a sex ratio of 66.67 males per 100 females. Child mortalityin the isolated group is in equal proportion. Major causes for child mortality are diarrhea,dysentery, cholera, stomachache, malaria, measles etc. Diarrhea and fever are commonamong children below 1 year of age; while malaria and accidents are frequent amongchildren below 15 years of age. Relatively more children died either due to diarrhea /dysentery (Saheb and Naidu, 1985).This might be due to high mineral content in drinkingwater and cholera.

Anomalies, Disabilities and IllnessVarious types of morbidity among Mukha Dora have been discussed in threebroad categories:

a) Anomalies: Anomalies and Congenital malformations affect child health and lead toan early death of infant or suffer serious illness throughout lifetime. Out of every fourinfant deaths, one death is due to congenital malformation and approximately one percent of all infants born alive suffer serious disorders, ranging from hare-lip to extremeconditions of not having brain or bony brain case, known as anencephaly. In India,majority of child births take place at home. Moreover infants born with malformationsmay not survive for long. Hence the incidence of congenital malformations amongnewborn in Indian population has not been properly recorded. Data on congenitalmalformation in Mukha Dora has been classified as of Central nervous system, Gastro-intestinal system, Muscular-skeletal system, Genital-urinary system, Cardio-vascularsystem and multiple defects involving several systems. Malformations of Central nervoussystems were common in all populations. Incidence of malformations in males is slightlyhigher than females in both the groups (Table 1). Results of present study are in conformitywith several studies from different parts of the world, which indicate that males are proneto malformations than females. A single case of cerebral palsy (spastic) was observedin acculturated group, wherein the patient is suffering from multiple deformities likestammering, spondulytis, epilepsy, staring expression with unblinking eyes and incapacitatedto work. Pedigree study of this patient revealed that his father suffered with the samedeformity and died some years ago. Congenital mental retardation cases were reportedamong males belonging to the acculturated group. Harelip and Gastro-intestinal malformationis observed in one family of the acculturated group, where both mother and son are


(Terminalia chebula) or Thulasi (Oscimum sanctum) extract for relief from cough. Thetribes living in Kotia Hills administer decoction made from stem bark of Pangiachina(Litsea glutinosa Robinson) tree to ease chest pain. Seed powder of Adavi benda (Thespesialampas Dalz.) plant mixed with bark juice of Schleichera oleosa is administered orallywith hot water in small doses twice a day for 21 days to overcome bronchial-respiratoryproblems (Chandra Babu et al, 2010).

Chronic Asthma: The tribes living in Kotia Hills - Khond, Manne Dora, Konda Dora,Jatapu and Savara administer a mixture of Byttneria herbacea roots with black Pepper(Piper logum) and Trachyspermum ammi taken in equal proportions, twice a day. Warmleaf paste of Adavi Nabhi (Gloriosa superb Linn.) herb is applied on forehead and neckfor 7 days for relief. Bark powder of Palakodisa (Holarrhena pubescens Wall.) is givenorally till asthma is cured. Ippa (Madhuca indica Gmel.) flowers are boiled in water andthe decoction is administered orally to cure asthma (Chandra Babu et al, 2010).

Gastro-intestinal system (Diarrhea / Dysentery): In the 25 hamlets surveyed, 8 persons(5 males and 3 females) reported having gastrointestinal problems. Paste of Bandibissahosso ottawakuccha (Boerhaavia diffusa Linn.) plant is administered for three days tocontrol blood motions. Khond, Manne Dora, Konda Dora, Jatapu and Savara tribesinhabiting Kotia Hills administer stem bark powder of Chinnamurli (Buchnanaia lanzanSpreng.) mixed with stem bark powder of Syzygium cuminin for 3 days to cure diarrhea.They administer the extract made from the crushed stem bark of Medichettu (Ficusracemosa Linn.) mixed with Curcuma longa orally to cure diarrhea. Juice made fromtender leaves of Thummika (Diospyros melanoxylon Roxb.) herb or Addasaram (Justiciaadhatoda Linn.) shrub is given internally for 5 days to cure diarrhea. Leaf paste ofGallarapaku (Kalanchoe pinnata Pers.) mixed with Pepper powder is administered for3 days to cure diarrhea. They administer the extract of stem bark of Mushidi (Strychnosnuxvomica Linn.) tree with honey daily twice to control dysentery (Chandra Babu et al,2010). Gadabas take the decoction made from the roots of Yerri Kusuma (ArgemoneMexicana Linn.) or Bedda Kandhiri (Equisetum debile Roxb.) or Adavi Ulava (Atylosiascarabaeoides Benth.) or the tubers of Kasturi dumpa (Curcuma aromatic Sal.) to controldysentery. They apply the paste made from leaves, stem bark and flowers of Arepuvvu(Woodfordia fruticosa Kurz.) to control dysentery (Rao et al, 2011). Savaras of Srikakulamdistrict consume leaf paste of Pathalagaridi (Rauwolfia serpentina) to cure dysentery.They administer seed decoction of Gurivindaginja (Abrus precatorius) mixed with honeyto kill intestine worms and reduce stomachache (Rao et al, 2010).

Conjunctivitis: Three females from isolated group and one female from acculturatedgroup had conjunctivitis (Table 1). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district apply Rakasiplant juice for eye diseases. Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district apply leaf juice ofThigapappu (Hoya pendula R.Br.) to cure eye infection (Rao et al, 2011).

576

deities and attribute to supernatural spirits and magico - religious causes. Elders prefertraditional healthcare offered by Disari / medicine man of the same tribe to safe guardthe Tribal social hierarchical status, while youngsters do not discriminate to visit theDisari/ Jenny of other tribes, Khond, Jatapu, Manne Dora and Konda Dora.

Guruvu /Jenny/ Disari identifies the cause of illness and then selects the nature of treatment.Various herbal medicines are administered for the treatment of different types of ailments/ diseases prevalent in Salur / Parvathipuram Agency in Vizianagaram district. Healthand treatment are interrelated with the environment/ forest ecology, since forest is themain resource of getting medicine plants. Lactating mothers are advised to abstain fromconsuming cold food like gruel, banana and curd during nights to avoid ailments likecough, cold, fever, headache etc, and hot food like drumstick, papaya, chicken to avoidinflammation of hands and legs, rheumatic pain and stomachache. Lactating mothers areforbidden to eat fish and pulses - black gram and green gram to avoid infant getting boilsand scabies. As a result of these food taboos, children suffer nutritional deficiency diseaseslike anemia, scurvy and beriberi. Goiter is endemic among the tribes due to iodinedeficiency in their diet

Epilepsy: Two Mukha Dora women suffered from epilepsy (Table 1). Khonds ofVisakhapatnam district makes a paste of Ubbuchettu Katti (Desmodium gangeticum) plantand administers the paste once a day for three days (Rao et al, 2006). While Kotia Hillstribes, Manne Dora, Konda Dora, Jatapu and Savara apply the paste of Vavilli (Vitexnegundo Linn.) leaves over the head of the patient for relief. They pound the leaves ofKrishnaThulasi (Ocimum tenuiflorum Linn.) with Vavilli (Vitex negundo) leaves and theextract is administered along with honey for 10 days to cure fits (Chandra Babu et al, 2010).

Cataract: Four males and two females became blind due to cataract, while 4 persons havelost partial eye sight (Table 1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district takes the root powderof Kasiratnam pulu (Ipomoea hederifolia Linn.) orally to treat cataract (Rao et al, 2011).

Spondulytis / Paralysis: One male person was diagnosed with multiple ailments likespondulytis, stammering and paralysis in isolated group (Table 1). Khonds of Visakhapatnamdistrict apply the paste made of Netturu ossoh (Vernonia cinerea Less.) plant regularly on theaffected region of the body, while Gadabas apply paste made from leaves and tubers ofChedukura (Anodendron paniculatam Roxb.) for paralysis treatment (Rao et al, 2011).

Skin diseases: The incidence of skin diseases in isolated group of Mukha Dora was lowercompared to the acculturated group and the frequency in females was greater than males.Interestingly the incidence of skin diseases was more in acculturated group compared toisolated group (Table 1). The tribes living in Kotia Hills apply leaf juice of Kasintha(Cassia occidentalis Linn.) mixed in butter milk on the affected parts to cure scabies(Chandra Babu et al, 2010). Savaras of Srikakulam district apply the mixture of Neem(Azadirachta indica) and Karanja (Carissa carandas) oils to cure scabies (Rao et al, 2010).Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district drink the extract of rhizome of Nelatadi (Curculigoorchioides Gaertn.) or the stem bark of Naramamidi (Litsea deccanensis Gamble) to cureskin diseases (Rao et al, 2011).

Bronchial-respiratory problems: During our study 16 persons comprising 9 males and7 females were suffering from Bronchial-respiratory problems, wherein 11 of them hailfrom acculturated villages and 5 persons hail from isolated villages (Table 1). ). Savaraand Jatapu of Srikakulam district take Nallajeedi (Semicarpus anacardium) or Karakkai


Genital-urinary system: 4 men and one woman reported having urinary problems (Table1). Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district consume Rambalam (Annona squamosa) formenstrual disorders. The juice extract of Dasariaku, Jammiaku, Tangeduaku, Kanugaakuand Velluli (Garlic) is used for abortion Kotia Hill tribes administer the extract of Palleru(Tribulus terrestris Linn.) herb in small doses for 3 days to cure urinary problems (ChandraBabu et al, 2010). Savaras of Srikakulam district take the decoction of Pindikura(Aerva lanata) for removing kidney stones and also to arrest white discharge in women(Rao et al, 2010).

Body pain: Three females and one male were suffering from body pains (Table1). Savaraand Jatapu of Srikakulam district take Osiri (Emblica officinalis) or Pukejam (Leucascephalstus) for pains. Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district administer decoction made fromroots and stem bark of Girugudu (Casearia elliptica Willd.) or the rhizome of Nelatadi(Curculigo orchioides Gaertn.) for pain relief. They drink the decoction made from stembark of Naramamidi (Litsea deccanensis Gamle) to ease body pain (Rao et al, 2011).

Joint pain / Arthritis: 7 persons in acculturated group (3 males and 4 females) sufferfrom joint pains (Table 1). The tribes living in Kotia Hills administer root paste of AdaviAllamu (Zingiber roseum Roscoe) or apply root paste of Bodditeega (Rivea hypocrateriformisChoisy) over the affected area to get pain relief. Paste made from the seed coat ofGillateega (Entada pursaetha) is applied on affected parts externally to cure rheumatism.Leaves of Pachabottu mokka (Euphorbia hirta Linn.) are warmed and bandaged over theaffected part by applying castor oil. Decoction made of Pushpajalam (Biophytumnervifolium Thw.) leaves is administered for joint pain relief (Chandra Babu et al, 2010).Savaras of Srikakulam district apply the root paste of Nagasaram (Aristolochia indica)on the affected parts for joint pain relief. They apply mixture of Neem (Azadirachta indica)and Karanja (Carissa carandas) oils to treat rheumatism (Rao et al, 2010).

Head ache: In acculturated group, one person was suffering from partial headache(Table1). Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district take Darigummadi (Pueraria tuberose Roxb.)leaves and its tuber for pain relief. They take the decoction made from the rhizome ofNelatadi (Curculigo orchioides Gaertn.) for pain relief (Rao et al, 2011).

Leucoderma / Dermatitis: In acculturated group, one female was affected with leucoderma,while one male and one female are affected with dermatitis (Table1). Gadabas ofVisakhapatnam smear the paste made from the stem and roots of Palathiga (Cryptolepisbuchananii Roem.) to treat leucoderma (Rao et al, 2011).

Boils /wounds: Three males were inflicted with wounds in interior villages (Table1).Savaras of Srikakulam district apply leaf paste of Gajumokka (Eupotorium odoratum) planton the injured part for healing. Savara and Jatapu of Srikakulam district apply Ganneru(Thevitia peruvina) and Ankudu (Ficus specis) for cuts and wounds (Rao et al, 2010).Gadabas of Visakhapatnam district apply paste made from the leaves, stem bark and flowersof Arepuvvu (Woodfordia fruticosa Kurz.) on the wounds for healing (Rao et al, 2011).

Skin rashes & Gout: Two male persons suffering from skin rashes were given the rootpowder of Vattiveru (Vetiveria zizanioides Linn.) along with Achyranthes aspera oncea day for 3 days.

Cardiovascular illness: Two persons had cardiovascular problems (Table1). Gadabas ofVisakhapatnam district take leaf juice of Thigapappu (Hoya pendula R. Br.) or consumeDarigummadi (Pueraria tuberose Roxb.) tuber or the decoction of rhizome of Adavi Allamu(Zingiber roseum Roxb.) or the paste made from the leaves, stem bark and roots ofMaredutivva ( Dalbergia volubilis Roxb.) to get relief from heart pain. (Rao et al, 2011).

Reproductive organs: 5 women were suffering from ailments related to genital organs.The tribes living in Kotia Hills apply flower powder of Ashoka (Saraca asoca Wild.) overthe affected area for treatment of Syphilis (Chandra Babu et al, 2010).

578 579Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu

Ailments on legs: One person had leg injuries. Savaras of Srikakulam district applythe fruit decoction of Karakkaya (Terminalia chebula) on the injury parts to cure(Rao et al, 2010).

AcknowledgementsAuthors gratefully acknowledge the cooperation extended by the Department of TribalWelfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad and the District Tribal WelfareOfficer, Vizianagaram District. We are indebted to Sri Subba Raju for the hospitality andthankful to Mukha Dora for providing information during the study. We are grateful tothe Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata and the Regional Officer, SouthernRegional Centre, Mysore for providing infra structural facilities.

ReferencesChandra Babu N., M. T. Naidu and M. Venkaiah, 2010. Ethno medicinal plants of KotiyaHills of Vizianagaram district, Andhra Pradesh, Journal of Phytology, 2 (6): 76-82.

Francis W., 1907. Madras District Gazetteers: Vizagapatam District: Madras: Governmentof Madras Presidency. pp. 94-95.

Naidu T. S. and S. Y. Saheb , 1998. Economic activities among the Mukha Dora tribe ofAndhra Pradesh. Human Science, 37 (4): 382-399.

Rao V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, S. Rao Ch, Bharathi K and Venkaiah M, 2006. Ethnomedicinal practices among Khonds of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh, IndianJournal of Traditional Knowledge, 5 (2): 217-219.

Rao V. L. N., B. R. Busi, B. D. Rao, S. Rao Ch, Bharathi K and Venkaiah M, 2010. Ethnomedical study among Savaras of Srikakulam district, Andhra Pradesh, Indian Journal ofTraditional Knowledge, 9 (1): 166-168.

Rao J. K., J. Suneetha, T. V. V. S. Reddi and O. A. Kumar, 2011. Ethno medicine of theGadabas, a Primitive tribe of Visakhapatnam district, Andhra Pradesh, InternationalMultidisciplinary Research Journal, 1/2: 10-14.

Saheb S.Y. and T. S. Naidu, 1985. Tribes in Contemporary India: The Mukha Dora ofAndhraPradesh. Calcutta: Unpublished Report; Anthropological Survey of India.

Saheb S. Y., T. S. Naidu and Venkateswarulu G, 1987. Brief note on the incidence ofMalaria and the NMEP: A case study in Andhra Pradesh. Human Science, 36 (1): 52-60.

Saheb S. Y. and T. S. Naidu, 1994. Inbreeding in the tribal populations of Andhra Pradesh.Journal of the Anthropological Survey of India, 43:187-198.

Saheb S. Y., T. S. Naidu and M. R. Prasad, 2007. Health status of Mukha Dora tribe ofAndhra Pradesh, In TS Naidu (Ed.), Tribal Health in India- Problems and Futureperspectives, Puducherry: Pondicherry University, (pp. 93- 107).

Thurston E., 1909. Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Government Press, Madras:Government of Madras Presidency, Volume 5, (pp.103-106).

580 581Anomalies, Morbidity, Disease among Mukha Dora Tribe ……of Andhra Pradesh S Yaseen Saheb and T S Naidu

Sl.N

oM

orab

id C

ondi

tion

ISO

LATE

D G

RO

UP

AC

CU

LTU

RAT

ED G

RO

UP

POO

LED

GR

OU

PM

ale

Fem

ale

Tota

lM

ale

Fem

ale

Tota

lM

ale

Fem

ale

Tota

lN

%N

%N

%N

%N

%N

%N

%N

%N

%I.

AN

OM

ALY

1.B

rach

ydac

tyly

12.

082

5.71

33.

611

2.04

--

11.

082

2.06

22.

534

2.27

2.A

bnor

mal

ity o

f 1st

toe

24.

17-

-2

2.41

12.

04-

-1

1.08

33.

09-

-3

1.70

3.Th

ird to

e m

issi

ng1

2.08

--

11.

201

2.04

--

11.

082

2.06

--

21.

414.

Con

geni

tal b

lindn

ess

12.

081

2.86

22.

41-

--

--

-1

1.03

11.

272

1.14

5.D

efor

mity

of J

oint

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

--

--

11.

03-

-1

0.57

6.Sq

uint

eye

--

12.

861

1.20

--

--

--

--

11.

271

0.57

7.H

arel

ip-

--

--

-1

2.04

12.

272

2.15

11.

031

1.27

21.

148.

Cer

ebra

l Pal

asys

patic

--

--

--

12.

04-

-1

1.08

11.

03-

-1

0.57

9.M

enta

l ret

arda

tion

--

--

--

12.

04-

-1

1.08

11.

03-

-1

0.57

10.

Abs

ence

of h

and

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

--

--

11.

03-

-1

0.57

11.

Dea

f & D

umb

--

--

--

--

24.

552

2.15

--

22.

532

1.14

12.

Leuc

oder

ma

--

--

--

--

12.

271

1.08

--

11.

271

0.57

II.

DIS

AB

ILIT

Y1.

Epile

psy

--

12.

861

1.20

--

12.

271

1.08

--

22.

532

1.14

2.B

lindn

ess

--

12.

861

1.20

48.

161

2.27

55.

384

4.12

22.

536

3.41

3.Sp

ondu

litis

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

--

--

11.

03-

-1

0.57

4.Pa

raly

sis

--

12.

861

1.20

--

--

--

--

11.

271

0.57

5.A

mpu

ted

hand

12.

083

8.57

44.

822

4.08

--

22.

153

3.09

33.

806

3.41

6.St

amm

erin

g1

2.08

--

11.

20-

--

--

-1

1.03

--

10.

57II

I.IL

LN

ESS

1.B

ronc

ho re

spira

tory

trou

ble

36.

252

5.71

56.

026

12.2

45

11.0

361

111

.83

99.

287

8.86

169.

092.

Gas

tro-I

ntes

tinal

36.

251

2.86

44.

822

4.08

24.

554

4.30

55.

153

3.80

84.

553.

Prom

inen

t hai

rs

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

--

--

11.

03-

-1

0.57

4.B

ody

pain

s-

-1

2.86

11.

201

2.04

24.

553

5.38

13.

093

3.80

43.

415.

Join

t pai

ns-

--

--

-3

6.12

49.

097

7.53

33.

094

5.06

73.

986.

Bac

k pa

ins

36.

251

2.86

44.

822

4.08

12.

273

3.23

55.

152

2.53

73.

987.

Con

junc

tiviti

s-

-3

8.57

33.

61-

-1

2.27

11.

08-

-4

5.06

42.

278.

Feve

r (ag

ency

)9

18.7

53

8.57

1214

.51

2.04

36.

824

4.30

1010

.31

67.

5916

9.09

9.Pa

rtial

Hea

dach

e-

--

--

-1

2.04

--

11.

081

1.03

--

10.

5710

.Sk

in d

isea

ses

816

.68

720

.00

1518

.111

22.4

514

31.8

225

26.8

819

19.5

921

26.5

840

22.7

311

.Sk

in ra

shes

& G

out

12.

08-

-1

1.20

12.

04-

-1

1.08

22.

06-

-2

1.14

12.

Der

mat

itis

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

12.

271

1.08

11.

031

1.27

21.

1413

.B

oils

& W

ound

s3

6.25

--

33.

61-

--

--

-3

3.09

--

31.

7014

.Pa

rtial

loss

of e

ye s

ight

12.

082

5.71

33.

611

2.04

--

11.

082

2.06

22.

534

2.27

15.

Pand

u ro

gam

12.

08-

-1

1.20

--

--

--

11.

03-

-1

0.57

16.

Urin

ary

24.

17-

-2

2.41

24.

081

2.27

33.

234

4.12

11.

275

2.84

17.

Ane

mic

24.

172

5.71

44.

821

2.04

24.

553

3.23

33.

094

5.06

73.

9818

.C

ardi

o-va

scul

ar-

--

--

-2

4.08

--

22.

152

2.06

--

21.

1419

.R

epro

duct

ive

orga

ns-

-3

8.57

33.

61-

-2

4.55

22.

15-

-5

6.33

52.

8420

.A

ilmen

ts o

n Le

gs-

--

--

-1

2.04

--

11.

081

1.03

--

10.

57I.

Tota

l Ano

mal

ies

714

.58

411

.43

1113

.56

12.2

44

9.09

1010

.75

1313

.40

810

.13

2111

.93

II.

Tota

l Dis

abili

ty3

6.25

617

.14

910

.96

12.2

42

4.55

88.

609

9.28

810

.13

179.

66II

I.To

tal I

llnes

s38

79.1

725

71.4

363

75.9

6375

.51

3886

.36

7580

.65

7577

.32

6379

.75

138

78.4

1G

rand

Tot

al48

100

3510

083

100

8310

044

100

9310

097

100

7910

017

610

0

Tabl

e 1

The

inci

denc

e of

Mor

bidi

ty a

mon

g th

e M

ukha

Dor

a

Sl.N

oM

orab

id C

ondi

tion

Prev

alen

ce ra

te o

f Mor

bidi

ty c

ondi

tion

ISO

LATE

D G

RO

UP

AC

CU

LTU

RAT

ED G

RO

UP

POO

LED

GR

OU

PM

ales

Fem

ales

Tota

lM

ales

Fem

ales

Tota

lM

ales

Fem

ales

Tota

lI.

AN

OM

ALY

1.B

rach

ydac

tyly

4.85

11.7

07.

965.

52-

2.78

5.17

5.71

5.43

2.A

bnor

mal

ity o

f 1st

toe

9.71

-5.

315.

52-

2.78

7.75

-4.

073.

Third

toe

mis

sing

4.85

-2.

655.

52-

2.78

5.17

-2.

714.

Con

geni

tal b

lindn

ess

4.85

5.85

5.31

--

-2.

582.

862.

715.

Def

orm

ity o

f Joi

nt4.

85-

2.65

--

-2.

58-

1.36

6.Sq

uint

eye

-5.

852.

65-

--

-2.

861.

367.

Har

elip

--

-5.

525.

595.

562.

582.

862.

718.

Cer

ebra

l Pal

asys

patic

--

-5.

52-

2.78

2.58

-1.

369.

Men

tal R

etar

datio

n-

--

5.52

-2.

782.

58-

1.36

10.

Abs

ence

of h

and

4.85

-2.

65-

--

2.58

-1.

3611

.D

eaf &

Dum

b-

--

-11

.17

5.56

-5.

712.

7112

.Le

ucod

erm

a-

--

-5.

592.

78-

2.86

1.36

II.

DIS

AB

ILIT

Y1.

Epile

psy

-5.

852.

65-

5.59

2.78

-5.

712.

712.

Blin

dnes

s-

5.85

2.65

22.1

05.

5913

.89

10.3

45.

718.

143.

Spon

dulit

is4.

85-

2.65

--

-2.

58-

1.36

4.Pa

raly

sis

-5.

852.

65-

--

-2.

861.

365.

Am

pute

d ha

nd4.

8517

.54

10.6

1 11

.05

-5.

567.

758.

578.

146.

Stam

mer

ing

4.85

-2.

65-

--

2.58

-1.

36II

I.IL

LN

ESS

1.B

ronc

ho re

spira

tory

14

.56

11.7

013

.26

33.1

527

.93

30.5

623

.26

20.0

021

.71

2.G

astro

-Int

estin

al14

.56

5-85

10.6

111

.05

11.1

711

.11

12.9

28.

5710

.85

3.Pr

omin

ent h

airs

4.

85-

2.65

--

-2.

58-

1.36

4.B

ody

pain

s-

5.85

2.65

16.5

711

.17

13.8

97.

758.

578.

145.

Join

t pai

ns-

--

16.5

722

.35

19.4

47.

7511

.43

9.50

6.B

ack

pain

s14

.56

5.85

10.6

111

.05

5.59

8.33

12.9

25.

719.

507.

Con

junc

tiviti

s-

17.5

47.

96-

5.59

2.78

-11

.43

5.43

8.Fe

ver (

agen

cy)

43.6

917

.54

31.8

35.

5216

.76

11.1

125

.84

17.1

421

.71

9.Pa

rtial

Hea

dach

e-

11.7

02.

655.

52-

2.78

2.58

-1.

3610

.Sk

in d

isea

ses

38.3

340

.94

39.7

960

.77

78.2

169

.44

49.1

060

.00

54.2

711

.Sk

in ra

shes

& G

out

4.85

-2.

655.

52-

2.78

5.17

-2.

7112

.D

erm

atiti

s4.

85-

2.65

-5.

592.

782.

582.

862.

7113

.B

oils

& W

ound

s14

.56

-7.

96-

--

7.75

-4.

0714

.Pa

rtial

loss

of e

ye s

ight

4.85

-7.

965.

52-

2.78

5.17

5.71

5.43

15.

Pand

u ro

gam

4.85

-2.

65-

--

2.58

-1.

3616

.U

rinar

y 9.

71-

5.31

11.0

55.

598.

3310

.34

2.86

6.78

17.

Ane

mic

8.71

11.7

010

.61

5.52

11.1

78.

337.

7511

.43

9.50

18.

Car

dio-

vasc

ular

--

-11

.05

-5.

565.

17-

2.71

19.

Rep

rodu

ctiv

e or

gans

-17

.54

7.96

-11

.17

5.56

-14

.29

6.78

20.

Ailm

ents

on

Legs

--

-5.

52-

2.78

2.58

-1.

36I.

Tota

l Ano

mal

ies

33.9

623

.39

29.1

833

.15

22.3

527

.78

33.5

922

.86

28.4

9II

.To

tal D

isab

ility

14.5

635

.09

23.8

733

.15

11.1

722

.22

23.2

622

.86

23.0

7II

I.To

tal I

llnes

s18

4.47

146.

2016

7.11

204.

4221

2.29

208.

3319

3.80

180.

0018

7.25

Gra

nd T

otal

233.

0120

4.68

220.

1627

0.72

245.

8125

8.33

250.

6522

5.71

238.

81

Tabl

e 2

Prev

alen

ce r

ate

of M

orbi

dity

in M

ukha

Dor

a

Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve:Glimpses of Indigenous Knowledge on

Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu

Anupam Datta1

ABSTRACT

The programme of Biosphere Reserve was initiated under the ‘Man and Biosphere’ (MAB)programme by UNESCO in 1971. The programme recognises the local communities asan integral part of the ecosystem and promotes ecologically compatible socio-economicdevelopment of the local communities. The human dimension of the Biosphere Reservesmakes them special from other protected areas, such as Tiger Reserves, National Parksand Sanctuaries. The study area, Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve, is the only MarineBiosphere Reserve in India. The present paper deals with the traditional fishingknowledges of the coastal people of Ramanathapuram district of Tamil Nadu. The areaof fieldwork was in the national headline for quite sometime due to some proposed searoute construction ‘Ramsetu’. On the backdrop of this situation, author tries to recordsome of the local knowledges regarding their traditional livelihood i.e. coastal fishingwhich has direct bearing to the protection of their pristine environment vis a vis the normsof Biosphere reserve.

INTRODUCTIONThe programme of Biosphere Reserve was initiated under the ‘Man and Biosphere’ (MAB)programme by UNESCO in 1971. The programme recognises the local communities asan integral part of the ecosystem and promotes ecologically compatible socio-economicdevelopment of the local communities. The human dimension of the Biosphere Reservesmakes them special from other protected areas, such as Tiger Reserves, National Parksand Sanctuaries. The study area, Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve, is the only MarineBiosphere Reserve in India.

The Gulf of Manner (GOM) Marine Biosphere Reserve is located at the southeastern tipof India on the east coast of Tamil Nadu, extends from Rameswaram to Kanyakumaricovering an area of 10,500 sq. kilometers in the Indian part of territorial water of the Gulf


1Anthropological Survey of India Eastern Regional Centre, Kolkata

about 263 coastal settlements along the coastline of National park area on the basis of‘threat Perception’ in relation to the exploitation of marine resources. GOMBRT categorizedthese villages as High Threat (HT) i.e. the villages on the shoreline up to the high tidemark, Medium Threat (MT) i.e. villages are those located within 5 Km from the shoreline and Low Threat (LT) i.e. villages are those located within a distance from 5 to 10kilometer from the shoreline.

The peopling of the studied village are mostly from Valaiyer and Nadar castes (bothHindu and Christian), though some castes like Thevar, Yadava and Pandaram are alsothere. Major work of fishing and related works is done by Valaiyer and Nadar. Regardingfishing activities there are no such discriminations in their professional matter. MostlyNadar and Valaiyer are the boat and net owners and venture in the sea, other castes aremainly involved in fishing trade.

Glimpses of Some Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Fishing Practices:

1. Seasons

Human life is dependent on the changing seasons. Sunshine, rainfall, and other climaticfactors contribute to the co-existence and interdependence of human beings and otherliving organisms. The coastal climate in the Ramanathapuram area is mainly attributableto equatorial currents, westerly winds, and the relatively large amount of sunshine. Thereis a considerable difference between diurnal and nocturnal temperatures. The rainfall is

584

of Mannar between India and Sri Lanka. The Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve (GOMBR)coast is adjoining 4 districts such as Ramanathapuram, Tuticorin, Tirunelveli, andKanyakumari. Starting from the southern tip of Dhanuskodi it extends up to Kanyakumaricovering a shore line of 514 kilometers. The 560 sq. kms. of Core Area is comprised of21 tiny uninhabited islands (tivu) ranging in size from 0.25 ha. to 130 ha. located offshorebetween a distances from one to four kilometers along the 140 kilometers stretch of coastline from Rameswaram to Tuticorin. Established in the 1980s, this 560 sq. km of Corearea is the Gulf of Manner Marine National Park (GOMNP), the first marine nationalpark not only in India and as well as in South East Asia. The Reserve has got the distinctionof being a globally recognized Biosphere Reserve. The Buffer Zone is comprised of gulfwater to the south of the core area of the Marine National Park and an inhabited coastline to the north up to a distance of 10 km. inland along the 140 km. stretch of coast fromRameswaram to Tuticorin along the GOM National Park.

Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve Trust (GOMBRT), a statutory body, was constitutedby the Government of Tamil Nadu in the year 2000 for the implementation of project,with the assistance of Global Environmental Facility (GEF) and United Nations DevelopmentProgramme (UNDP), for conservation and sustainable use of coastal biodiversity in theGulf of Mannar by reducing the pressure on sea resources due to over exploitation, shiftingpeople to land based activities by employment generation and developing alternativemeans of livelihood. For the purpose of project implementation GOMBRT has identified

585Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve: Glimpses of …… Coastal Fishing in Tamil Nadu Anupam Datta

Map of study area in Ramanathapuram district (1 & 2):

Where currents meet or diverge, where cold or salty water sinks beneath water that is lessdense, or where coastal winds blow the surface water seawards, a circulation is set upwhich may reach to the ocean’s bottom. Surface water is then replaced by upwelling waterrich in nutrient salts, which stimulates new growths of marine plants. The herbivorousplankton thrives and the sea becomes fertile for fish. It is understandable that many ofthe world’s great fisheries are found along the paths of ocean currents. The fishermen areby no means students of oceanography or marine biology in the formal sense, but theirprofound understanding of these physical phenomena and their sensitivity to them hasmade them what they are. They describe and divide the currents in their own way, whichis not far from the scientific approach. The currents of the ocean are determined by theseasons. The fishing folk of Ramnad and adjoining areas refer to eight types of current:

1. When the water flows from west to east and plenty of fish is available.

2. The water flows from south-west to north-east and availability of fish isvery low.

3. The flow is from north-west to south-east. It is also called "unna etuttavalu".The availability of fish is average.

4. When the flow is from east to west the catch is average.

5. The flow is from south-east to north-west and the catch is very little.

6. The flow from north-east to south-west and the catch is average.

7. The flow is from south to north. Almost all kinds of nets are used without anyrestriction, but the catch is very little.

8. The flow is from north to south. All kinds of nets are used, again for a verysmall catch.

The use of certain nets is not determined by the current alone. The availability of differentkinds of fish plays a major role in the chain of nets. When there is a cris-cross currentfishing becomes impossible, and the fishing folk must return home empty-handed. Sucha current is called valu takarjru.

3. Winds

Six to eight types of winds exist, but generally people understand 4 types, according tothe fishing folk of coastal Ramanathapuram district. These are different from purelygeographical divisions. The trade winds (this type of winds blows from south-east towardsthe equator and beyond) and westerly winds are the two major types. The usual coastalpattern of sea breeze and land breeze is also present. Winds are also associated with thedeflection of surface currents. These winds and currents do not always strictly correspondto the months mentioned. Winds from two different directions may come into collision,

586

subject to local precipitations, although rain is mostly contributed by the south-westmonsoon as well as North east monsoon. All these have a direct bearing on the life of thefishermen. Dependent on fish, they classify the climatic seasons mostly with referenceto the catches they get. Ramanathapuram district is marked by four seasons: dry period;summer; south-west monsoon; and post-monsoon period. December to February is a dryperiod. Ramanathapuram District gets very little rain during the north-east monsooncomparing to South west monsoon. Due to low humidity, these months are generally dry.Nights are cold from November to February, but dry winds blow during the day. Thetemperature is unsteady, which contributes to sickness. The ratio of sea breeze to landbreeze is not very constant, with dry, cold winds making the people lethargic. From Marchto May is summer, when rain becomes scarce and humidity is high, there is often anepidemic of chicken pox, due to the sweltering heat, during these months. The atmosphereis generally surcharged and rarefied.

The south-west monsoon sets in June, and there is a heavy downpour until September.Sometimes this season begins at the end of May.

The post-monsoon period commences in October, when there is no rain at all. By the endof October the north-east wind sets in, which brings some heavy rain up to December also.

The fishing folk of Ramnad classify the seasons into three, according to their catches offish: Ipasi-katighai, Puratasi, and Vaikasi. The distinctions are based on the availabilityof fish and the condition of the wind. During Ipasi-katighai (April to August), the windblows from the west and there is a heavy catch of fish. In Puratasi (August to November)the wind blows from the east. High tides form in August, a furlong into the sea, reachingthe shore as small waves. The fishing folk do not venture beyond this tide and the catchis therefore very small and usually lasts for 15 days, and after it the sea becomes verycalm. Vaikasi lasts from December to April, January to March is considered the peak ofthis season, when getting a catch is impossible. The people suffer a lot, as they are unableto get their daily bread. The wind blows from both north and south.

2. Ocean and Sea CurrentsCoursing through the layers of the sea are fast currents, some of them hundreds of mileslong and up to a hundred miles wide. These currents are the veins and arteries of theliving Earth, intriguing, and unsolved mysteries. Part of the planet’s system of heatexchange, they bring vast amounts of warmth from the tropics into the colder latitudes,which would be almost uninhabitable without them. Along with the winds, by which theyare largely driven, the currents maintain the balanced temperatures we experience. Withoutthem the tropics would grow gradually hotter, and the higher latitudes more and morefrozen.

The movement of currents, by which the oceans ‘plough’ themselves, is caused by threemain forces: prevailing winds, the Earth’s rotation, and differences in the sea’s density.Winds drive immense bodies of water before them, forming surface currents. The Earth’srotation, which deflects moving things to the right in the northern hemisphere and to theleft in the southern hemisphere, causes these surface currents to move clockwise oranticlockwise.


sky, helps in reaching correct fishing ground, operate different fishing nets, reach theshore after fishing operations.

The fishermen also predict rains by the following observations:

l Mass and sudden appearance of dragon flies

l Movement of tortoise of ponds towards land area

l Holding marriage (mating) for two Asses.

l Sudden movement of ants with eggs from one place to other

l Singing of “Amithavarshini” raga by musicians. (Induced)

l Dancing of male Peacock using its beautiful feathers.

l Low yield from tamarind trees in a year will bring copious rains

l Mating of cobra is known to bring rains

l Croaking of frogs will bring rain

l Lightning at northeast will bring rains

l If lighting appears in east and west alternately, rain may come

5. Knowledge of Earthquake

Appearance of earthquakes would be invariably associated with continuous howlingof dogs.

6. Knowledge of Tides

Mass movement of inter tidal crabs towards land area is invariably associated withrising of water column i.e. tides when fishermen plan for suitable fishing operations.

7. Knowledge about other issues

l Conducting marriage between Neem tree and Peepal tree, believes that obstacleswould be removed and marriage will be settled for the affected person.

l The fisher women believe that growing of tamarind tree and drumstick tree infront of the house would ensure safety for their husbands on the high sea.

l When the sea water recedes unusually rapidly to a distance of half kilometeror so exposing the fishes and other aquatic animals grasping for breadth –a sure sign for impending Tsunami.

588

when caught in this situation; fishermen usually bring down their sails and just go withthe wind when such things happen.

Generally in the months May to August, storms hit the coast, if the lightning reaches theearth from the zenith (vertically), it foretells a storm. When the lightning appears and thewind stops, the sky wears a pale look, and a dark arrow-like cloud appears on the horizon.It is believed that the storm will come from the direction of this cloud. On seeing thissigns the fisher folk on the sea return to the shore immediately. Those on the shore lighta fire and wave it towards the sea to indicate the danger as well as to show the waytowards shore.

Table -1

Wind type Month Catches availability(local)

Katchankatru Aug. –Sept Abundance of shrimps

Mel Katru Sept. –Oct Abundance of small sardines

KondalKatru Oct. –Nov Abundance of squids

Vadaikatru Dec. –Feb Sardine, flying fish, tuna, silverbellies, seer fishes abundance

4. Cycles of the Sea

The speed of the waves, the currents, the wind, the rising and ebbing of the water, allvary from time to time. The fisher folk of coastal Ramanathapuram classify three seasonsof sea cycles.

In the months of April to July, the waves direct their course from the south-west to thenorth-east. The wind also blows to this direction in this period. The water level maintainsits balance in this season. The current of sea is powerful and drives fish towards the shore.This season is considered good for fishing.

l In the months July to September, the water level rises and the tide leaves onlya bit of land as shore. The season gets the monsoon wind and the powerfulcurrent. Owing to the unrest of the sea, the village is severely affected as thefisher folk do not go for fishing.

In the months from September to April, the sea remains generally calm. The wind blowsand the currents keep a normal course. The water level recedes and the catch of fish issmall. This season is, however, good for the training of youngsters in the skills of fishing.

Navigation of fishing vessel based on stars: During night hours fishermen navigate theirfishing vessel based on; Number of stars, Size of stars, and location of polestar in the


ObservationVery early existence of man was induced to venture afloat in search of food in the formof fish, an inexhaustible resource. Among the earliest traces of human existence in India,are implements made of coral, which is an indication that he ventured at least as far asthe low waterline. This indicated that fish has formed part of man’s food from the earlydays, and that he has caught it in the sea and in rivers, using tools and implements to suithis skills and competencies, this section analyses the systemic use of traditional knowledgeof fishing by the people of Ramanathapuram, mainly the fisherman communities.

During fieldwork it was observed that the villagers are well aware of their environmentand rules and regulations for the protection of Biosphere reserve. The Gulf of MannarBiosphere Reserve Trust (GOMBRT) is the nodal agency to manage the biosphere andwith the help of village protection committee they formed in each village, has the directinvolvement to manage the local environment by their own effort. For such reason thepeople of high threat villages (on coast) use only caterman (vattai), and paddled boat(vallam) for their daily fishing activities and venture into the sea up to the islands (tivu)i.e. 4-8 kms in to the sea and never use bottom trawling net. But the nearby districts’fishermen like Kanyakumari area mostly use large 6-12 cylinder trawler boat for deepsea fishing beyond islands up to 15 – 25 kms. towards Sri Lanka coast. It is also observedthat the villagers of middle threat villages mostly earn their livelihood from horticulturalactivities and as fishing labour. In most cases they does not own any boat or net but theyhave major role in fishing with the people of high threat villages to manage and navigatetheir vessels and selection of fishing grounds etc. Sometimes they catch crabs on shorelineand sell them to the local exporters or businessmen. People of coastal area never protestfor imposing ban on fishing from mid May to July end, as they are well aware that thistime fishes breed. This ban on fishing was imposed by the GOMBRT officials after thedeclaration of Biosphere reserve to protect the endangered species as well as to assurehigh catch during fishing season. During this lean season people mostly engagedthemselves in collection, drying of sea weeds (pasi) and chank (sankh) fishing, which isalso a type of subsidiary to their major livelihood. It is also noted that the coastal fishermenhas a very harmonious and cordial relationship with the local biosphere administrationand govt. officials in managing the biosphere reserve.

Table- 2Case study on the market value of the catches for 7 days in the High threat villagesat landing sites of the village:

Sl. No. Villlage Catch in Weight (7 days) Market price Remarks

1 Sethupati Nagar 354kg X 7 Rs. 4,33,650/- The value is except the cost= 2478 Kg. of Crabs, prawns and squids.

2 Ramakrishna- 702Kg X 7 Rs. 8,59,950/- –Do–Puram = 4914 Kg.

3 Indira Nagar 168Kg X 7 Rs. 2,05,800/- –Do–= 1176 Kg.

4 Gandhi Nagar 409 Kg X 7 Rs. 5,01,025/- –Do–= 2863 Kg

590

Chart 1

Traditional knowledge about the availability of fish/catch varieties in different depth of the sea

Chart 2

Availability of Fish and other catches in different areas of the sea from the seashore to islands (tivu)


l Melkani, V.K. 2007. Conservation and Sustainable Utilisation of Biodiversity of theGulf of Mannar Region. GOMBRT Publication No. 5. Ramanathapuram. Gulf ofMannar Biosphere Reserve Trust.

l Naganathan, V. 2007. Marine Resource Management through Peoples’Participation. GOMBRT Publication No. 5. Ramanathapuram. Gulf of MannarBiosphere Reserve Trust

l Patterson, J.A. 20002. Vellapathi Fishing Village of Gulf of Mannar. SDMRI ResearchPublication No. 2. Tuticorin. Suganthi Devadason Marine Research Institute.

l Raychoudhuri, Bikash. 1980. The Moon and Net. Kolkata: Calcutta: AnthropologicalSurvey of India.

592

The value is here only for the fish catches, apart from that crabs, prawns and squids arealso earns a lot of revenue, crabs and prawns which were directly marketed through themiddlemen of the export oriented companies from the Pamban and Mandapam jettiesand also from Tuticorin port to the middle east and markets of Europe and U.S.

A case study narrated by fisherman of Indiranagar (HT) village

At dusk of every Tuesday (the weekly holiday from fishing), local fishermen will undertakea ritual called Neeratuthal where they clean their boats and apply Kungumam (saffroncolour) and sandalwood paste and light camphor. The fisher folk believe that a rare birdcalled Antrada Paravai leaves it’s dropping on the coral reef, these are washed away bytides and finally reach the island shores. The droppings are called Ponnamber and it isbelieved that finding these brings luck to the fishing catch. If the Dugong eats thePonnamber, the Dugong’s droppings are known as Winnamber. Fishermen believe thatfinding Winnamber brings even more luck to the fishing catch, as well as unexpectedwealth and all-round well being to the family. Locals believe that Appa Island (nearKilakadai) is the home of an island God (Santhanamariamman) and by pleasing this Godthey will be protected from evil spirits when they stay near the island. It is also believedthat another god (Muniyasamy) resides in a coral mound just nearby the island and closeto an area known for dangerous currents and an underwater cave. In order to avoid thedangerous currents and whirlpools these places are identified as the abode of local deitiesand fisher folk are warned not to approach these particular places in order to escape fromthe wrath of deities. It is believed that worship to God Sudalaimadan will protect peoplefrom the danger associated with this place. People worship here throughout the year eachtime they arrive near the island. There is also a major festival (Pongal) once a year, inthe month of mid January, when locals from many nearby villages come to the island tooffer prayers and animal sacrifice, and celebrate. The Tonga fish or Boxfish is availableonly in the reef area. In early days women used to wear a wedlock pendant designed inthe shape of the Tonga fish to bring good luck to their families.

AcknowledgementThe author is highly indebted to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata,for giving him the opportunity to conduct fieldwork in the coastal Tamilnadu under thenational project Man & Biosphere. I am also thankful to my all team members of An.S.I.CRC, Nagpur, GOMBRT officials and the villagers of Ramanathapuram district.

Referencesl District Statistical Handbook. 2006-07. Ramanathapuram District. Directorate of

Statistics. Tamil Nadu.

l Mathur, PRG. 2008. Ecology, Technology and Economy- Continuity and Changeamong the fisher folk of Kerala. Jaiput : Rawat Publication.


Traditional Life, Livelihood and Plantations :A study among the Mullu Kurumba

C. R. Sathyanarayanan,1 Nirmal Chandra2

ABSTRACT

This paper is the outcome of a study conducted during 2000-01 under a IX Plan Projectof Anthropological Survey of India entitled “Management of Environment and NaturalResources: Study on Traditional Wisdom in Tribal Societies”. It focuses on the traditionallife, livelihood and the dynamic process of occupational transition of the Mullu Kurumbatribal community in the backdrop of development of plantations in Nilgiris (Tamil Nadu)and Wayanad (Kerala). Maintaining a unique identity, the Mullu Kurumba, otherwisepopularly known as Kuruman, even today reckon their distribution over Wayanad andNilgiri districts in terms of certain traditional territories which cut across vast areas ofplains, forests and hills of this region. While the non-tribal cultivators in their milieu havegreatly commercialized their cultivation pattern towards cash crops, such as, ginger,areca nut, turmeric, pepper, tea, etc, the Mullu Kurumba continue to give priority tocultivation of food crops, such as, paddy, tapioca and plantain, not only for their own(family) food security but also as a matter of prestige and adherence to the tradition.

INTRODUCTIONThis paper is the outcome of a study conducted during 2000-01 under a IX Plan Projectof Anthropological Survey of India entitled “Management of Environment and NaturalResources: Study on Traditional Wisdom in Tribal Societies”. The study focuses on thetraditional life, livelihood and the dynamic process of occupational transition of the MulluKurumba tribal community in the backdrop of development of plantations in Nilgiris andWayanad. Before we present the field data, it is worthwhile to look at some of the factsand figures on loss of forest cover in the Western Ghats of South India. According to arecent study jointly conducted by the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and Environment(Bangalore), National Remote Sensing Agency (NRSA - Hyderabad) and University of


1Deputy Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Southern Regional Centre,Mysore-570 0262Cartographer, Anthropological Survey of India, Southern Regional Centre,Mysore-570 026

forest dwelling groups of Nilgiris also use ‘Kurumba’ or Kurumban or Kurumbar suffixeswith their independent names but they are no way connected to the caste basedKurumba/Kuruba shepherd communities of the plains of Tamil Nadu. The Governmentmaintains area restrictions in this case as ‘Kurumbas (in the Nilgiri district)’ at Serial No.17 in the Tamil Nadu Scheduled Tribes list, mainly to distinguish the Nilgiris based smallforest dwelling groups, and extend the Scheduled Tribe status only to them.

The different Kurumba groups of Nilgiris district are, 1. Alu Kurumba, also known asPal Kurumba 2. Betta Kuru(m)ba also known as Urali Kurumba and Urali Kuruman3. Mullu Kurumba also known as Mullu Kuruman and 4. Jenu Kuru(m)ba or Kattunayakan.Even today, the Government departments and the local administration in Nilgiris district,consider the Kurumbas as a single tribe for all practical purposes. No separate figureshave been made or do exist for the distinct groups of the Kurumba cluster in Nilgiris.

Geographical Distribution of Kurumbas in Nilgiris districtThe Alu Kurumba or Pal Kurumba live mainly on the Mettupalayam-Coonoor-Kotagiri-Kundah mountain stretches of Niligirs district and in the adjoining Silent Valley/Attappadyareas of Kerala State. A section of this community also lives in Erode and Sathyamangalamforest areas in Tamil Nadu. It must noted here that the ethnographic references made inearlier documents of Nilgiris under the name Kurumba as practioners of witchcraft,sorcery, priests for Badagas etc were all only about the Alu Kurumba subgroup of theKurumba cluster in Nilgiris.

The living areas of the Betta Kuru(m)ba (or Urali Kurumba) in Tamil Nadu fall only inthe Gudalur and Pandalur taluks of Nilgiri district. The Urali Kurumba/Urali Kurumanin Kerala and Betta Kurumba in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka States comprise one and thesame group. The Betta Kurumba are also found to be living adjacent to the Jenu Kurubasin the Wayanad plateau, near the Bandipur National Park (Karnataka) and the MudumalaiWildlife Sanctuary (Tamil Nadu).

The Jenu Kuru(m)ba occupy mainly the tri-junction area of Karnataka-Tamil Nadu-KeralaStates i.e. the erstwhile Mysore- Nilgiris- Wayanad forested mountain stretches. In TamilNadu, the Jenu Kuru(m)ba, otherwise known as Ththen Kuruman or Kattunayakan, liveonly in Gudalur and Pandalur taluks. Description on the Jenu Kuru(m)ba, is providedunder the entry Kattunayakan, another PTG of Tamil Nadu, who are listed separately atSerial No. 9 in the Scheduled Tribes list of Tamil Nadu.

The Mullu Kurumba settlements are found only in the Cherangode village Panchayat ofPandalur taluk in Nilgiri district, in and around Erumad and Kappala villages. But a largenumber of the Mullu Kurumba live in the adjoining Wayanad district of Kerala, constitutinga single and integrated group irrespective of their distribution in two States. Except theMullu Kurumba, the other three Kurumba subgroups speak a dialect of Kannada. TheMullu Kurumba speak a dialect of Malayalam and largely imitate the customs and practicesof the Kerala communities. In Kerala, about 25,000 Mullu Kurumba are reported to livein approximately 250 settlements in the whole of Wayanad district. As per the recentcount made by the Wayanad District Administration, about 4000 families of MulluKurumba are distributed all over the three taluks of Wayanad district, namely, SulthanBatheri, Mananthavady and Vythiri. A few other tribes, such as, Paniyan, Urali Kuruman

596

Massachusetts (USA) on the hilly regions of South-West Karnataka, Western Kerala andNorth-West Tamil Nadu i.e. Nilgiris, there has been a loss of one-fourth of the forestcover in Western Ghats in the last 22 years. The study which estimated changes in forestcover between 1973 and 1995 in the southern parts of the Western Ghats using satellitedata reveals a loss of 25.6 per cent forest cover in that period. Dense forest was reducedby 19.5 per cent and open forest by 32.2 per cent. The southern stretch of the WesternGhats covering an area of approximately 40,000 square kilometers has experienced themost significant forest loss during 1973-95. There has been a loss of 2729 squarekilometers of forest with an annual deforestation rate of 1.16 per cent. The highest lossof open forest occurred in Kanyakumari and Kozhikode at an annual rate of 4.4 per cent.The study says that Malappuram (Kerala), Idukki (Kerala), Kanyakumari (Tamil Nadu)and Nilgiri are the other mainly threatened areas in the Western Ghats. The study attributesdecrease in forest area primarily due to increase in plantations and agricultural areas asa result of population growth (Deccan Herald, September 9, 2000).

As far as the chosen study area of Nilgiris and Wayanad is concerned, the immigrantsettlers to this mountainous region have turned large tracts of natural forests into coffee,tea, pepper, pine and eucalyptus plantations since the British period. In this process, anumber of hunter-gatherer Adivasi groups (i.e. tribal communities) inhabiting the forestsof the region, namely, Mullu Kurumba, Betta Kurumba, Kattunaickan (otherwise calledNaickan or Jenu Kuruba), Irula, and Alu Kurumba have been turned into plantationlabourers and small growers of tea, coffee and pepper. The expansion of plantationscoupled with stringent forest rules and regulations have been the main causes for theoccupational transition and resettlement of several Adivasi families living in this region.

For the present study, to understand the impact of plantations on the traditional livelihoodand knowledge systems of a tribal community, the Mullu Kurumba, a hunting communityby tradition, now drawn into the plantation economy of the Nilgiris has been consideredapt and chosen. Though Nilgiris and its communities have been studied extensively, astudy at this point of time in Nilgiris and the adjoining Wayanad has been felt necessaryfrom the point of view of updating the earlier accounts and to record the process ofoccupational transformation that has taken place at the community level. The MulluKurumba comprise one of the prominent endogamous groups of the larger Kurumba tribalconglomeration distributed in the Western Ghats of south India.

The Kurumba TribesFrom the beginning, the Government listing had considered the Kurumbas (in the Nilgiridistrict) as a single community, without recognizing the different endogamous groupsliving very much within Nilgiris district and having ‘Kurumba’ or Kurumban or Kurumbarsuffixes with their independent names. In Tamil Nadu, 36 communities have been listedas Scheduled Tribes. An entry ‘Kurumbas (in the Nilgiri district)’ is listed at Serial No.17 in Tamil Nadu Scheduled Tribes list and it has been also notified as one of the sixPTGs in Tamil Nadu. It must be mentioned here that the name Kurumba/Kuruba denotesa big community of Kannada speaking shepherds who live in various parts of Tamil Nadu,especially in the plains bordering Karnataka State, and they are part and parcel of thevillage society and caste system of Karnataka Tamil Nadu. The Kurumba/Kuruba shepherdcommunities of the plains of Tamil Nadu enjoy the OBC status. Incidentally, the small

597Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra

Population of PTGs with a break up of Kurumba subgroups in the Nilgiris

Name of the PTG Male Female Total

No. 673 697 1370Toda

% 49.12 50.88 100.00

No. 125 113 238Toda Christian

% 52.52 47.48 100.00

No. 991 1033 2024Kota

% 48.96 51.04 100.00

No. 869 896 1765Alu Kurumba

% 49.24 50.76 100.00

No. 1584 1778 3362Betta Kurumba

% 47.11 52.89 100.00

No. 726 699 1425Mullu Kurumba

% 50.94 49.05 100.00

No. 2974 3046 6020Irular

% 49.40 50.60 100.00

No. 1261 1219 2480Kattunayakan

% 50.85 49.15 100.00

No. 3881 4001 7882Paniyan

% 49.24 50.76 100.00

No. 13084 13482 26566Total

% 49.25 50.75 100.00

Household distribution with a break up of Kurumba subgroups

Name of the PTG No. of Households %

Toda 323 4.84Toda Christian 65 0.97

Kota 509 7.62Alu Kurumba 529 7.92

Betta Kurumba 866 12.96Mullu Kurumba 348 5.21

Irular 1635 24.48Kattunayakan 621 9.30

Paniyan 1784 26.71

Total 6680 100.00

598

(also known as Vetta Kuruman or Betta Kurumba), Adiyan and Kurichian also live insizeable number in the same Wayanad region. Among the non-tribal communities, whoare actually recent settlers in this habitat, Waynadan Chetty constitutes a relatively oldimmigrant population when compared to the Mappilla Muslims, Christians and otherHindu communities.

The Population of Kurumbas, including all the Kurumba subgroups, and other PTGsliving in Nilgiris, as per the ‘Socio-Economic Survey of Scheduled Tribes in NilgirisDistrict’ conducted during 2010-11 by the Tribal Research Centre, Ooty is furnishedbelow.

Population of Kurumbas and other PTGs in Nilgiris district

Name of the PTG Male Female Total

No. 798 810 1608Toda

% 49.63 50.37 100.00

No. 991 1033 2024Kota

% 48.96 51.04 100.00

No. 1261 1219 2480Kattunayakan

% 50.85 49.15 100.00

No. 2974 3046 6020Irular

% 49.40 50.60 100.00

No. 3179 3373 6552Kurumbas

% 48.52 51.48 100.00

No. 3881 4001 7882Paniyan

% 49.24 50.76 100.00

No. 13084 13482 26566Total

% 49.25 50.75 100.00

Household wise distribution

Name of the PTG No. of Households %

Toda 388 5.81Kota 509 7.62

Kattunayakan 621 9.30Irular 1635 24.48

Kurumbas 1743 26.09Paniyan 1784 26.71

Total 6680 100.00


while the Paniyan, Naicken (i.e. Kattunayakan) and Urali Kuruman settlements are calledPaadi. Villages of the Wayanadan Chetty’s are termed Veedu. The dwelling hut of theMullu Kurumba is called Pera while the Paniya hut is called Ppirey. Huts of the Naicken(i.e. Kattunayakan) and Urali Kurumban are known as Maney and Sitthaal, respectively.

Colonization of WayanadAbout the ancient history of Wayanad, large scale influx of immigrants, development ofplantations and alienation of lands from the indigenous tribes in Wayanad, Aiyappan(1992) makes a vivid description in his famous work on the Paniyan tribe. The Wayanadarea, densely covered by malaria-ridden tropical forests, was perhaps one of the leasthospitable areas for human habitation in prehistoric times. The Paniyans, Adiyans andother backward tribes probably represent the earliest food-gathering settlers of Wayanad. They are referred to as Vedar (hunters) in the legends of Wayanad. The Kurichiyansand the Mullu Kurumbans were perhaps the first farming communities from the Malayalamspeaking region to the west of Wayanad to migrate and settle down in Wayanad, whilethe Urali Kurumbar, Kattu Naicken and a few other tribes speaking Kannada languagecame down from the areas to the east of Wayanad (Aiyappan 1992:5). Writing on thehistory of the Paniyans and their enslavement, Aiyappan further notes that the establishmentof the feudal administration of the Raja of Kottayam in Wayanad was the culminationof the process of colonization of Wayanad plateau by the people of the plains. Therewas also a smallscale movement of the people of Mysore into Wayanad from the east.Both these immigration movements were slow and very gradual and spread over severalcenturies beginning at least from the 5th century A.D. With the establishment of thefeudal order under the Rajahs, the Nayar chieftains and their retainers parceled theavailable land among themselves, enslaving the Paniyas and other indigenous tribalcommunities. The Wayanad was divided into several nadus, each under a Nayar Christian. The Kottayam Raja had palaces at various places in Wayanad with several templesattached to these palaces. Of these palaces almost nothing has survived, but the templesattached to them are still to be seen (Aiyappan, 1992:6-7).

On the subject of colonization of Wayanad and the subsequent marginalization ofindigenous tribes there, Aiyappan (1992:23) further mentions that in the year 1931, outof the total population of 971,769, the tribal people alone constituted over 60 per centof the population. But in 1971, the total population of Wayanad shot up to 4,13,850, ofwhich only 73,439 were tribal people. In other words, the tribals have become a minorityof less than 18 per cent over a period of four decades. Approximately from the year1945, the Travancore Christians sold whatever they had in their villages and towns topurchase land in Wayanad where it was very cheap. They came to Wayanad in batchesafter batches, converted the jungle country into a vast farm land of coffee, tea, rubber,tapioca, pepper and other cash crops. In fact, the traditional crops grown in this regionfrom the ancient times were rice, ragi and a few pulses. Soon coffee and tea plantationsoccupied an important place in the economy of Wayanad. Due to increased demand,pepper became the most important cash crop for all the farmers of Wayanad and trainedon most of the fruit trees such as, mango and jack fruit and on special thorny trees suchas the coral tree (Aiyappan 1992:18). Similarly, a large number of Muslims from Calicutand neighbouring places moved into Wayanad for trade and business. Gradually, anumber of tribal people lost their lands at throw away prices to the Muslim traders also.

600

The Mullu KurumbaThe Mullu Kurumba with a population of 1425 people live only in 12 settlements (348households), namely, Kaappu Kunnu, Oni Moola, Neduncode, Kappala, Nari Valappu,Thayya Kunni, Palliyara, Padicherry, Maada Kundu, Konnaadu, Kallichaal and Tharakollyin the Pandalur taluk of Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu.

About acquiring the name Mullu Kurumbar, Mullu Kuruman and Mulla Kuruman, theysay that their name stand for “existing or remaining (i.e. Ulla) Kuruman”. Accordingto a legend, when they lived in the jungles as hunters under their own chief Veda Raja,the local king, for certain personal reasons attacked and killed many of their people. Afew survived the massacre and they had come to be called as Ulla Kuruman. In courseof time, Ulla Kuruman came to be pronounced as Mullu Kuruman, Mulla Kuruman andMullu Kurumbar. They say that the name Kuruman is used by the women of MulluKurumba community to denote their husbands. If a man or woman of this communitywants to know from another woman of their own community about ‘where her husbandis’, the question asked is ‘where is your Kuruman?’ Among the non-tribal communities,who are actually recent settlers in this habitat, Waynadan Chetty constitutes a relativelyold immigrant population when compared to the Mappilla Muslims, Christians and otherHindu communities.

Ethno-geography of Mullu Kurumba Settlements

Maintaining a strong identity and homogeneity, the Mullu Kurumba even today reckontheir distribution over Wayanad and Nilgiri districts in terms of certain traditional territorieswhich cut across vast areas of plains, forests and hills of this region. Colloquially theysay ‘Naalu Naadu (four countries), Moonu Kunnu (three hills) and Thekkum KoorAruvadhu (sixty villages in the south)’ comprise their traditional territories which presentlyfall over a large portion of Wayanad and a small portion of lower Nilgiris. The termNaalu means four; Naadu denotes country; Moonu means three; Kunnu means hills;Thekku means south and Aruvadhu means sixty. Their traditionally recognized fourcountries are 1. Paakka Naadu (covering Pulpally and Tirumam areas), 2. Kaara Naadu(Meenangaadi and Nediancheri areas), 3. Kellu Naadu (Kenichira, Koleri, Bettacheriand Bellapetta areas) and 4. Neria Naadu (Poothadi and its surroundings). The three hillsinhabited by the Mullu Kurumba from time immemorial are 1. Kottur Kunnu (nearMeenangaadi), 2. Yedur Kunnu (Meenangaadi and Nediancheri areas), 3. Kellu Naadu(Kenichira, Koleri, Bettacheri and Bellapetta areas) and 4. Neria Naadu (Poothadi andits surroundings). The three hills inhabited by the Mullu Kurumba from time immemorialare 1. Kottur Kunnu (near Meenangaadi), 2. Yedur Kunnu (from Cici to Pazhuppattur)and Madur Kunnu (from Koleri to Cici). The other region covering the sixty Kurumani.e. Mullu Kurumba villages fall mainly close to Tamil Nadu and some of the villagesinclude, Kappala, Erumaadu, Thayyakunni, Kaappu Kunnu, Palliyara, Aalatthur, etc. Itis reported that, each Naadu i.e. country had a Kaaranamar as its chief and each Kunnuhad a Mooppan or Talachil as its chief. For every Mullu Kurumban village, a head manexists with the title Porunnavan.

Tribal communities in Wayanad live in uni-ethnic as well as multi-ethnic settlementsnow, owing to the prevailing production, ownership and dependence patterns in thepredominant plantation economy of this region. Distinct names exist for the uni-ethnicsettlements of these tribes. For example, Mullu Kurumba settlements are termed Kudi


The settlement of Thayya Kunni is basically a hillock and most of the Mullu Kurumbahouseholds in this hamlet are situated on the top of the hillock. On the slopes of thishillock, surrounding the households, coffee, tea, pepper, areca nut and jackfruit are grown.On the plains i.e. in the wetlands, paddy, a variety of banana called nendira vaazhai,tapioca and ginger are cultivated. This is the common pattern of cultivation of cash cropsand food-crops in the entire Wayanad and lower slopes of the Nilgiris.

In Thayya Kunni, the Mullu Kurumba comprise a population of 150 (72 males and 78females) whereas, the non-tribal inhabitants number around 450 people in this settlement.This situation itself serves as a proof and sample of the over-all scenario of large-scalenon-tribal migration into the tribal belts of Wayanad and lower Nilgiris. Compositionof population in the settlement of Thayya Kunni is furnished with age-group break-ups,and male, female percentages, in Table 2. In the same Table, a comparative picture ofMullu Kurumba population (with similar break-ups and percentages) living in an anothersettlement called Chomadi, situated in the Sultan Batheri taluk of Wayanad district inKerala, is also furnished. Distribution of various tribes in Wayanad district in differentvillage panchayats is furnished in Table 1. As the Tables provided are very informativeand easy to infer, no elaboration is attempted further.

HousesTraditionally the Mullu Kurumba build their houses with mud walls and thatch the roofwith grass or paddy straw. Floor and the verandah are smeared with cow dung. Due tothe financial assistance they receive from Government to make tiled houses, most of theMullu Kurumba have transformed their thatched huts to tiled houses.

In Kerala, it has been observed that the Government is providing funds directly to thetribals and to the Self Help Groups of that area, to construct the houses for STs. Ifindividual ST families want go for a better construction, they can add some more moneyto the government funds and construct their houses. Money is disbursed to the beneficiariesin three phases. The point made here is, there is not much interference in providingassistance to the people in Kerala. Comparatively a better quality of housing and satisfactionis assured to the beneficiaries.

In Tamil Nadu, the house construction work is given to local contractors. They constructpoor quality houses and greatly dissatisfy the beneficiaries. The amount sanctioned forconstruction of houses to the individual ST families at present is Rs. 34,000/- in TamilNadu while in Kerala, it is Rs.75, 000/.

In Thayya Kunni, out of the 36 households, 33 (91.67%) are tiled houses, two are traditionalthatched houses and one is a concrete roofed house. Whereas in Chomadi, out of the 31households, 27 are tiled houses, only one is a thatched house and there are two concreteroofed houses. Details of various types of houses constructed at Thayya Kunni andChomadi are provided in Table 4.

EducationAs it is obvious in the Table 3, literacy is comparatively low among females than malesin both Thayya Kunni and Chomadi settlements. In Thayya Kunni, 17.33% are non-literates while it is only 16.22% in Chomadi. Literacy attained by both males and femalesthrough Non formal Education is also furnished in Table 3 for both the settlements.

602

As the Waynadan Chetty were already living in Wayanad as a land owning community,with whom the Mullu Kurumba and other tribes were often employed as labourers, notmuch of tribal lands went into the hands of the Wayanadan Chettys.

Now, the situation in Wayanad is that, most of the Mullu Kurumba are primarily dependenton hill crops cultivation such as, tea, coffee, pepper and ginger, either as small growersor as wage labourers in plantations. Those Mullu Kurumbas who have been able to retaina little of their ancestral agricultural lands i.e. Vayals, do cultivation of banana and paddyon their own. There are also a number of Mullu Kurumba families in both Wayanad andthe adjoining areas of district involved in share-cropping (called Pangu) with the WayanadanChetty, Christian and Muslim families who have settled in and around the Mullu Kurumbasettlements.

The study settlements: Thayya Kunni & ChomadiThis is the main settlement taken up for study. Thayya Kunni is basically a MulluKurumba settlement. In the past the Mullu Kurumbas exclusively inhabited it. Now thereare a number of non-tribal Christian, Muslim, Nayar and Tiyya families living closer tothe Mullu Kurumba within this settlement as cultivators and traders. It is located at theTamil Nadu-Kerala state borders and falls within the revenue village of Erumad in thePandalur taluk of Nilgiri district. Within Thayya Kunni, there are 36 Mullu Kurumbafamilies spread over in five small clusters of 16 households, 7 households, 6 households,4 households and 3 households within a radius of half a kilometer. About 50 familiesof Christians, 25 families of Muslims, 15 families of Tiyya, 2 families of Nayars, 2families of Chetty and 2 families of Kattunayakan also live in Thayya Kunni as cultivators,traders and agricultural labourers, in the lands most of which once belonged to the MulluKurumbas. That way now Thayya Kunni has become a multi-ethnic village comprisingdifferent tribe, caste and religious groups. Similar situation prevails in the next villageof Pananchira also; there are 150 families of Christians, 60 families of Muslims, 30families of Tamils, 10 families of Chetty and 5 families of Nayars living as cultivatorsand traders in Pananchira. These non-tribal families employ 30 families of Paniyars and20 families of Urali Kuruman who live in the same Pananchira as their plantation andagricultural labourers.

For the Mullu Kurumba living in Thayya Kunni, the small township of Erumad, whichfalls two kilometers away from Thayya Kunni towards east, serves as the main marketingcentre. The Paniyan, Kattunayakan and Urali Kuruman who live around Erumad makemost of their purchases only in Erumad. Besides several grocery shops, in Erumad, thereis a Post and Telegraph office, Police Station, a nationalized bank, a Govt.Higher SecondarySchool, Land Survey and Revenue Inspector’s office and a few privately owned telephonebooths. A Primary Health Centre (PHC) and a Government Tribal Residential (GTR)school exist at Kappala, which is situated two kilometers away from Erumad towardseast on the way to Pandalur. All these basic facilities are availed by the tribal communitiesliving around Erumad. A large number of tribal people living in interior settlementscome out to work as plantation labourers as this region is full of plantations andpredominantly dependent on plantation economy. To facilitate movement of plantationlabour and plantation crops, almost all the tribal and non-tribal villages in Pandalur talukare well connected by road.


604

Until the reorganization of States in 1956, the Erumad village comprising Thayya Kunniand other neighbouring Mullu-Kurumba settlements was included in the Wayanad talukof the erstwhile Malabar district. Most of the people of this area, including some MulluKurumba went to Malayalam medium schools those days. After it was included in theGudalur taluk of Nilgiri district, the village of Erumad was provided with a school havingboth Tamil and Malayalam as medium of instruction. As this area is closer to Keralaand most of the population settled here is from the present Kerala, there is preponderanceof the Malayalam language and Keralite way of life here, as mentioned by RajalakshmiMisra, way back in 1965 itself.

Mullu Kurumban children from Thayya Kunni attend schools at Erumad as well as atPananchira, the neighbouring village. Those preferring Tamil Medium School, attendthe GTR School at Kappala or the Govt.Higher Secondary School at Erumad. TheGovt.Middle school located at Panachira is exclusively a Malayalam medium schoolestablished in 1960 and run by the Gudalur Panchayat Union. Compared to the TamilMedium schools, attendance is more in the Malayalam Medium schools in Gudalur andPandalur taluks of Nilgiri district. A number of Mullu Kurumba children who completetheir education in Malayalam medium schools here, go out to Kerala for higher studiesand employment.

It has been reported by some of the teachers serving in the GTR schools of Garikkiyurand Kappala, in Nilgiri district that there are not sufficient teachers in the GTR schoolsto teach the children. A few teachers who are there in these schools, have to attend tomaintenance of kitchen and hostels most of the time than teaching; often they also takeleave to visit their native places as many of them are posted from the plains to the hillareas unwillingly, sometimes on punishment transfer, to the GTR Schools. It has beenstrongly felt that it is sufficient if the Government runs only hostels for the ST children.The ST children staying in these hostels should be helped to attend the schools meantfor the non-ST children. When curriculum and medium of instruction/language of teachingis the same as in other schools, it appears to be a waste of resources to provide poorquality of teaching in the GTR Schools.

Social Organization

As mentioned earlier, every Mullu Kurumba settlement has a head referred to asPorunnavan. The Porunnavan lives with his wife referred to as Porunnathi in the VeliaPirai i.e. the temple hut. The Velia pirai is also termed as Theiva Pirai because theancestors are believed to live inside this hut as ‘spirits’. The Porunnuvan, besidesexercising social control as a settlement head also performs the role of a religious specialistwhile performing certain rituals inside this ancestral hut. All the members of a settlement,especially those families having strong consanguine ties and bondage are organized underthis elderly man (Porunnavan). Next to him in authority within a settlement is termed


Poraththavan who usually happens to be the younger brother of Porunnavan. After thedemise of Porunnavan, automatically the Poraththavan becomes the head of the settlementand he shifts to the Velia Pirai to live.

In the past, when the Mullu Kurumbas lived according to their own traditional territorialand geographical categories, they were organized under the Mooppans who were headsof territories called Kunnu which comprised several Kudis i.e. individual settlements.Now such higher traditional political offices like, Erumadu Mooppan, Appaadu Thalaichil,Edur Mooppan, etc have lost significance among the Mullu Kurumbas. Only the settlementhead i.e. Porunnavan has some authority over the members of his settlement.

The Mullu Kurumba society divides into four Kulams i.e. exogamous clans. Whereverthe Mullu Kurumbas live, the members should be belonging to any one of the four Kulams,namely, Vadakka Kulam, Villippa Kulam, Kaadiya Kulam and Venkata Kulam. Marryingwithin their own Kulam is prohibited. The woman who marries a man belonging to thesame clan (or Kulam) is termed Kola Ponnu (Ponnu-girl) and is excommunicated.Similarly, when a man commits this ‘breach’ of communal norm, he is termed KolaKuruman and excommunicated. It is said that such couples went and formed a separatesettlement of their own, called Vaaladu which falls near Ayyan Kolli.

ReligionThough the traditional beliefs and ritual practices of the Mullu Kurumba largely surroundtheir ancestor-cult based at their Velia Pirai (or Theiva Pirai), they are at the same timehave been greatly Hinduized. The Mullu Kurumbas say that in Wayanad district, a numberof local deity sites of the tribal people have been gradually taken over by the DevasamBoard and these were turned into Hindu temples. Priests belonging to the Embrandiricommunity periodically visit these temples and conduct the fairs and festivities as perthe Hindu calendar. The Mullu Kurumba perform their unique religious practices, centredaround ancestor worship (Kaaranamaaru Vazhipaadu; Kaaranamaaru-ancestors andVazhipaad- worship), only within their own Velia Pirai. Similar situation persists withthe other tribal communities living in Wayanad. For instance, a Sivan temple calledVeliamban Kotta exists near a Mullu Kurumba settlement called Munda Kuttri. In theManuscript of Mckency (1810 A.D), this was mentioned as a fort. Now it is a Sivantemple, worshipped by all the tribals and non-tribals of this area. On the Sivarathri day,a grand festivity is conducted in this temple and it is now managed by the higher castes,Wayanadan Chettys and Nayars.

An another grand religious event which takes place now-a-days in Sulthan Bathery withthe large-scale participation of Mullu Kurumba, Paniyan and other tribal people isMariamman Koil Thiruvizhaa i.e Mariamman temple festivity. It is conducted usuallyin the last week of February every year. In the past, the tribals were not allowed to takepart in the Vilakku (Lamp) procession of this festivity. But now-a-days, along with thewomen from Nayar, Tiyya, Wayanadan Chetty and other caste Hindus, women from theMullu Kurumba, Paniyan and Betta Kurumba tribal groups also join the Vilakku processionand carry the coconut-lamp (i.e.by pouring coconut oil in the cavity of the broken or halfcoconut, a lamp is made) in their hands. People living in Wayanad district, irrespectiveof their religious and caste affiliations, largely come to Sulthan Bathery to witness thisfestivity conducted by the Devasam Board (Hindu Temple Endowment Board).

argued that their traditional identity as ‘hunters’ is preserved and reinforced through thecontinuance of this practice. Their hunting implements, once used to hunt ‘big’ gamesare still preserved in their Velia pera i.e. ancestral hut in every settlement but they arenot used now-a-days. During the ceremonial hunting expeditions, they use small bowsand arrows, to hunt only ‘rabbits’ in the neighbouring tea gardens and bushes.

A custom followed even today at the time of birth of a child reveals their obsession withtheir traditional occupation of ‘hunting’ and their identity as ‘hunters’. Birth of a childalways takes place in their ancestral hut called Veliya Pera (or Velia Pira) in which thehead of the hamlet also ordinarily lives with his wife. All the hunting implements, mostof which no longer used are kept inside their Veliya Pira. When a baby is born, if it isa male baby, a bamboo container (called thalla made by themselves) having a few arrows(ambu) in it, is brought near the baby and by shaking it, sound is made for the baby tohear that sound. The underlying belief is that this sound drives away the fear from themale babies and they will grow ‘fearless’. Similarly, to the crying female baby, womenmake sound by beating the muram i.e. winnowing pan made of bamboo. The ambunthalla(bamboo containers having bows), muram and several such implements having significanceto their tradition and customary practices are always kept inside the ancestral hut i.e.Velia Pera of the settlement. Keeping an arrow near the male babies and an erivaalu(sickle) near the female babies is also in practice. The kind of implements used in theabove said rituals also symbolize the respective roles and duties these babies will beassuming when they are grown up or reach the adulthood. At the time of burial of thedead also, the custom of keeping an erivaalu along with the female corpse and a bowand arrow along with the male corpse is necessarily performed. Hunting also forms animportant theme is most of their folk stories and songs. Some of the songs of Vattakali(a dance performed by men who circle around a lamp lit on the stem of a plantain tree)have hunting as the main theme. Whereas the songs pertaining to their other dance formKol kali (dance performed with sticks in the same fashion by men) comprises songsmostly from Ramayana and Mahabharata.

As stated earlier, hunting of wild animals has been totally given up by the Mullu Kurumbasnow. In the past, they used to hunt deer (maan), wild pig (panni), wild goat (kela orkelayadu) along with the rabbits (muyal). Now it is only ceremonial hunting restrictedto the hunt of rabbits, for the purpose of continuing the tradition and training the children.Hunting is known as Naayaattu among the Mullu Kurumbas. Naay or Naai denotes ‘dog’and aattu means ‘play’. As dogs play major role in their hunting expeditions, i.e. insearching, agitating and catching the animals, they have termed ‘hunting’ as Naayaattumeaning ‘play of dogs’.

When hunting is taken up in hills and jungles to hunt bigger animals it is known as MalaiNaayattu (Malai denotes hill); when it is taken up in tea or coffee gardens i.e. in chaaykandi or kaappi kandi (chaay means tea; kaapi-coffee and kandi denotes garden), to huntmainly the rabbits it is termed Maala Naayaattu. In olden days, they used to hunt wildgoat (kaattaadu) and porcupine (cooraain) in the bushes and tea gardens. Now- a- days,they do not hunt these animals, as it is an offence. Bow, arrow and spear-head (kundham)were the essentials tools of hunting in olden days. Now, for the rabbit hunting, which istermed Muyalu kedaa, a wooden stick of three feet length and one and half-inch thickness(called kundu) is used as the main tool. When dogs run into the bushes and agitate therabbits taking shelter inside the bushes, they run away; men and boys who stand surrounding

606

The Hindu Religious Missions who actively involve tribals in the Hindu temple festivitiessay that they are doing so to counter the Christian missionaries who have a strong presencein these two districts. An instance pertaining to a place name in Wayanad WildlifeSanctuary tells us the religious activities that are subtly taking place here. There is a placecalled Gnaam palli close to Muthanga. The Mullu Kurumba say that they have onlynamed this place as Gnaam palli in the past due to abundance of a particular plant calledGnaam (a creeper used by them as a rope) in this area. The word Valli denotes a creeperor wine in the Mullu Kurumba language. The place was therefore known as Gnaam Valli.Some time ago, a Hindu temple has been constructed at Gnaam Valli. The spot is nowknown as Ram Palli and it has been transformed into a small religious spot in the middleof the jungle route between Mysore and Sultan Bathery.

Identity and Tradition: HuntingOld men of the Mullu Kurumban community both in Wayanad and Nilgiris, say that theyare actually Vetans(Vedans or Vedars) i.e. hunters, from the Tamil speaking regions whotook refuge in the jungles of Wayanad, a few hundred years ago. As they fled to thesejungles from the ancient Kurumba(ra) Nadu ( the term Kurumba (ra) denotes the nameof the country and Nadu literally means ‘ country’), they were known here as Kurumban.

About acquiring the prefix ‘Mullu’ with their name ‘Kurumban’, they say that their namewas actually Ulla Kurumban meaning ‘existing’ or ‘remaining’ Kurumban. Accordingto a legend, when they lived in the jungles as hunters under their own chief Veda Raja,the local king, for personal reasons attacked and killed many of their people. A fewsurvived the massacre and were called as Ulla Kurumban or Ulla Kuruman (Ulla means‘remaining’ or ‘existing’). In course of time, Ulla Kurumban pronounced as MullaKurumban and Mullu Kurumban.

Due to the ban imposed on hunting and also due to their full-time engagement is plantationsand agriculture, the Mullu Kurumbas almost gave up the practice of hunting wild animalssome decades ago. However, as a ‘ritual’, hunting is performed on certain festive andceremonial occasions. About the significance of hunting in the ritual life of the MulluKurumba community, Rajalakshmi Misra states, “The importance of hunting in the MulluKurumba life commences from his first Uchala festival and continues even after he entershis grave because a how and three arrows are kept beside the dead body of a male MulluKurumba while burying it. The underlying belief is that these implements would beessential for the deceased after his death also. Thus a Mullu Kurumban is born, lives anddies as a hunter” (1971: 56-57). Further she adds, on this hunting festivity day i.e. onthe Uchchaaru (this is how the Mullu Kurumban actually term their festivity; not Uchchala),all the males of the settlement take part in hunting with their own bows and arrows. Eventhe newly born male babies are also taken by elderly men for a distance of one or twofurlongs along with the hunting procession, keeping a tiny bow and arrow in the handsof the babies. Then these babies and small children are sent back to the settlement throughold women who accompany the procession for this purpose. Even now, the same practicecontinues and it signifies how the act of hunting is so imbibed with the life and worldview of the Mullu Kurumbas. In fact, in the vastly changed Wayanad scenario, theemotional attachment of the Mullu Kurumbas to ‘hunting’ and its expression throughceremonial hunting expeditions very much reveal us the phase of identity crisis that theAdivasi communities in general have been passing through or undergoing. It can be even


fruit is classified along with the mango and identified as Aandi Maanga. As far as usingthe forest resources for household use and consumption is concerned, by rule it ispermitted for the tribals to use the fallen, dried and dead trees for construction and firewood purposes.

Pride and Prestige: Cultivation

Though by tradition the Mullu Kurumba are hunters, they are also, by and large acommunity of small cultivators. They have their own land classifications and land-usepractices. Along with the Wayanadan Chettys, the Mullu Kurumba also reported to havecultivated vast areas of the fertile Wayanad plains. Now they are either small farmersor agricultural labourers. Before going into the land use practices of the Mullu Kurumbas,let us look at the Government land classification.

Wetlands are classified as Nanchai and dry lands as Punchai (some times referred to askarai). The land allotted exclusively for construction of houses is termed as Nattham.The land meant for and used as road, channels, pathways, cremation ground and watertanks are classified as Purambokku. The Assessed Waste lands are classified in theGovernment records as Anaadhi inam. Actually, other than the individually owned pattalands, the remaining lands are generally classified as Purambokku i.e. Revenue lands.Within the Revenue lands, further sub classifications such as Village Grazing grounds,Assessed Waste lands, Unassessed Waste lands and Nattaham exist. Many MulluKurumba families who do not possess any cultivable lands, cultivate the Assessed Wastelands (which actually belong to the Government and not allotted to the cultivating families)by paying an annual penalty of Rs. 20/- per acre plus Rs.25/-. They enjoy an indirectownership to these lands by passing on the rights of cultivation to their wards. Issuingof ‘Assignment’ i.e. patta for Revenue lands has been stopped in this part of Nilgiridistrict for the last thirty years or so. Hence, the alternative for Mullu Kurumbas andother tribal families living in Pandalur taluk is to enjoy the benefit of cultivating theRevenue lands by paying the annual penalty and land revenue tax. The District Collectorhas the authority to convert the Revenue lands as Patta lands. Actually, the tribals andnon-tribals who cultivate the revenue lands are booked under ‘B’ Memo for Encroachment.By levying the penalty and tax, they are allowed to cultivate the revenue lands.

In the past, the Mullu Kurumba identified two categories of dry land based on the distinctmethods of cultivation they followed namely, Vettu Parambu and Uzhavu Parambu. Theterm Vettu Parambu denotes the lands used for slash and burn cultivation; Vettudenotes’digging’ or slashing or cutting; Parambu means ‘land’ generally. Food crops,such as ragi (paandi) and saamai were mainly cultivated along with chilies and tobaccoin the past on the Vettu Parambu i.e. on the swidden lands on the slopes of the hills, byslash and burn method. About thirty years ago, swidden cultivation almost came to bediscontinued among the Mullu Kurumbas as they found new use of these hill slopes forplanting pepper, areca-nut, coffee and tea.

The other category Uzhavu Parambu is also a dry land on the hills but located on the topof the hills; it is a leveled land where cultivation was carried out by ploughing. RajalakshmiMisra (1971: 67) observes that during the late 1960’s nine households out of the total 20

608

the tea gardens and bushes chase the rabbits and with force throw the sticks on the rabbitsto immobilize them. Often, the dogs only catch the rabbits on their neck. Men, afterreleasing the injured rabbits from the dogs, gift the ears of the rabbits to the dogs, for tworeasons. First, it is a gift to the dog for its help in hunting and secondly it is said to inducethe spirit of hunting in the dog. Sometimes, while going for rabbit hunting, they alsocarry mottambu (flat edged arrows) and veri (catapult) to hit the birds and jungle fowls.

Usually after finishing the noon meal, they take up rabbit hunting. Just before the sunset,they close the hunting and assemble at a particular spot to divide the catch. An elderlyman divides it equally to all the participants of the expedition. Irrespective of age, everyone gets equal share. Jungle fowls and birds, which are hunted on individual effort, arenot shared and they belong to the individuals only. On normal days, the divided meat istaken to their individual households, cooked and eaten. On the hunting festivity day ofUchachaaru, the divided meat are taken to their respective Velia pera i.e. ancestral hutand there, it is collectively cooked by women. After offering it to their ancestors i.e. totheir kaaranamaars, all the members attached to that Velia pera eat the food and themeat. The Mullu Kurumbas still maintain their own boundaries or territories for rabbithunting. Only in their respective neighbourhood they do hunting and generally do notgo far away to encroach others’ territories. Sometimes, men and boys from the Paniyan,Betta Kurumba and Kattu Nayakan tribal communities, who live closer to the MulluKurumba settlements, also join the Mullu Kurumba hunting expeditions. Though theMullu Kurumba considerthem low in social status, they equally share the catch with these people.

Utilization of Forest Produce

As far as the identification and utilization of naturally available edible food items in forests,the Mullu Kurumba make use of varieties of fruits, edible roots, tubers and medicinalherbs from forests. They have their own indigenous way of classifying forest flora andfauna. For instance, thick forests are broadly termed as Vanam. Bushes are called Kandi.Tea and coffee plantations are also considered by them as belonging to the Kandi category,e.g. Chaai Kandi (Chaai-Tea) and Kaapi Kandi (Kaappi-Coffee). Trees are generallytermed maram while shrubs are called Mudichaan. Wines and creepers are broadly termedValli. All the grass varieties are classified as Pillu. Several species and sub species ofMaram, Mudichaan, Valli and Pillu are identified by the Mullu Kurumbas. Uses of allthese species in terms of their use as food items, medicine, materials to produce householdand agricultural implements are still found preserved as traditional knowledge. The elderstransmit this knowledge to their children through oral traditions, by taking them to jungleswhile going for gathering of wild tubers, roots and medicinal herbs.

The fruits (Polam) available in the wild are brought and shared in the settlement. Someof the wild fruits they often collect include, Irainji Polam (from Irainji Maram), GnaavalPolam (from Gnaaval Maram), Kotta Polam (from Kotta Mudichaan), Soori Polam (fromSoori Mudichaan), Ottangaali Polam (from Ottangaali Mudichaan), Panchikka Polam(from Panchikka Mudichaan), Chalarum Polam (from Chalaru Maram), Polangey Polam(from Polangey Valli), and Mookiri Polam (from Mookiri Valli). Jackfruit is termedPolutthan Chakka, guava is called Mangi Polam and Mango is called Maanga. Cashew


Vidunam-Karkadam and harvest is conducted during Dhanu-Magaram. Seedlings i.e.Gnaaru are prepared in a separate plot. If availability of water is comparatively poor,instead of paddy, plantain, ginger and tapioca are cultivated. Generally the Mullu Kurumbasprefer to grow paddy, as it is their staple food. Almost all the Mullu Kurumbas growpaddy atleast for their own consumption. When his neighbour Muslim, Christian andNayar families start taking up ginger, plantain and areca nut (and tea now-a-days) in thewetlands for making cash, a Mullu Kurumba never resorts to such practices. He prefersto grow paddy for his own family food security and it also involves a great prestige.Whenever the Mullu Kurumba visit their kin living in other settlements or attend communalceremonies, the first and foremost question they pose to each other is ‘how is the paddycrop this year? ’. Even if a person has become relatively rich and makes money mostlyby hill crops and plantations, growing paddy and talking about its yield in public gatheringsis considered a pride for the Mullu Kurumba till today.

In their wetland cultivation, the Mullu Kurumba in Thayya Kunni use bullocks forploughing. These bullocks are also hired to the other cultivators. Landless Mullu Kurumbawork as agricultural and plantation labourers. Those who have little lands and sufficientworking hands in their household usually prefer to work in their own fields to producepaddy for self-consumption. If they have no work in their own lands, then they go outto work for others. The landless Mullu Kurumba involve in sharecropping with theWayanadan Chetty families and with the immigrant Muslim and Christian settlers.Sharecropping is called Pangu. Agreement for sharecropping lasts only for one year. Ifboth the parties involved in sharecropping agree, it gets renewed for the next year.

Before the Christians and Muslims came in, the Mullu Kurumba involved in the Pangumethod of sharecropping mostly with the Wayanadan Chettys. As land owners, theWayanadan Chetty used to provide the Mullu Kurumba share-cropper, the seeds, fertilizersand pesticide in addition to the land. The Mullu Kurumba sharecropper contributed onlyhis labour all through the cultivation cycle. If the crop is paddy, both the parties sharethe harvest equally. If the crop is plantain, the money obtained through its sale, is dividedequally. Now the Mullu Kurumba take lands on lease (called Paattam) from the Muslim,Christian and Wayanadan Chettys mainly for cultivation of plantains i.e. Vaazhai. Plantainis a ten months crop. While entering into the Paattam agreement, the landowner is paid@ Rs. 7/= or 8/= per plantain plant. Usually 600 to 800 plants are grown in one acre andthat way the landowner gets around 5000 to 6000 rupees. The cultivator bears the expensesof all items including the labour required for cultivation. It is reported that a minimumprofit of Rs.6000/= per acre could be made in this venture. Now the Pangu (share cropping)and the Paattam (taking lands on lease) methods are the most prevailing modes of survivalin the entire Wayanad. While the landless among the Mullu Kurumba attempt the abovesaid methods of cultivation, the landless among the neighbouring Paniyans hardly attemptsuch Pangu and Paattam methods. They prefer to work only as farm labourers to theWayanadn Chettys, Christians and Muslims. The Mullu Kurumbas say that the Christianand Muslim settlers in Wayanad follow the trick of providing arrack and beef everySunday (i.e. periodically) to their Paniyan labourers to keep them happy and to retaintheir cheap labour.

610

households existing in Kappala involved in Uzhavu Parambu cultivation. The UzhavuParambu lands were cultivated by rotation of crops. In a cycle of three years, first theygrew ragi, then karthan, a variety of paddy and finally saamai. After which they plantedtobacco, chilies and a few other local roots for about a year on these lands. Then the landswere left fallow for five years before repeating the same cycle. The Uzhavu Parambucultivation also got discontinued due to allotment of these lands to new settlers by theState Government. Dwindling of livestock population and reduced availability of naturalmanure i.e. cattle dung also contributed to the discontinuance of cultivation in UzhavuParambu lands.

The Mullu Kurumbas contrast these two categories of dry lands, namely Vettu Parambuand Uzhavu Parambu against the Vayals i.e. wet lands in the valleys and plains wherewater sources are abundant. The term Parambu in their language actually denotes ‘dryplace’ where there is no flow of water. First, Vayal is contrasted with the Parambu andthen they identify subcategories for each of these two. As long as food crops and otherlocal varieties of crops were cultivated the hill slopes and the leveled hilltops were broadlytermed as Parambu. Over the last few decades, after developing pepper, coffee, tea andareca nut on the slopes, these Parambu lands came to be called as Karai. Now Karaimeans dry land slopes where pepper, coffee and tea plantations are raised as againstVayals i.e. wet lands.

The Mullu Kurumba have their own way of classifying cultivation and crops. The patternof cultivation followed in the wetland Vayals is termed Thannaandu Vilaa. As cultivationcycle lasts for only one year and every year the cultivation process is begun afresh, it istermed Thannaandu Vilaa. The term Thannaandu signifies one year or current year andVilaa denotes the crops under wetland cultivation, such as, paddy, tapioca (kappa),plantain (vaazha), sembu (a local edible root) and ginger (inji). Whereas, the pattern ofcultivation followed in Karai i.e. on hill-slopes, is termed Kaalaa kaala Vilaa. Plantationcrops, such a as pepper (kuru milagu), coffee (kaappi), areca nut (paakku), tea (theyila)and the jack fruit(palaavu or chakkaa) which are raised on hill slopes last for yearstogether, hence called kaalaa kaala vilaa. The term kaalaa kaalam means ‘years together’or ‘for several years’.

Coming to the Vayals i.e. Wetlands, categories of Vayals are distinguished in terms ofKandam i.e. soil condition. Ulavu kandam or Uzhavu kandam denotes those Vayals whereplough cultivation is possible; Koravu kandam denotes the marshy lands where ploughcultivation is not possible and paddy only could be cultivated using simple agricultureimplements like spade. Whereas in the Uzhavu kandam, paddy, banana, tapioca andginger are grown. The Aaathi kandam or Kaal Aaathi kandam is also somewhat similarto Koravu kandam but less marshy. Here, only paddy is cultivated. Actually, the Koravukandam and Aathi kandam exist in valley like lands, exactly at the points where the hill-streams flow to the plains; the marshy wetlands situated alongside the perennial streamsare cultivated with paddy.

Cultivation of paddy is termed nanja krishi and lasts for about six months. Sowing takesplace in the month of Medam i.e. around middle of April. Transplantation is done during


7. Convene cultural programmes, like, traditional music, dance, etc periodically.

This kind of arrangement, using the tribal youth for development planning andimplementation, do not seem to operate in Nilgiris district in Tamil Nadu. If such ascheme of appointing Tribal Volunteers is taken up uniformly all over the country, in allthe districts where STs are concentrated, it will definitely make the developmentprogrammes reach the people. It will also bring down the rate of unemployment amongthe educated tribal youth.

Concluding RemarksIn a report on the Mullu Kurumba, Rajalakshmi Misra wrote in 1971 that the traditionalcouncil of elders in this community lost its significance and only the authority of eldersat the settlement level was effective. As far as social control is concerned, the samesituation prevails even today. By involving in ceremonial hunting expeditions on theirfestive days, the Mullu Kurumba strongly assert their traditional identity as ‘hunters’even today and they take pride in it. Though largely dissociated from the forest resourcesat present, they do retain a vast knowledge of these natural resources still. While the non-tribal cultivators in their milieu have greatly commercialized their cultivation patterntowards cash crops, such as, ginger, areca nut, turmeric, pepper, tea, etc, the MulluKurumba continue to give priority to cultivation of food crops, such as, paddy, tapiocaand plantain, not only for their own (family) food security but also as a matter of prestigeand adherence to the tradition. Being victims of the overall downtrend in the prices ofplantation crops, such as, pepper, areca nut and tea as a result of liberalization policies,and as marginal cultivators and wage labourers of the totally collapsed plantation sector,the Mullu Kurumba as well as other tribal and non-tribal marginal farmers of the Wayanadregion now consider that cultivation of food crops would be their most dependable andsustainable option of livelihood.

612

AlcoholismThe benefits of the developmental schemes implemented by various Government andNon Government Organizations among the Nilgiri tribal communities have been greatlynullified by rampant alcoholism prevalent among all these tribal communities. Thedistrict administration has to remove the liquor shops and illicit-liquor brewers from thetribal areas. Simultaneously there should be income generation schemes, improving theliteracy and awareness programs for the tribal women. Strong campaign against alcoholismand other issues is to be taken up by the NGO’s in the form of street plays using localthemes through the local language.

It has been observed that different factions having loyalties to different NGO’s existwithin the tribal communities in Nilgiris and Wayanad. Even within a small tribalsettlement, some amount of dislike between close kin has developed due to their loyaltiesto different NGOs, especially in the Gudalur and Pandalur taluks of Nilgiri district.

Reaching the Tribal CommunitiesIn 1989, the Government of Kerala appointed Tribal Extension Workers to attend to theneeds and problems of the ST people at the settlement or village level. They are recruitedonly from the ST communities and posted in their own or neighborhood villages. Mostof the development work pertaining to the ST communities is carried out through these‘Tribal Extension Workers/Tribal Volunteers/ Social Activists.

The Tribal Volunteers get free uniforms and a monthly payment of Rs. 1,500/- from theST Development Department. If they belong to the Primitive Tribal Groups i.e. PTGs,then the qualification required for this post is VIII Standard and for others it is TenthStandard Pass. About 1,000 youths from ST communities function as Tribal Volunteersall over Kerala. They are about 300 each in Wayanad and Palakkad districts whilein Idukki they are about 200 or so. They receive basic training in KIRTADS, atribal research institute of the Kerala Government. The important duties of the TribalVolunteers are to

1. Visit the tribal settlements everyday in the morning to review the study of children,sanitation of the settlement, etc; they also have to see that the children attend thelower primary school i.e. Balwadi in the settlement regularly .

2. Ensure the attendance of ST people in the Ooru (Colony or settlement) Sabha, Grama(Village) Sabha and Beneficiary committee (pertaining to housing, agriculturalassistance, etc) meetings.

3. Identify the beneficiaries of various development schemes and assist them to applyfor different welfare schemes.

4. Visit the sites of developmental works of the settlement or village to inform theconcerned authorities about the progress.

5. Report the issues relating to health, drinking water, sanitation, and ration-supply tothe concerned authorities.

6. Arrange for the medical treatment of the ST people using the facilities available withthe ST Development Department.


Distribution Of Tribes In Wayanad District, Kerala (Figures During 2000-01)

Sl.No. Name of Total no. of Panchayat/ settlements Urali Paniyan Kuruman Kattu Kurichian Kurumba AdiyanMunicipality Kuruman nayakan

1 Kaniambetta 55 0 286 145 9 0 0 0

2 Kottathara 68 0 345 0 23 343 11 0

3 Meppadi 61 0 590 153 122 57 0 0

4. Muttil 85 0 532 121 70 57 0 0

5. Padirijaratha 47 0 302 0 26 107 0 0

6 Pozhuthana 42 0 244 0 21 49 0 0

7. Thariodi 52 0 279 0 34 157 0 0

8. Vengappally 42 0 290 0 6 91 0 0

9. Vythiri 8 0 140 0 27 0 0 0

10. Kalpatta 1 0 385 0 5 16 53 0

11. Pulpally 67 0 404 337 395 0 0 10

12. Poothodi 134 0 287 473 167 8 0 0

13. Menangadi 85 0 250 690 70 10 18 0

Total No.of families- Tribe wise

614 615Traditional Life, Livelihood .............among the Mullu Kurumba C. R. Sathyanarayanan, Nirmal Chandra

Distribution Of Tribes In Wayanad District, Kerala (Figures During 2000-01)

Sl.No. Name of Total no. of Panchayat/ settlements Urali Paniyan Kuruman Kattu Kurichian Kurumba AdiyanMunicipality Kuruman nayakan

14 Ambalavayal 39 0 267 109 0 0 0 0

15. Mullankolly 18 0 155 67 276 0 0 0

16. Nemmani 81 10 692 470 52 0 0 0

17. Noolpuzha 140 0 683 427 591 0 0 0

18. Edavaka 85 0 437 0 0 253 0 42

19. Manandvadi 84 0 198 17 0 178 0 198

20 Panamram 128 0 888 106 43 362 0 265

21 Thirunelly 111 0 258 192 389 265 0 575

22. Thindernedu 41 0 235 0 0 192 0 0

23 Vellsmuda 53 0 595 0 20 140 0 0

24 S. Bathery 63 0 613 210 155 0 0 0

25. Tharinjal 128 0 455 5 34 693 0 32

Total 178 9818

HOUSE CONSTRUCTION (as per the 2000-01 field study)

Chomadi Thayyakunni Both the settlements

House Type No % No. % No. %

Tiled house 27 87.09 33 91.67 60 89.55

Concrete 2 6.45 1 2.78 3 4.47

Thatched h. 1 3.23 2 5.55 1 1.49

Sheet 1 3.23 0 0 3 4.47

Total 31 100.0 36 100.0 67 100.00

OCCUPATION (as per the 2000-01 field study)

Occupation CHOMADI THAYYAKUNNI

MALE FEMALE TOTAL % MALE FEMALE TOTAL %

Govt. job 15 1 16 10.81 3 1 4 2.67

Pvt. job 4 3 7 4.73 8 4 12 8.00

Wage labour 18 15 33 22.30 22 29 51 34.00

Non Worker 19 42 61 41.21 39 44 83 55.33

Self Cultivation 20 11 31 20.95

Total No.of families- Tribe wise

ALLIANCE PATTERN BETWEEN CLANS (as per the 2000-01 field study)

Clan of husband Clan of No. of % No. of alliances %wife alliances in in Thayyakunni

Chomadi SettlementSettlement

1 Kadiya kulam Vadakka 2 6.45 9 25.00

Villippa 3 9.68 2 5.56

Venkata 0 0.00 2 5.56

2 Villippa kulam Venkata 0 0.00 4 11.11

Vadaka 8 25.81 8 22.22

Villippa 0 0.00 1 2.77

Kadiya 6 19.35 2 5.56

3 Vadakka kulam Kadiya 2 6.45 3 8.33

Venkata 2 6.45 1 2.77

Villippa 8 25.81 2 5.56

4 Venkata kulam Vadakka 0 0.00 2 5.56

Total 31 100.00 36 100.00

ReferencesHockings, Paul (ed.) 1997 Blue Mountains Revisited, Delhi, Oxford

University Press.

Kapp, Dieter B. and 1989 'The Kurumba Tribes' in Blue MountainsHockings Paul (ed. Paul Hockings), Delhi, Oxford University

Press.

Misra, Rajalakshmi 1971 Mullu Kurumba of Kappala, Calcutta,Anthropological Survey of India.

Sathyanarayanan, C. R. 2011 Scheduled Tribes of Nilgiris District’, a Reportprepared under the “Socio-Economic Survey ofScheduled Tribes in Tamil Nadu”, Ooty: TribalResearch Centre, Govt. of Tamil Nadu

Natarajan, T. S. 1985 Tribal habitats of Nilgiri District, Udhaga-mandalam (Tamil Nadu), Tribal Research Centre.

Singh, K. S. 1994 The Scheduled Tribes, Delhi, Oxford UnviersityPress.

Thurston, E. 1909 Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol.14(iv)P.133-177, New Delhi , Cosmo Publications,(Reprinted 1987).

Sacred Complex of Port Blair City:An Anthropological Appraisal

Dr. D. V. Prasad1

ABSTRACT

The Andaman Island has contributed a lot for the discipline of anthropology in buildingtheoretical perspective with the study of Radcliff-Brown on Great Andamanese in itshistoricity. In post Independence, it is exposed to outside world for its pristine naturalbeauty and monumental heritage in general and inflow of many ethnic populations frommainland India in particular. The major population of Ang (Jarawa), Onge, Sentinelese,and Great Andamanese are marginalized in due course of time by the immigrants andrestricted them to few pockets of the island. In pre Independent India, the colonial rulersstarted the process of annexation by establishing the penal settlement for the convictswho sent from mainland India and Burma. After Independence, they were allowed tosettle down in the islands along with their kith and kin for development of the islands.In due course of time, refugees from East Bengal were settled in Middle and NorthAndaman by clearing major chunk of forest area for human habitation and cultivation.Later on, people from different parts of the country immigrated to these islands in searchof better economic opportunities. As a result ‘mini India’ concept was developed andbuilt a new social system wherein inter caste, creed, and religious marriages, LinguaFranca, and national character are catalytic in creating a separate identity for localsin Andaman. But due to expanding communication network and infrastructural facilities,a new trend has been emerging by integrating social identities among the settler populationof the islands. This situation can be best illustrated from the mushrooming communityguilds and the emerging ‘sacred complex’ of Port Blair city to manifest distinct culturalcharacteristics in a geographically isolated area i.e., Andaman Islands. Hence, the presentstudy tries to test the hypothesis of L.P. Vidyarthi’s Sacred Complex in island situationand highlight the integration of different social identities with the emerging sacred complexin Andaman Islands.

IntroductionThe advent of globalization and industrialization had brought many changes not only ineconomic sphere but in the social milieu of the millions of people in the developingnations. The growth of cross cultural contacts resulted in overlapping many identities forthe sake of better standard of living. Despite of this fact, cultural identities of cross


1 Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, Indira Gandhi NationalTribal University (IGNTU), Amarkantak, Madhya Pradesh-484886.

continued for a quite longer period in view of development of these remote islands.Initially refugees from East Pakistan, settlers from Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Jharkand andAndhra Pradesh settled in various islands. Later on people from diverse cultural, linguisticand geographical backgrounds migrated to these islands on account of government service,business, and allied occupations. As a result of this, the original inhabitants of AndamanIsland i.e., Great Andamanese, Jarwa, Onge and Sentenelese became minority and theimmigrants emerged as the dominant group (Singh, 1994). Since then later settlers startedliving together and participating in one another’s cultural activities. This sort of culturalmosaic facilitated inter-caste or creed marriages between the immigrants and local bornislanders and on the other hand different communities formed separate guilds to protecttheir regional identity too.

With the emergence of various Hindu shrines of local, regional and national significancein and around the Port Blair town, institutionalized socio-cultural organizations like, UtkalSamaj (Orissa), Atul Smriti Samity (Bengali Club), Andhra Association (Telugu), KeralaSamajam (Malayalam), Rajasthan Manch etc., were formed to provide common culturalconsciousness besides protecting their native identities. These institutions are playing apivotal role in creating unity by organizing cultural performance on festive occasions inthe form of collecting donations, cooperation in organization of festivals, reading of sacredtexts, bhajans, and other regional cultural programmes. Thus sacred geography and itsrelated institutions provide the base for elucidating new identities in the emerging sacredcomplex.

The Study AreaThe Andaman Islands are located in Bay of Bengal with a distance of 1190 km fromChennai and 1255 km from Kolkata on sea. It is having 3106 sq. kilometer area. TheAndaman islands are classified into three divisions i.e., South, Middle and North Andamanfor administrative convenience. The Andaman Trunk Road (ATR) is connecting all thesethree divisions that can also access through sea route. Port Blair is the capital town forthe entire Andaman and Nicobar Islands as it harbour people from different socio-culturalbackgrounds. It is the entry point and gateway to the rest of islands.

Of the total population, Hindus are predominant in the study area followed by Christianand Muslim. Though Hindi is official language in Port Blair, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu,Malayalam, Santhali and other regional languages of the Union of India are well versedin the respective areas. As a part of territorial expansion, various religious centers comeup to cater the philosophical needs of the immigrant population in due course of time.This situation led to the emergence of sacred complex in the islands. Under thesecircumstances Port Blair town is selected to understand the emerging patterns of sacredcomplex in the island situation.

Methodology and Data CollectionThe present study is basically an outcome of intensive fieldwork in 2007-08 by visiting sacredcenters of Port Blair. The data was collected through observation, extensive case studies, keyinformant interviews and verbal discussions etc. For collection of quantitative data, secondarysources like records of A&N Administration, the data from State and government departmentallibraries were used for analyzing the demography of the study area.

618

sections of people in India are still being facilitated by the age-old traditions of thatparticular region where they inhabit. It is being demonstrated that the observance ofvarious sacred performances, specialists and geography as a whole constitute sacredcomplex of great tradition which unites the people under pan-Indian identity (Vidyarthi,1961). Thus ‘sacred complex’ concept is catalytic in highlighting various facets of Hinduspiritual life, source of livelihood to dependent communities, trade, and tourism etc., inIndia. Apart from this, the sacred centers are spreading the message of cultural ethos toeven remote places through several cultural performances like Car festivals, Jataras, andUstavas. The identity of a particular sacred complex was being perpetuated by adoptingmodern innovations in its wider form of adjustment to the ever changing situation throughnetworking the people of Indian culture. Peaceful coexistence of multiple belief systems,traditions, and ways of life at these centers reflects the principle of unity in diversity.

The empirical studies of sacred complex in India began in 1960’s by delineatingmethodological perspectives in understanding complex network of social relations insacred centers. Based on the analytical concepts of Robert Redfield and Mckim Marriott,Vidyarthi (1961) initiated the beginning of systematic study of these centers by usinganthropological approaches for the comprehensive understanding of the Indian civilization.Vidyarthi’s formulated concept of sacred complex which is a synthesis of sacred geography,sacred performances and sacred specialists, sacred segments, sacred zone, sacred geographyand attempts to describe social organization of the temple and its people. He is furtherargued that sacred complex of Hindu Gaya is applicable to tribal and rural religions ofthis country. Through his methodology and empirical data, Vidyarthi rescrutinized thewestern scholar’s concepts like little and great tradition, cultural specialists, performances,and media and reframed them in Indian context. In the course of time various anthropologicalworks on these sacred complex has been undertaken by Makhan Jha (1971), Saraswati(1963 & 1975), Sahay (1975), Patnaik (1977), Goswami and Morab (1975), Morab (1978),Behra (2003). These studies empirically analyzed the dynamics of sacred complex ofHindu pilgrim centers by using the theoretical concepts of Vidyarthi.

In line with above hypothesis, the present study is made to understand the emergingpatterns of sacred complex in physiologically and geographically isolated urban area inAndaman Islands. Port Blair city is the capital of these enthralled islands which is inhabitedby the people from different states of the Union of India and diverse cultural backgroundsof both great and little traditions of Hinduism, Christianity, Muslim, Jainism etc. Theemerging temple traffic and ongoing cultural performances of the people in these islandsprompt the researcher to test the conceptual framework of sacred complex in Islandsituation. At this juncture, it is also essential to understand the historical transect of thestudy area to understand the emerging sacred complex in the Islands.

Historical Background

During colonial annexation, the Britishers thought of peopling Andaman Islands to seekrefuge of naval fleet during distress conditions, to prevent the smuggling from Malayaand to make friendly contacts with native settlers. As a part of this strategy, the convictswere sent to develop this island for human habitation to protect the imperial interests dueto its strategic location on sea route. After Independence, the policy of immigration is

619Sacred Complex of Port Blair City: An Anthropological Appraisal Dr. D. V. Prasad

The Murugan temples located on the way to Shadipur and its peripheral worshipped byTamil people are thronged by cross section of devotees from the islands to gaze ‘PanguniUttaram’. It is being organized once in every year by carrying decorated kavidi andinserting vel into the bodies of the devotees who undertake vratam (vow) and walk acrossthe fired charcoal.

Besides this, little traditions of different communities who represent various regions ofthe country are also started to gain prominent at various mohallas of Port Blair town likeworship of anthills, statues of village god and goddesses, and so on.

The Sacred Complex of Rajasthan TempleOut of the above stated sacred centres, Rajasthan Temple is one which is emerging centerfor sacred complex in the study area. It is located on the hillock besides Gandhi Park inShadipur locality of Port Blair. It is having four kilometers distance from Airport and twoand half kilometers distance from inter island and mainland jetty. In view of its proxylocation, people from all walks of life i.e., tourists, businessmen, and different ethnicgroups who live in different parts of Andaman Island throng to this place and offerworship.

This temple rising to a height of average 100ft. to the sea level gives a majestic appearanceto the visitors and thus provides sanctity to the place. A Unique interior architecturefacilitating people from diverse backgrounds to offer worship in such a way by installingthe idols in different portions of the sanctorum for the purpose of worshipping all theregional gods and goddesses. The main sanctorum consists of nine divisions having raisedconstruction (vimanas/gali gopurams) of each room resembles a distinct North Indiantemple architecture. In Ground floor (starting from right side), deities of Lord Shiva,Parvati and the Phallic, Goddess Durga, Lord Satyanaraya and Goddess Lakshmi, LordRama and Sita, Lord Krishna accompanied by Radha, Lord Hanuman, and LordVenkateswara. Statues of Lord Ganapati and Baba Ram Devji (Peer Baba of Rajasthan)are located in either side of the sanctorum in a guarding position to the main deities. InFirst floor (starting from left side) Lord Jagannath, Malabhadra and Subhadra of Orissa,Bhagavan Katu Shyamji of Rajasthan were installed for worship.

The temple is maintained by a committee which is known as ‘Rajasthan Manch’ formedin 1972 to bring together migrants of Rajasthan people at one common platform throughtheir cultural activities such as celebration of Holi, Deewali and their State festivals.Initially it is organized for maintaining and coordinating its members for a common causethrough their collective effort, later it expanded its activities to the organization of variousHindu religious activities in Port Blair town. As a part this, the need for a major sacredcentre is felt which can help in retaining a relatively high degree of diversity and pluralismreflecting the vast regional, linguistic, socio-economic and cultural heterogeneity of theBay Islands at one place as well as strengthening filial bonds among its members. Themembers of the Manch attributed that the main reason behind this idea to develop templeas a one of the major pilgrim centre in Islands for the attraction of tourists from all walksof life in turn for the augmentation of charity works on behalf of this centre. Core memberof the Manch (service personnel, businessmen, and contractors) succeeded their effortsin bringing it to the notice of the Administration and land allotment for the proposed

620

DemographyAs per 2001 Census, the total population of Andaman Island comes to 3,56,152 consisting1,92,972 male and 1,63,180 female. Of which, the rural population representing 2,39,954and urban population comes to 1,16,198. Out of the total population Hindu (246589),Christian (77178), Muslim (29265), Sikh (1587), Buddhist (421), Jain (23), and others1089 are representing the diversity of the islands (A&N Administration, 2006). Thepopulation has been increasing continuously with the influx of migrants from mainlandIndia.

Sacred Geography of Port BlairPort Blair is not only a tourist paradise, but a place for cultural conglomeration surroundedby a multitude of sacred geography of diverse religious faiths. Territorial expansion ofthe settlement area during the last few decades witnessed the enormous growth of templesalong with the development of educational, commercial, transport sectors for practicalpurposes constitutes this Islands a baseline for cultural heterogeneity. The immaculatearchitectures like Police Gurudwara at Bazaar, Bhuddhist monastery at Phongy Chowke,Churches of diverse denominations located in the vicinity of Gholghar, Mosque at SupplyLane, Dignabad and spiritual center like Ramakrishna Mission at Marina Beach, ChinmaiMission at Police Lane and various Hindu temples like Murugan temple, Ayyappa andRadha Govind temple at RGT road etc., and its paraphernalia, priests, followers aretestimony to the emerging sacred complex. Observance of cultural performances at theseplaces by the different communities at regular intervals is catalytic for development ofreligious tourism in recent past. Hence it is a melting pot of diverse traditions and beliefsystems.

In addition to these sacred centers, there is another important sacred zone located in SouthPoint, which is most venerated Muslim graveyard known as ‘Mazhar Pahad’ distanceranging from two to three kilometers. This place is noted for the burial memorial of aMuslim saint, Hajrat Allama Fazul Haque Khairabadi, who belonged to the court of thelast Mughal Emperor of Delhi and a freedom fighter, worshipped by large number ofpeople irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. It is a popularized pilgrimage for Hindus,Muslim, Sikh and Christians in the Union Territory. People who kept mannath (vow)visits this place and organizes grand feasts after sacrificing goat and fowls in complyingtheir vows. Besides this, people from different cultural backgrounds tie sacred thread toexisting Ficus (baniyan) tree which is in typical Hindu style at Mazar.

The Kali Mandir on the way to Sippy Ghat is also a popular sacred centre which is alsovisited by cross section of islanders to worship Goddess Kali. It is located on the Hillockand having six kilometers from Port Blair town. The animal sacrifices by the officiatingNepali priest with his mouth and sucking the oozing blood in possessive state resemblesthe tantric aspects Hinduism at this sacred center.

Phonghy Khyongi (Andaman Buddhist Mission) is a major religious centre for the Burmesesettlers in the islands. It is located nearby market centre which is popular as PhonghyChowke. During Burmese festive occasions like Tankem (Holi), Pavarana (Deevali), andBuddha poornima they throng to Phonghy Khyongi situated at Port Blair, Memio atWandoor, Mayabunder and express their solidarity through celebration of their festivalincluding feasts.


Sacred Specialists

There is an emerging trend of influx of priestly community to these Islands to cater theincreasing spiritual needs of the Port Blair town as no specific established institutionalarrangements are available during settlement time. The enormous growth of populationand temple traffic may be the probable pull factor behind the immigration of priestly classor pandits. All most all the temples had a sacred specialist (either Brahman or Sanskritisedpriest) of its own for usual worship and these specialists attend the rites de-passage forthe local population also.

For example the priest of Rajasthan temple hailed from Gorakhpur (Uttar Pradesh) onthe advice of his friend for his better employment. Basically he is not practicing priestin true sense at mainland. He started his priestly occupation only after arrival to theseIslands with the domestic knowledge of regular practice of Sanskrit texts as a part of hisdaily routine. Initially he offered his priestly services at Britchgunj (Yamesh Mandir)more than a year and on the request of the Rajasthan Temple committee, he shifted toPort Blair and continuing his priesthood for the past few years. Apart from his regularjob, he also attends religious fairs during festive occasions at other temples and performsmarriages and other life cycle rituals in and around Port Blair.

During auspicious occasions at temple, sacred specialists (i.e., priests) of nearby templesin Port Blair town also invited to take part and collectively officiate the ceremonialfunctions ranging from offering of floral worship to agni homa, abishekams and so onand collects gifts and honorarium from the committee and the general public. At that time,affluent families do engage personnel priests to pay their vows during these functions.It is evident from the successful performance of such sacred activities during Car festivalof Lord Jagannath (popular as ‘Rath Yatra’) every year illustrates the above mentionedstatement. Whenever the necessity arises, priests from other temples perform the regularharati by adjusting timings in case of absence of its permanent priest. Sanskritized ornon-Brahmin priests are also found in Shiv mandir of Dairy Farm and other similar sacredgeography of Port Blair who officiate harati and puja regularly at these temples besidestheir routine occupations.

Cultural PerformancesAll the major and minor Hindu festivals were celebrated with high devotional temperamentby giving open invitation through local daily newspapers to the people of Islands. Splendidcultural performances or programmes would takes place during Deewali, Vijaya Dasami,Ganesh Chaturdi, Sri Krishna Janmashtami, Maha Shivaratri, Puri Jagannath Car festival,Ram Navami, Sankranti and so on. Number of devotes thronged during these festiveoccasions and offer worship including reading of sacred texts, bhajans, keerthan, harikathas,etc. Besides these performances, different cultural tradition oriented performances liketraditional dance representing the regional, ethnic, linguistic were organized at the templepremises with collaboration of cultural organizations of the Andaman Island.

Recently held Car Festival of Lord Jagannath of Orissa illustrates the observance of sacredperformances at the premises of Rajasthan temple. The famous Car festival was observedin line with the cultural pattern of Puri Rath Yatra in the Bay Islands. The Utkal Samajof Port Blair with the help of Rajasthan temple committee and Chinmay Mission organizedthis massive event this year.

622

temple. In 1998 temple construction was started by voluntary contribution of its ownmembers in the form of money and material. All the idols were imported from Jaipurexcept Lord Jagannath, which is donated by Utkal Cultural Association to maintain thesanctity in the long run. The construction was completed by the end of 1999 and openedup it for the public for worship. Apart from its routine worship of the installed deities,Melas, Utstavs, and Jatras of different cultural groups of the mainland India are held onauspicious occasions like Lord Jagannath Rath Yatra, Durga Puja, and Holi etc. All thecultural festivities of regional significance will take place in collaboration with the templecommittee.

The Manch had its own Executive Committee to look after the sacred activities of thetemple. At present the committee consists of 25 nominated members, of which 11 executivemembers were elected once in every two years by voting. The membership is strictlygiven to those who hail from Rajasthan and majority of them businessmen. Committeemembers assembled every Tuesday evening in the premises of the temple and discuss thematters pertaining to temple development and its maintenance. In the beginning it has35 members representing one person from each family of 35 families. With the rise ofpopulation about 200 permanent and 200 nominal members those who are in governmentservice, now they are conducting elections for the executive committee. But all householdscontribute generously for temple fund on monthly basis.

At present the temple is being maintained with one priest and four caretakers who arrangethe needed materials for regular puja and preparation of prasadam. Besides their regularactivities, every month caretakers collects donations from the merchants in AberdeenBazaar regularly on behalf of the temple and deposit the same at cashier of the Committee.This amount is being used for regular maintenance of the temple i.e. the purchase ofgroceries, oil, incense sticks, and payment of phone, electricity and water charges, etc.At present Executive Committee made arrangements within the sanctorum for boardingthe priest and caretakers of the temple.

The functional importance of this Center is the arrangement of massive cultural performancesof different States through out the Calenderical year with the assistance of existing culturalguilds. Observance of Car festival of Orissa, Durgah puja during Dusserah by the Bengalicommunity, Phallic worship during Maha Shivaratri, worship of Lord Krishna during SriKrishnastami etc., at one place reflects the sacred complex of Indian society at one sideand the other it gives a plural characteristic of the socio-cultural life of the Bay Islanders.Participation of diverse communities in these cultural performances at this centerdemonstrates the mutual coexistence of multiple cultural traditions of Hindu civilizationat study temple in particular and the reflection of the same in the sacred geography ofPort Blair town in general. Different segments of the temple related to each other in thesense that a worshipper goes from one segment to another to make offerings to the deitiesat a time. In between offering to major Hindu goddesses, worship of human divinationstresses the importance of local traditions. Combination of sacred centers of this kindhave become efficacious for the fulfillment of certain specific desires of the people i.e.securing mental peace in the secluded life, material possessions, suitable mates, safedelivery of new babies, get rid of sickness and so on. Cultural relativistic character of thesacred geography of Port Blair thus attracts the people from all walks of life includingtourists at large.


etc., are the major attraction of this sacred centre. The presence of Idols of various regionalgods and goddesses of the temple enhancing the strengths of temporal and spaciousdiversity by exhibiting elements of unity in diversity which forms the base to secularcharacter of our country from the ages. Regional identities expressed through performanceof various sacred activities during festive occasions have been motivating the people forthe survival of their age-old customs and practices to remember their upcoming generationin the present technological revolutionary world.

Socio-cultural practices of the inhabitants of Port Blair may vary in many ways apparentlywith their belief systems but geographical isolation from mainland providing a commonbondage of regions in the form of massive cultural performances like Ganesh puja, Durgapuja, Rath Yatra, etc. The exquisite curiosity of the splendid performances during festiveoccasions made all sorts of worshippers to appreciate and adoration irrespective of theregion they belong to. Apart from this, the functional contribution of inhabiting communitiesfor such performances are explicit from the services of Medar (basket making communityfrom Andhra Pradesh who offer sacred baskets for worship), carpenters, drumbeaters,traders to make the event a grand success. Interlocking of various traditions and beliefpractices at one place facilitating the relativistic and pluralistic tendency among theworshippers and visitors of the temple. These tendencies demonstrate the fundamentalunity of our country in the background of diversity of political, regional and religiousaspects etc.

Socio-cultural adjustment among people of different ethnic communities have beenreflecting in their collective participation during the performances by respecting eachother beliefs with devotion and reverence towards all other cultural traditions of thepeople. This in turn is a positive sign of attracting tourists paving a way to creation ofsource of income to the native people those who depended on temple traffic for their ekeout as well as for the development of tourism sector. The secular character of the templegives a broader identity of the Indian culture by manifesting various dimensions of Indiancivilization in particular and the other sacred centers in general i.e. Mazar Durgah. As aresult of enormous growth of sacred geography of various traditions along with the majortemples in recent times at Port Blair town has been encountering religious syncretismthrough a spiritual link with the widely accepted persona celebrities. Associated legendsand myths of the sacredness of the other religious centers of cultural personalities spreadingacross its territorial boundaries by improved communication and transport facilities. Withthis people hailing from different parts get together and mutually exchange culturalelements. Thus the sacred networks evolved over a period of time not only strengthenthe common bondage of diverse cultures that emerges in the participation of processions,bhajans, and other sacred performances.

Presence of large number of people is not purely to devotion oriented, but their purposesare based on their nature of association with the performance. They may consist of servicepersonnel, political workers, volunteers, traders and casual visitors with different motives.Voluntary services rendered by different organizations (related to political parties) do notcontain sacred in nature rather in conformity with the ideals of their organization, whichthey represent. Some of the charity activities like distribution of education kits consistsof note books and pencils, clothes, and other needed material to the needy are entirely a

624

Prior to the festival, the man-made wooden idols used for procession were imported fromOrissa as it is tradition to make the idols with the wood of specified tree and specializedcraftsman. Thus ever year they make new wooden images and install those wooden idolsin the sanctorum in place of old ones. Remaining wood for making new Rath is beingprocured from Andaman since it is very difficult to import the required wood fromDasapala where special team of carpenters venture and procure wood for making newchariots. On approaching the Rath Yatra day, the volunteers of Utkal Samaj initiates theprocess of making new chariot (Rath) in front of the temple itself.

On the auspicious day, puja will be held in traditional Odiya manner and organizersdistributes prasada to the visitors at temple premises. Later on, they takes the decoratedchariot to the streets after inaugurating this event by the first person of the islands i.e.,Hon’le Governor after worshipping the Rath. The huge crowd of people competes forholding the sacred rope as they state it will bring fortune in the life of human beings. Theprocession starts from the temple and goes around Port Blair town to glimpse everyoneand eventually reaches Chinmai Mission for halt. The deities are being supposed to givehospitality at this place for nine days and afterwards they do observe formal returningof Car from Chinmai Mission to its originating place i.e., Rajasthan temple.

A large number of people participated in this Rath Yatra procession amidst ritual chantingsand traditional bandwagon. The characteristic feature of this Rath Yatra is the participationof Non-Oriya communities (90%) including Hindu, Sikh, and Christian along with theOriya families. Likewise Durgah puja and other regional and national festivals are beencelebrated with utmost devotion and fervor. Sometimes this performance starts at thedawn of the day and continuous even midnight. Those who had vows about their familytroubles, marriage, health and prosperity will offer floral worship, fire worship (homa),water and milk worship (abhishekams) with the help of sacred specialists during thesesacred performances. Now a days mammoth pandals with beautiful electrification wereundertaken during Goddess Durgah and Lord Ganesh festivals.

Besides this, Avataran Diwas of Baba Asaramji is also observed by the manch membersfrequently. On this occasion, invitation is extended to all sections of people for takingpart in bhajans, reading the verses of Bhagavadgita, Mahabharat, Ramayan, etc. It isfollowed by distribution of prasadam to all the gathering in the precincts of templeirrespective of community background. During this occasion, distribution of clothes,notebooks, pencils, school bags, etc., are also distributed by the devotees to the childrenand old-age people those who are residing in the surrounding of the temple.

Analysis of Results and Conclusion

The very complexity of the social composition of Port Blair and its increasing densitydue to influx of diverse population from mainland India have affected the developmentof local cultural traditions to some extent but not in vogue. As such sacred centers ofparticular region exposed to people of diverse regions of India. Though the study templerepresenting Great Tradition in its appearance, worship of human divinity such as BabaRamdevji and Katu Shyamji and others shows that the close interaction between localtraditions of regional significance with the great traditions of which they are part. Apartfrom routine puja, various activities like mundane, festive processions, bhajans, kirthan,


Jha, Makhan (1971), The Sacred Complex in Janakpur, Allahabad, United Publishers.

Morab, S.G. (1978), Study of Temple in Mysore City: A Case Study of ChamundeswariTemple (ed.vol.), Culcutta, Anthropological Survey of India.

Patnaik, N. (1977), Cultural Tradition in Puri: Structure and Organization of PilgrimCentre, Shimla, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS).

Saraswati, B.N. (1963), Temple Organization in Goa, Man In India, Vol.32(2)

Saraswati, B.N. (1975), Kashi: Myth and Reality of a Classical Cultural Tradition, Shimla,Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS).

Singh, K.S. (1994), People of India: Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Vol.XII, Culcatta,Anthropological Survey of India.

Vidyarthi L.P., (1961) The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya, Bombay, AsiaPublishing House.

626

personnel affair delinking with charity of the temple at large. The customary to participatein the feasts or prasada distribution held at Rajasthan Temple, Mazar Pahad or elsedemonstrates the supplement of nutrition along with devotion for the settlers surroundthe temples.


Thus the sacred complex of Rajasthan temple demonstrates the increasing tendency ofadaptation to the secular life in a new environment and avoiding the sectarian tendencies. This trend helps in narrowing the fissiparous attitudes among the people. At this junctureit is noteworthy to mention enormous growth of temple traffic in and around Port Blaircity representing Great and Little cultural traditions that illustrate the hypothesis ofVidyarthi’s theoretical proposition of sacred complex of a Hindu place of pilgrimagereflects a level of continuity, compromise and combination between Great and Littletraditions.

Of course the religious structures of Port Blair town may represent the sects of differentHindu as well as other religious traditions, it does not encourage separate identities basedon region, language or creed. It is illustrated in the widespread common Lingua Franca(i.e., Hindi) of this region which is catalytic behind the creation of new identity i.e. Local.People respect each other traditions and cooperate in times of cultural performancesirrespective of caste, creed, sex and religion. In the course of time syncretic centers likeMazhar Durgah, Rajasthan Temple emerged to cater the spiritual needs of diverse populationof these Islands. Eventually it assists in understanding the dynamism of Indian civilizationthrough its internal process of adjustment and interaction among different cultural andreligious groups.

AcknowledgementThe author is grateful to the Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Kolkata for thefacilities and support of encouragement during my stay at Andaman and Nicobar RegionalCentre, Port Blair in developing the work in this form. Further I would like to acknowledgemy humble gratitude to the authorities of Rajasthan temple and priests of various templesin Port Blair for allowing me to conduct field investigation in the respected shrines. Itis very difficult to mention names of the assistance rendered by many personalities ofPort Blair but my sincere thanks goes to everyone. The views expressed in this paperare those of the author alone.

ReferencesBehra, M.C. (2003), Social Anthropology of Sacred Center: Understanding the Dimensionof Indian Civilization through Parasuram Kund, New Delhi, Serial Publications.

Directorate of Economics & Statistics, Port Blair (2005-06), A & N Administration.

Goswami, B. B. and S. G. Morab (1975), Chamundeswari Temple in Mysore, Culcutta,Anthropological Survey of India.

Anthropological Survey of India, Dehradun


ßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dhlkekftd ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß

ifjp;izkphu dky ls LokLF; ekuo ds fy, cs”kdherh laifÙk jgk gSA mRre LokLF; izkIr djuk gj O;fDrdh igyh vkdka{kk gksrh gSA ges”kk fujksx jgus dh izo`fr gh euqI; dks lq[kh rFkk [kq”kgky thouO;rhr djus es lgk;d gksrh gSA euqI; ds thou vkSj mldh [kq”kh ds fy, LokLF; ls T;knk egRoiw.kZfdlh vU; oLrq dh dYiuk Hkh dj ikuk dfBu gSA

vkt ds ifj–“; esa tgk¡ lekt dk izR;sd oxZ vius&vius Lrj ls vius LokLF; ds izfr ltx gS]ogh gekjs gh lekt eas ,d oxZ ,slk Hkh gS tks fd blls vNwrk gSA bu vyx&Fkyx iM+s yksxkas dksge vius vkl&ikl izk;% dwMk&dpM+k] jn~nh inkFkZ] IykfLVd ds FkSys] fVu ds VqdMs vkfn csdkjinkFkksZa dks pqurs ns[k ldrs gSaA bu dwMk&dpM+k pqurs yksxkas dks jn~nh okys ¼jsx&fidlZ] dwM+k pquusokys½ uke ls lEcksf/kr djrs gSaA

vkS|ksfxdhdj.k ,oa e”khuhdj.k ds bl ;qx esa ftl rsth ds lkFk fodkl gqvk gS] mlh rsth ls“kgjksa o dlcksa dk fodkl c<+k gS] ftlesa “kgjksa ds c<+us ds lkFk&lkFk ;gk¡ dh tula[;k esa HkhHkkjh of`) gksrh tk jgh gSA tula[;k c<us ds lkFk&lkFk buds miHkksxkas dh lkefxz;kas dk izpyuHkh c<+ jgk gS] ftlls “kgjksa esa dwMk&djdV ,oa jn~nh lekfxz;ksa dh ek=k esa vikj o`f) gks jgh gSAbl leL;k ls fuiVus ds fy, “kgj esa ekStwn lEcaf/kr foHkkxksa dh ijs”kkfu;k¡ c<+rh tk jgh gaSA buleL;kvks a ls futkr fnykus es a jn~nh pquus okys leqnk;ks dh Hkkxkhnkjh lokZf/kd gSA

Þgtkjks ckxksaß ds uke ls [;kfr izkIr gtkjhckx vius eueksgd izkd`frd lkSan;Z ds fy, fo[;krgSA ;g ftyk 230251 ,o 240481 mÙkjh v{kk”ka rFkk 840291 ,o 860381 iwohZ ns”kkUraj ds chp fLFkrgSa] rFkk leqnzry ls bldh Å¡pkbZ yxHkx 2012 QhV gSA

v/;;u {ks= esa lHkh oxksZ o tkfr&/keZ ds yksx fuokl djrs gSA jn~nh pquus okys leqnk; dh lkekftdfLFkfr dgha u dgha buds fuEu tkrh; lkekftd lajpuk ,oa fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrh gSaAfuEu tkrh; lkekftd lajpuk ls lEcaf/kr jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z tks fd lekt esa lcls fuEu ntsZdk dk;Z ekuk tkrk gSa] bldks djus okys leqnk;ks dk laca/k Hkh fgUnw tkfr O;oLFkk esa lcls fupysik;nku ij fLFkr fuEu tkfr oxZ ls lEcaf/kr gSaA ;gk¡ fuokl djus okyh vkcknh ftueas jfonkl,oa Hkqb;k¡ izk;% nks tkfr;kas ds yksxks dks jn~nh pquus tSls dk;Z dks djrs gq, ns[kk tkrk gSA jn~nhpquus ds dk;ksZ esa nksuks gh tkfr;ksa ds cPpks dh la[;k cgqrk;r esa ns[kh tkrh gSaA ;s nksuksa gh tkfr;k¡^vLi`”;* dh Js.kh esa vkrh gSaA budh fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds dkj.k ifjokj ds NksVs&cM+s lHkh cPpksadks jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djuk iM+rk gSA

tks[ku “kekZ 1

Lksjksfdu us dgk gSa fd izR;sd laxfBr lekt Lrjhdj.k esa foHkkftr gSaA Hkkjr lfgr lalkj ds yxHkxlHkh ns”kksa esa ,d ,slk oxZ Fkk] ftls lekt ds fuEure ik;nku ij j[kk x;k] Hkkjr ds fgUnqvksa esa;g oxZ ^vLi`”;* dgykrk FkkA Hkkjr ds vfrfjDr lHkh ns”kksa esa ,sls oxZ lekIr gks pqds gSa ¼ey]2009½A vLi`”; og oxZ gS tks lkekftd& vkfFkZd Lrj ij lekt ds vafre ik;nku ij gSA izkphufgUnw /keZ&xzaFkks ds vuqlkj lkekftd O;oLFkk esa vuqlwfpr tkfr;ksa dk ,dne i`Fkd LFkku FkkA ftlsiape o.kZ] vUR;t] vfr”kwnz] vLi`”; vusd vieku tud ,oa ?k`f.kr ukeksa ls lEcksf/kr fd;k x;k¼vEcsM+dj] 1948½A

bu tkfr;ksa dks lcls fuEu Lrj dk ?k`.kkLin O;olk; iznku fd;k x;k rFkk vkxs pydj O;olk;tkfr ds lkFk LFkk;h :i ls tqM+ x;kA pkjksa o.kksZa ls i`Fkd gksus ds dkj.k bUgsa ^iape o.kZ* ;k ^fQ¶FkdkLV* ds uke ls Hkh lEcksf/kr fd;k x;kA vkxs pydj izfl) lekt”kkL=h gÍu us bu vLi`”;tkfr;ksa ds fy, ^,DlVhfj;j dkLV~l* dk iz;ksx fd;k ¼gÍu] 1946½A

mijksDr vk/kkj ij esjs v/;;u {ks= gtkjhckx ds lkekftd Lrjhdj.k ds Lo:i igys LFkku ijczkgE.k] nwljs LFkku ij {kf=;] rhljs LFkku ij oS”; rFkk pkSFks LFkku ij “kwnz vkrs gSaA bu pkjksa dsckn vafre ;kfu ik¡pos LFkku ij vLi`”; tkfr vkrs gSa ftlds vUrxZr jfonkl o HkqbZ;k¡ tkfr vkrsgSaA {ks= dh bu nksukssa tkfr;ksa ds ijEijkxr tkfr dk;Z izd`fr ds vk/kkj ij jfonkl lekt dksHkqbZ;k¡ lekt ls mij ekuk tkrk gSa] ftls uhps lkj.kh 01 esa n”kkZ;k x;k gSaA

630 631tks[ku “kekZßgtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= ds ......... ,oa LokLF; fLFkfrß

lkj.kh 01 % fgUnw lkekftd Lrjhdj.k esa LFkku

LFkku fgUnw tkfr O;oLFkk

igyk czkgE.k

nwljk {kf=;

frljk oS”;

pkSFkk “kwnz

ikpok¡ iape o.kZ

jfonkl tkfrHkqbZ;k¡ tkfr

vif”k’V inkFkksZa dh laxzg fLFkfr %gtkjhckx “kgj ds okrkoj.k dks LoPN cukus esa bu jn~nh pquus okys lewgksa dk ;ksxnku dkQhegRoiw.kZ gSA ;s yksx fdl izdkj dk;Z djrs gSa bldk fooj.k lkj.kh 02 esa fd;k x;k gSA gtkjhckx{ks= esa jn~nh laxzg.k djus esa yxs yksxksa ds dk;Z&izd`fr ds vk/kkj ij nks oxksZ esa foHkDr dj ldrsgSaA igyk] blesa oSls dk;Z izd`fr ds yksx “kkfey gS tks dh {ks= dh fofHkUu txgks eas ,df=rdwM+k&dpM+k LFky] xanh ukfy;ksa ls] dwM+knku ,oa vU; iznwf’kr txgksa ls jính] “kh”ks] cksrys] IykfLVdds FkSys] fVu o yksgs ds dckM+ vkfn dks pqudj ,df=r djrs gSa] bUgsa ge ÞdwM+k pquus okysß dgrsgSaA bls oxZ dk dk;Z {ks= xanxh ,oa vLoPN Hkjk gksrk gSa] tgk¡ dh nqzxZa/k dk ekgkSy O;kIr gksrk gSaA

bl izdkj ds LFkkuksa ij geyksxksa dk ,d feuV :duk vlaHko gksrk gS] LFkku ls xqtjrs oDr gesavius ukd dks dqN nsj ds fy, can djuk iM+rk gSA ogh ;s yksx dwM+k pquus okys bl LFkku ij?kaVks viuk dk;Z djrs gSaA

nwljs oxZ esa oSls yksx vkrs gS] tks ?kj&?kj Hkze.k dj jính] “kh”ks] cksrys] IykfLVd ds FkSys] fVu oyksgs ds dckM+ vkfn dks ,d fuf”pr ewY; nsdj [kjhn dj ,df=r djrs gSa] vkSj ckn es bls T;knknkeksa ij dckM+h nqdkuksa es csp nsrs gSaA bUgsa ge ÞdckM+hokykÞ ds uke ls iqdkjrs gSaA bl oxZ dsyksxksa dk dk;Z igys oxZ ds yksxksa ds eqdkcys es FkksM+k lkQ&lqFkjk ,oa LoPN okrkoj.k iznf”krdjrk gSaA

{ks= ds nksuksa oxksZa ds yksx vius }kjk ,df=r vif”k’V i)kFkkasZ dks “kgj esa gh fLFkr NksVs ,oa [kqnjkvFkok cM+s Fkksd dckM+h nqdku esa tk dj fu/kkZfjr ewY; ij csp nsrs gSaA NksVs ,oa [kqnjk nqdkuokysHkh bl ,df=r vif”k’V i)kFkksZ dks cM+s Fkksd dckM+h nqdku esa csp nsrs gSaA ;gk¡ ij bu vif”k’Vi)kFkksZ dh lQkbZ o N¡VkbZ dj O;ofLFkr fd;k tkrk gSaSA bu O;ofLFkr fd;s vif”k’V i)kFkksZa dksiqu% fuekZ.k ,oa iqu% iz;ksx ds fy, lacaf/kr dy&dkj[kkus esa vyx&vyx Hkst fn;k tkrk gSA

jsx & fidlZ¼jÌh pqqqqquuk½

Hkze.k”khy jÌh pquus okyk;k dckM+hokyk ¼,d=hr djuk½

NksVs@[kqnjk dokM+h nqdku¼vLFkkbZ :i ls ,dzf=r½

cM+s@Fkksd dckM+h nqdku¼lkQ@O;oLFkhr djuk@NVk¡bZ djuk½

iqu% fuek.kZ ds fy, lacaf/krdy & dkj[kkus es tkuk

iqu% iz;ksx ds fy, laEcaf/kr dy & dkj[kkus es tkuk

lkj.kh 02- gtkjhckx {ks= ds vif”k’V laxzg dh fLFkfr


jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z dk oxhZdj.k (Classification of Regpicking)

buds dk;Z djus dh dk;Z”kSyh o rduhd ds vk/kkj ij ge fuEu izdkj ls oxhZd`r dj ldrs gSa%dk¡p dh oLrq,¡ pquuk % bl dk;Z ds vUrZxr dk¡p ls fufeZr oLrqvksa dks pqu dj ,df=r dj bUgsa dckM+hdh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA tSls] “kh”ks dh cksrysa ¼nok dh cksrysa] dksy&fMªUd o “kjkc dhcksrys bR;kfn½] “kh”ks ds tkj] f[kM+fd;ksa ds dk¡p bR;kfnA

IykfLVd dh oLrq,¡ pquuk % blds dk;Z ds vUrZxr IykfLVd ls fufeZr oLrqvksa dks pqu dj ,df=rdj bUgsa Hkh dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA tSls] IykfLVd dh cksrysa ¼nok dh cksrysa]dksy fMªUd o “kjkc dh cksrysa½] IykfLVd <+Ddu] VwVs&QwVs tkj] IykfLVd ds fMCcs] IykfLVd dsf[kykSus bR;kfnA

doj o FkSys pquuk % bl dk;Z ds vUrZxr nw/k o ngh ds IykfLVd FkSys] ,yqfefu;e ds doj] dkxtds FkSys vkfn dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSaaA bu ,df=r FkSykas dks vyx dj bUgsa Hkh dckM+hdh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSaA

/kkrq ls cuh oLrq,¡ pquuk % bl dk;Z ds nkSjku lekU;r % nks rjg ds /kkrqvkas dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;ktkrk gSa igyk] ykSgs /kkrq ftlesa ykSgs ds NM+] ykSg&“khV ds VqdM+s] VwVs&QwVs QuhZpj vkfn vkrs gSaAnwljs esa fVu /kkrq ls cuh oLrq;as tSls fd fVu dk MCck] fVu ds VqdM+s] <+Ddu vkfnA dHkh&dHkhblds vykok vU; /kkrqvksa tSls ,yqfefu;e] rk¡ck] ihry vkfn ds VqdM+s Hkh ,df=r fd;s tkrs gSaAbu ,df=r /kkrqvkas dks vyx dj bUgsa Hkh dckM+h dh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSA

fdrkcsa pquuk % bl dk;Z ds nkSjku ikB~;dze ls lecaf/kr iqLrdsa] if=dkvksa vkfn dks ,df=r fd;ktkrk gSaA blds ckn bUgsa dckM+h nqdu esa ;k iqjkuh fdrkcksa ds dz;&fodz; okyh nqdkuksa esa cspfn;k tkrk gSaA

dkxt pquuk % blds dk;Z ds vUrZxr lkns dkxt] gLrfyf[kr dkxt ds VqdM+s] dkWih ds iUus] v[kckj]dkxt ds xRrs vkfn dks pqu dj ,df=r fd;k tkrk gSA blds ckn bUgsa vyx&vyx dj dckM+hdh nqdku esa csp fn;k tkrk gSA

vuqla/kku mÌs”; (Research Objectives)

vuqla/kku dk eq[; mís”; fuEufyf[kr gS %&¼1½ jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh lkekftd fLFkfr dk v/;;u djukA¼2½ buesa LokLF; o LoPNrk ds izfr tkx:drk dk v/;;u djukA¼3½ jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh leL;kvksa dks lekt ds lkeus ykukA¼4½ ljdkjh ,oa xSj&ljdkjh laxBuksa dk /;ku budh vksj vkÑ’V djukA

vuqla/kku dh oLrqfof/k (Research Methodology)

;g loZfofnr gS fd dksbZ Hkh v/;;u ;k “kks/k rc rd lgh ugh ekuk tkrk] tc rd mldks oSKkfudfof/k;ksa ;k i)fr;ksa }kjk u fd;k x;k gkssA bl ijEijk dks tkjh j[krs gq, “kks/kdRkkZ }kjk Hkhekuo”kkL=h; oSKkfud i)fr;kas dk iz;ksx fd;k x;k gSA

;g v/;;u o"kZ 2009 esa vDVwcj ls fnlEcj ekg ds nkSjku >kj[k.M ds gtkjhckx ftys ds uxjikfydk{ks= ds vUrZxr vkusokys fofHk™k okMksZ esa jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ij vk/kkfjr gSa] ftleas ik¡p o’kZ lsysdj ckjg o’kZ rd ds yM+ds o yM+fd;ks dks “kkfey fd;k x;kA

bu okMksZ ds pquko ds ihNs eq[; dkj.k Fkk fd gtkjhckx {ks= esa vif”k"V inkFkksZ ¼dpM+k pquus okys½

ds laxzg.k dk;Z es yxs cPpsa ;gk¡ fuokl djus okyh nks tkfr;ksa ls lEcaf/kr ik;s x;s gS( igyk jfonkltkfr rFkk nwljk HkqbZ;k¡ tkfr gSaA

blds ckn bl “kks/kdk;Z ls lEcaf/kr iz”uksa dh lgk;rk ls bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dk lk{kkRdkjfy;k x;k] ftlesa buds thou “kSyh] LokLF;] lkekftd&vkfFkZd xfrfof/k;ksa ls lEcaf/kr dqN iz”u“kkfey fd;s x;s rFkk blds lkFk&lkFk gh rF; ladyu ds fy, izkFkfed rFkk vU; lzksrksa dh lgk;rkyh xbZA

voyksdu ds ek/;e ls buds vkl&ikl ds dk;Z LFkykas tSls pkSd&pkSjkgs ij ,df=r dwM+k&dpM+kds LFkku] dwM+snku] xanh ukfy;ksa vkfn txgksa ls bUgsa dwM+k pqurss ns[k buds dk;Z izdfr dks voyksfdrfd;k x;kA

bu cPpksa ds ek/;e ls bl {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys ds lkekftd&LokLF; fLFkfr dk v/;;u fd;kx;kA lekftd fLFkfr dk lw{e v/;;u djus ds fy, dqN rF;kas dks v/kkj cuk;k x;k ftleasizeq[k gS % lkekftd fLFkrh] ikfjokfjd o iSrd fLFkjrk] lk{kjrk Lrj] ekrk&firk dh vk; dk lk/ku]jsx&fidlZ dh nSfud vk;] ,oa budh ifjokj eas Hkkxhnkjh vkfnA

bl v/;;u esa “kks/kdÙkkZ us gtkjhckx {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ds LokLF; dh fLFkfr ds v/;;uds fy, ftu&ftu rŸoksa dks vk/kkj cuk;k x;k] mlesa izeq[k gS( dk;Z&LFky dh izÑfr] dwMk+&dpMk+pqurs oDr cjrh xbZ lko/kkfu;k¡] “kjhj ij oL=ks dk gksuk jÌnh pqurs le; MaMs dk iz;ksx vFkokuaxs gkFk dk iz;ksx ,oa dk;Z djus dh vof/k vkfnA mijksDr rŸoksa ds vykok “kjhj dh LoPNrklacaf/kr rRoksa ftlesa gkFk fd lQkbZ] ugkuk] cz'k djuk] cky l¡okjuk] 'kjhj esa rsy yxkuk vkfndk v/;;u dj buds LoPNrk laca/kh fLFkfr dk irk yxk;k x;kA blds vykok bu cPpksa eas LokLF;,ao LoPNrk ds izfr tkx:drk dh deh dk v/;;u Hkh fd;k x;kA

ifj.kke ,oa ppkZ (Results and Discussion)

orZeku v/;;u ds vk/kkj ij ;s rF; mHkj dj lkeus vkrs gSa] fd gtkjhckx uxjikfydk {ks= esajn~nh pquus ds dk;Z djus okys cPps ns”k ds vU; {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpks ls vyx Lo:iviuk;s gq, gSa ¼flUgk] 1991½A lekU;r% jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djus ds ihNs tks dkjd mŸkjnk;h gSa]muesa ls vf/kdka”k dkjd bl {ks= ds jn~nh pquus okys ds fy, lVhd ugha cSaBrsA ns”k ds vU; “kgjksaesa jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z esa yxs cPpsa vkl&ikl ds xzkeh.k {ks=ksa ls izokflr gq, gksrs gSa ;k oSls vukFkcPpsa gksrs gSa] tks viuh vkthfodk pykus ds fy, bls dk;Z es yxs gq, gksrs gSa ¼flUgk] 1991½A ijUrqgtkjhckx {ks= es bl dk;Z esa yxs vukFk cPpksa dh la[;k de ik;h x;h]tcfd vf/kdka”k cPpksa dhiSr`d fLFkjrk lkekU; ik;h xbZ gSa A nwljs “kCnksa esa ;g dgk tk ldrk gSa fd v/;;u {ks= ds jn~nhpquus okys cPps u rks vkl&ikl ds xzkeh.k {ks=ksa ls izokflr gq, gSa] u budh iSr`d fLFkjrk ghvis{kkd`r nS;uh; gSaA v/;;u ds vuqlkj ;gk¡ ds jn~nh pquus okys cPps lHkh leqnk; o tkfr lslEcaf/kr ugha ik;s x,A bl {ks= esa flQZ nks gh leqnk; ¼HkqbZ;k¡ o jfonkl½ ds cPps dpM+k pquus dkdk;Z djrs gSaA

v/;;u {ks= eas ;g ik;k x;k fd nksuksa tkfr;ks esa bl dk;Z dks ysdj vyx :i ns[kus dks feykAtgk¡ jfonkl vuwlqfpr tkfr esa yM+ds jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djrs gS] ogh HkqbZ;k¡ vuwlqfpr tkfr easyM+fd;ks dks jn~nh pquus dk dk;Z djrs ns[kk x;kA jfonkl lekt esa yM+fd;k¡ bl dk;Z dks ughadjrh oks ?kjsyw dk;Z djus rd gh lhfer gSa ]tcfd blh leqnk; fd vkSjrs dpM+k pquus dk dk;Zdjrh gSaA HkqbZ;k¡ lekt es yM+ds vuqfpr xfrfof/k;ksa es izk;% “kkfey jgrs gaSA HkqbZ;k¡ lektksa es yM+fd;ksa}kjk bl dk;Z dks djkus ds ihNs ;g rdZ fn;k tkrk gS fd yM+fd;k¡] yM+dksa dh rjg xyr ovkokjk fdLe dh xfrfof/k;ksa es “kkfey ugha gksrh rFkk vius izR;sd fnu dh vk; dks vius ifjokjdh vk; ds lkFk lEefyr djrh gaSA


v/;;u dk;Z esa lEefyr jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dh ifjokfjd fLFkfr ds v/;;u ls ;g irk yxrkgSa fd] bl dk;Z eas yxs vf/kdk”ka cPps ,dy ifjokj ls lacaf/kr gSa ftuds ekrk&firk thfor gSarFkk lkFk eas jgrs gSaA blds vykok dqN ,sls cPps Hkh ik;s x, tks ifjokj foghu gSA bl v/;;uds nkSjku bu cPpksa dh ifjokfjd fLFkjrk cgqr vge Hkwfedk fuHkkrh gS] D;ksafd ,sls cPpks dh la[;kvf/kd gSa tks fd ,dy ifjokj ds vUraxZr vkrs gSaA bldk vFkZ ;g gqvk fd ifjokj dk cMk+ gksukbldk eq[; dkj.k ugha gS] D;kasfd vf/kdka”k cPps ,sls ifjokj ls lEcaf/kr gS ftuds lnL;ksa dh l[;kik¡p rd gSA

bl v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ik;k x;k fd 8&12 o’kZ dh vk;q oxZ ds cPpksa dh la[;k T;knk gSa] gkyk¡fdbuesa esa T;knkrj cPpsa 5&6 o"kZ dh vk;q esa gh jsx&fidj dk dk;Z djus yxs gSaA orZeku v/;;uds vk/kkj ij ;g ckr mHkj dj lkeus vkrh gSa fd] {ks= ds vf/kdka”k jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa dhdk;Z dh vof/k rhu ls pkj ?k.Vs rd gh lhfer jgrk gSaA blds ckn dk le; Ldwy tkus ,oa [ksyuseas O;rhr djrs gSaA vf/kdka”k cPpksa ds nSafud dk;ksZ es Ldwy tkuk dksbZ vfuok;Z dk;Z ugha gSaA bldsckjs es iwNus ij budk rdZ Fkk fd ^Ldwy esa i<+kbZ ugha gksrh gSa*A nwljs “kCnksa esa ;g dg ldrs gSafd Ldwy dh f“k{kk ,oa ekgkSy bu cPpksa dks izHkkfor ugha dj ik jgh ftl dkj.k budh :fp i<+usesa ugha gSaA

cPpksa dks de mez esa gh bl dk;Z dks djuk mudh ifjokj dh vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrk gSA ifjokjdh fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr ds dkj.k gh bu ifjokjks ds cPps bu dk;Z dks djrs gSA ifjokj dh vkfFkZdfLFkfr dk fo”ys’k.k djus ij ;g ik;k x;k fd] bu cPpksa dk bl dk;Z ls tqM+uk fuf”pr gh mudsekrk&firk dh detksj vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrk gSA bl v/;;u esa lEefyr lHkh cPpksa ds ekrk&firkfngkjh etnwjh] fjD'kk pkyu] eksph dk dke] dwM+k&dpMk+ pquuk rFkk vkl&ikl ds ?kjksa es ?kjsyqdk;Z djuk vkfn dk;Z djrs gSaA de vk; gksus ds dkj.k buds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa dk ikyu&iks’k.klgh <ax ls ugh gks ikrkA buds cPps dwMk+&dpMk+ pquus] gksVyksa esa crZu /kksus] xSjkt Jfed vkfntSls dk;Z djrs gSA

jn~nh pquus okys ¼jsx fidlZ½ cPpksa dh vk;vf/kdka”k cPps izR;sd fnu 4&5 ?kaVs lqcg “kgj ds fHkUu&fHkUu bykdks esa fLFkr dqM+snkuks o vLFkkbZ:i ls tek dwMk+&dpM+k ls cksrys] “kh”k]s fVus] jÌÌh dkxt vkfn bdêBk dj NksVs dckM+h dh nqdkues csprss gaS ftlls bu cPpks dh vkSlru vk; 10&20 :i;k izfrfnu gSA

v/;;u esa lfEefyr 80 izfr”kr yM+ds viuh nSfud vk; ?kj esa u nsdj Loa; ij [kpZ djrsa gSaAbu yM+dks esa ;g izo`fr ;g n”kkZrh gSa fd] ;s cPps ifjokj ds fuEu Lrjh; vkfFkZd fLFfr ij cks>ughs cuuk pkgrs gSaA tgk¡ de mez ds NksVs cPpsa bl dk;Z ls izkIr vk; dks nqdkuks ls [kk|&i}kFkZ¼leksls] dpkSM+h] pkV] pkWdysV vkfn ½ [kjhn dj [kkus esa O;;djrs gSa] oghs fd”kksj mez ds yM+dsnqdkuks ls [kk|&i}kFkZ [kjhn dj [kkus ds vykok iku&e”kkyk] “kjkc ,oa /kqeziku dk lsou djrsgSaA bldk dkj.k ij ikfjokfjd fu;a=.k u gksuk gSaA blds lkFk&lkFk gh f”k{kk dh deh ds dkj.kHkh budh ekufldrk mUur ugha gks ikrh gSa] ,oa fd”kksjkoLFkk esa gh xyr laxr esa iM+ tkrs gSaAblds QyLo:i ;g cky vijk/k ,oa LokLF; lEcaf/kr leL;k ls xzflr gks tkrs gS aA

v/;;u ds nkSjku ,sls vusd cPpksa ds ekrk&firk ls muds cPpksa ds bl dk;ksZ esa lafayIrrk ds ckjsesa iwNk x;kA 90 izfr'kr ekrk&firk bl ckr dks Lohdkjrs gaS] fd muds cPps bl dk;Z dks djrsgSA ysfdu ;g iwNus ij fd D;k muds cPps viuh vk; ?kj esa nsrs gS \ tckc pfdr djus okykFkk] dpM+k pquus okys yM+dks ds ekrk&firk dk dguk Fkk fd muds cPps viuh vk; ?kj esa ughansrs] flQZ jn~nh pquus okyh yM+dh;ksa ds ekrk&firk ;g Lohdkj djrs gS dh os viuh vk; ?kj easnsrh gSaA

jn~nh pquus okyh yM+fd;ksa dh ifjokj es Hkkxhnkjhv/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ns[kk x;k dh yMfd;ksa dks “kkjhfjd Je yM+dks ds eqdkcys T;knk djukiM+rk gSa] D;ksafd yM+dks dk dk;ZHkkj dpM+k pquus rd gh lhfer jgrk gS] tcfd yM+fd;ks dks bldk;Z ds vfrfjDr ?kjsyw dk;ksZ esa Hkh lg;ksx djuk iM+rk gSaA bl dkj.k bl dk;Z esa yxh yM+fd;ksadk leqfpr fodkl ugha gks ikrk gSaA lHkh yM+fd;k¡ viuh dqy vk; fd jkf”k viuh ek¡ dks nsrh gSa]yM+dks eas ;g izo`fr flQZ dqN gh cPpksa esa ikbZ xbZA buls ;g irk pyrk gS dh yM+fd;k¡ viusifjokj ds ikyu&iks’k.k es enn djrh gSA bldk dkj.k gS yM+fd;ksa esa yM+dks dh rjg u”kk ocqjh vknrksa dk u gksukA blds foijhr yM+ds cgqr de gh iSls ?kj eas ekrk&firk dks nsrs gS] budkdkj.k bu cPpksa esa cqjh vknrksa tSls] xqVdk] flxjsV u”kk djuk] o tqvk [ksyuk vkfn dk gksuk gSA

LokLF; o LoPNrkv/;;u es ik;k x;k dh jn~nh pquus ds dk;Z es yxs cPpksa dh dk;Z LFky dh izd`fr o okrkoj.kdkQh Hk;kog gSA dwMk+&dpM+k pqurs le; iSjkas esa tqrs ;k pIiy igus gq, cPpksa dh izfr”kr la[;kcgqr de ns[kus dks feyhA vf/kdka”k cPpsa uaxs iSj bl dk;Z dks dj jgs FksA bu cPpksa ls dk;Z LFkyij lk{kkRdkj ds ek/;e ls iw¡Nus ij fd mUgsa uaxs iSj dk;Z djus eas fnDdr ;k Hk; ugha yxrk] rksvf/kdka”k cPpksa dk dguk Fkk fd Mj rks yxrk gS ij pIiy [kjhnus ds fy, iSlk ugha gaS] dqN dktckc Fkk] Mj ugha yxrk gSaA

dwMk+&dpMk+ pqurs le; lko/kkfu;k¡ ugh cjrus ds dkj.k bl {ks=ks ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa es[kk¡lh] fljnnZ] cq[kkj] Ropk laØe.k jksx] lkal dh laeL;k] isV es nnZ] tksM+ dk nnZ] RoPkk dkdVuk@fNyuk] vkfn jksx izk;% ns[kus dks feyk gSaA mijksDr chekfj;ksa eas lcls T;knk Ropk dk dVuko fNyuk “kkfey gS] tks fd 80 izfr'kr gSA ftlls ;g lkQ irk pyrk gS fd dk;Z ds nkSjkulko/kkfu;k¡ ugh cjrh tkrh gSaA blds ckn flj o isV nnZ ik;k x;k tks fd 68 izfr'kr gSA rhljsLFkku ij 52 izfr'kr ds lkFk [kk¡lh dk ik;k tkuk “kkfey gSaA budk ,d cM+k dkj.k bu cPpksa ds}kjk dk;Z LFky ij dk;Z ds nkSjku u cjrh xbZ lko/kkfu;k¡ gSA ;s cPps u¡xs&ik¡o] [kqyk&cnu] jÌÌhpquus oDr ydM+h dk iz;ksx u djuk vkfn dk;Z djrs ik;s x,A bu vlko/kkfu;ksa ds cjrusa dsifj.kkeLo:i vkxs pydj gsisVkbfVl] fVVusl ,oa “okl fd vusd xEHkhj fcekfj;k¡ ls ;s xzflr gksldrs gSaA

v/;;u esa ;g ik;k x;k fd cPpksa esa vius “kkjhfjd LokLF; o LoPNrk ds izfr mnklhurk ikbZxbZ dqN ewyHkwr rÙoksa tSls ugkuk] cz”k djuk] cky lok¡juk] “kjhj esa rsy yxkuk] “kkSp ds ckn gkFklkQ djuk vkfn ds fo’k; esa tkx:drk dh deh ns[kh xbZA ftl dkj.k bueas [kqtyh] ckykas esa:lh gksuk] Ropk laca/kh fcekjh;ks ls ges”kk xzflr jgrs gSA yM+fd;ks ds ckykas esa :lh dh leL;klcls T;knk gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku ;g ik;k x;k fd izfrfnu Luku djus okys cPpksaa fd la[;kde FkhA blh izdkj cz”k djus ds ewyHkwr rRoksa dks ns[ksa rks 50 izfr”kr cPps gh izR;sd fnu cz”kdjrs gSaA ,sls cPps Hkh ik;s x, tks 2&3 fnu eas ,d ckj cz”k djrs gSA bu cPpksa eas isV nnZ dk;g Hkh ,d dkj.k gks ldrk gSA

bl v/;;u ds nkSjku “kgj ds dqN izeq[k cqf)thoh O;fDr;ksa ds lk{kkRdkj ds vk/kkj ij ;g dgktk ldrk gS fd bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ds bl dk;Z dh vksj tkus ds fy, cgqr gn rd budsifjokj dh n;uh; vkfFkZd fLFkfr ftEesnkj gSA bldk vU; dkj.k bu leqnk;ksa dh lkekftd&lkaLdfrdifjos”k Hkh “kkfey gSa] D;kasfd bu leqnk;ksa ¼Hkqb;k¡ o jfonkl½ esa e|iku fd oLrqvksa dk lsou dkQhT;knk izpfyr gSA bl dkj.k ifjokj es vk;s fnu vkilh dyg Hkh ns[kus dks feyrh gSA “kjkc dsu”ks esa vk;s fnu vius ifjokj esa xkyh&xykSt djuk ,oa iRuh&cPpksa dks ekjuk vkfn lekU; ckrsgS aA bl dkj.k buds cPps dk lkekftd fodkl lgh <+x ls ugha gks ikrk jgk gS aA


v/;u esa lfEefyr cPpksa ds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa esa f”k{kk ,oa tkx:drk dh deh lcls T;knk ns[kusdks feyhA bl ds dkj.k budh ekufldrk mUur ugha gks ikbZ gSaA budk dguk gSa fd Þog fuEutkfr ls lacaf/kr gSa] rks bl dk;Z dks djus esa dksbZ cqjkbZ ugh gSaAß

dpM+k pquuk “kgjh vukSipkfjd :i ls lcls fuEu “kgjh vkfFkZd xkfrfof/k;ks esa ls ,d gSA lk{kjrko tkx:drk dh deh ds dkj.k ;g dksbZ laxBu ;k la?k ugh cuk ikrsA ;s iwjh rjg ls vlaxfBrik;s x;s gSaA ;g ?kqearw dk;Z izd`fr dk ikyu djrs gSa] budk dk;Z LFky ,d txg ugh gksrkA

fu"d"kZ (Conclusion)

geyksx vkt izR;sd fnu cPpksa ls lacaf/kr vyx&vyx psgjs dks fdlh u fdlh :i esa ns[krs jgrsgS og pkgsa gksVy o <+kcksa es dke djuk gks] fdlh xSjst esa dke djuk ;k lM+dks ds fdukjs cwV&ikWfyldjuk gks ;k fQj dwMk+&dpM+k pquuk gksA ;g lc rHkh :dsxk tc ge bu cPpksa dks mudk lkekftdvf/kdkj nasA jn~nh pquus okys dh xfrfof/k;ksa dks “kgjh vFkZO;oLFkk esa dksbZ ekU;rk ;k lEeku ughizkIr gksrk gSaA ;g cM+s [ksn dh ckr gS fd tks jn~nh pquus okys gekjs }kjk Qsds x;s dwM+s&dpM+srFkk vif”k’V xanxh dks lkQ dj okrkoj.k dks LoPN j[kus esa viuk ;ksxnku nsrs gS] mUgsa gekjklekt viekfur utjks ls ns[krk gSaA

;gk¡ ds jn~nh pquus okys ns”k dh vU; “kgjksa ds jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa ls fcydqy fHUu gaSA ;gvius ifjokj ds lkFk jgrs gaSA orZeku v/;;u ;g n”kkZrk gS fd bl dk;Z es vf/kdrj cPps ,sls“kkfey gS ftuds ekrk&firk nksuksa thfor gSaA v/;;u ds nkSjku oks cPpss vf/kd ik;s x,] ftudhiSr`d fLFkjrk vPNh FkhA vFkkZr iSr`d vfLFkjrk T;knk egRoiw.kZ ugha ik;h x;hA buesa “kkjhfjdLoPNrk ds dqN ewyHkwr rRo tSls ugkuk] cz”k djuk] cky lok¡juk] “kjhj esa rsy yxkuk] “kkSp dsckn gkFk lkQ djuk vkfn ds fo’k; esa T;knk tkx:drk ugha gSaA

orZeku v/;;u ds vk/kkj ij ;g ckr lkeus vk;h gS fd bu jsx& fidj cPpksa ds bl dk;Z djusds ihNs ,d izeq[k dkjd bu lewgksa dh fuEu vkfFkZd o lkekftd fLFkfr gSaA buds bl fLFkrh dsihNs buesa f”k{kk fd deh ,oa csjkstxkjh fd leL;k dk gksukA bu lewgksa ds vf/kdka”k o;Ld yksxksaeas ;g ns[kk x;k gS fd etnwjh esa izkIr vk; dk vf/kdka”k Hkkx og “kjkc ihus esa [kpZ dj nsrs gSaAbl {ks= esa jsx&fidlZ dh lkekftd] vkfFkZd fLFkfr dgha u dgha buds fuEu tkrh; lkekftdlajpuk ,oa fuEu vkfFkZd fLFkfr dks n”kkZrh gSaA

NksVh lh mez ls bl dk;Z dks izkjEHk djuk ,oa T;knk le; rd bl dk;Z esa fyIr jgus ls budk“kkjhfjd] ckSf}d fodkl lgh fn”kk esa ugha gks ikrkA O;fDr dh lkekftd l{kerk vkSj fodkl dslanHkZ eas mudk lkekftd] LokLF;] fodkl dk ,dhd`r vax gSaA ,d LoLF; lekt dh ifjdYiukrHkh iwjh gks ldrh gS tc izR;sd O;fDr “kkjhfjd] ekufld] ckSf}d ,oa vkfFkZd :i ls LoLF;gksA ;g jn~nh pquus okys dfBu esgur djrs gSaA geyksxksa dks budh yxu o esgur dk lEekudjuk pkfg, vkSj budh ewyHkwr vko”;drkvks a dh iwfrZ ds fy;s iz;Ru djuk pkfg,A

lq>ko (Recommendations)

¼1½ bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpks ds ekrk&firk ds fy, Lojkstxkj ds volj iSnk fd;s tkus pkfg,]ftlls buds cPps bl rjg ds dk;ksZ dks u djsa vkSj budh vkfFkZd Lrj dk fodkl gksA

¼2½ bu jn~nh pquus okys cPpksa esa f”k{kk ds izfr :fp tkx`r djuh pkfg,] ftlls os f”k{kk degRo le> ldasA

¼3½ bu cPpksa ,oa buds ifjokjksa esa f”k{kk] LokLF; ds izfr tehuh Lrj ij uqdDM+ ukVdksa vkfndk;ZØe dj tkx:drk ds fy, iz;kl fd;s tkus pkfg,A

¼4½ bu cPpksa esa dk;Z LFky ,oa bl nkSjku cjrus okyh lko/kkfu;ksa ds ckjs esa tkx:drk ykbZtkuh pkfg,A

¼5½ LokLF;] ns[kHkky] f”k{kk] _.k] ukxfjd lqfo/kk,¡ iznku djus okys laLFkkxr izko/kkuks rd ;syksx ugha igq¡p ikrs gS] ;k igq¡p ikrs Hkh gS rks budh la[;k u ds cjkcj gksrh gSaA ges ;giz;kl djuk pkfg, fd vU; nwljs lewgksa dks feyus okyh lkjh lqfo/kk,¡ bUgsa Hkh izkIr gksA

¼7½ {ks= ds ljdkjh ,oa xSj&ljdkjh laxBuks ds ek/;e ls ,d Þcpr [kkrkß [kksyk tk ldrkgSa] ftlesa izR;sd cPps dk vyx&vyx [kkrk [kksy dj muds izfrfnu gksus okys vk; dkslafpr dj mlds Hkfo"; dks lqjf{kr fd;k ldsA

¼8½ vU; lH; lektksa ds yksxksa dk buds izfr ns[kus dk utfj;k cnyuk pkfg,A blds fy, bulH; lektksa es Hkh tkx:drk ykus dh t:jr gSa] rkfd ;s gekjs lH; lekt ls tqM+ ldsvkSj viuk lkekftd fodkl dj ldsA

vkHkkj % loZizFke “kks/kdŸkkZ Mkå “ks[k vCcnqy vtht lkgsc] v/kh{k.k ekuofoKkuh ¼C½] Hkkjrh; ekuofoKkulosZ{k.k] mŸkj&if”pe {ks=h; dsUnz] nsgjknwu dk vkHkkj izdV djuk pkg¡rk gq¡] ftUgksaus ;g “kks/k iz=dks /;ku iwoZd i<+dj vius lq>koksa vkSj vuojr lg;ksx ls eq>s izsfjr fd;kA rRi”p;kr mu lHkhjn~nh pquus okys cPps ,oa muds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa dk vkHkkj izdV djrk gSa] ftUgksusa “kks/kdk;Z esankSjku lnSo ldkjkRed O;ogkj ,oa lg;ksx iznku fd;kA lkFk gh lkFk os lHkh yksx tks ijks{k ovijks{k :i ls bl “kks/kdk;Z dks laiw.kZ djus esa le;≤ ij viuk lg;ksx iznku fd;sA

lanHkZ (References)

¼1½ gÍu] tså ,pŒ 1946 % dkLV bu bafM;k] yanu] vkWDlQksMZ ;wfuoflZVh izsl]i`ŒlaŒ 195A

¼2½ vEcsM+dj] chŒ vkjŒ 1948 % vuVpscYl % gw vkj ns ,M+ OgkbZ ns fcdse vuVpscy]U;w nsgyh] ve`r cqd daŒA

¼3½ esgrk ,e0 1985 % fQftdy gsYFk izksCyel vkWQ ofdZaxfpyMªsu bu%pkbYM yscj ,.M gsYFk% izksCyel ,.M izksLisDV burfeyukMq] i`Œ laŒ 138&49A

¼4½ flUgk ,l0 1991 % pkbYM yscj bu dydÙkk % , lks”k;k syk WftdyLVMh] dksydrk] u;k izdk”kA

¼5½ dker ds0 ,y0 1999 % jsx fidlZ vkWQ bafM;k QLV vkWu ykbu ifCyds”kuvkWDVqcj 20A

¼6½ flag] ,s0 ds0 2005 % ikWovhZ ,aex f”kM~;wy dkLV% , dsl LVM+h vkWQljIyl ySaM fMLVªhC;w”ku bu mÙkj izns”k bu cqdgqeu jkbVLk ,.M izksHkjVh bu fnYyh] vda 2] ,l0,u0 pkS/kjh ¼likŒ½] ubZ fnYyh] dkWulsIV ifCyŒA

¼7½ enu th0 vkj0 2005 % fodkl ds vfHkdj.k] iqLrd ifjorZu ,ao fodkldk lekt”kkL=] fnYyh] ¼foosd izdk”ku½A

¼8½ vofu”k] 2009 % >kj[k.M+( , fMLisjsV dzkbZ QkWj psUtA vkWu ykbuifCyds”ku] cq/kokj] 2009&11&08]14-25A

¼9½ ey] iwj.k 2009 % vEcsM+dj vkSj nfyrks}kj t;iqj] vkUnksyu] vkfo’dkjifCyŒ fMLVhŒA

Prameha and its AncientAyurvedic Medicine in India

Pulakes Purkait1, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya2

ABSTRACT

Diabetes is a most common metabolic disorder in India affecting more than 30 millionpeople with type 2diabetes. Ayurveda is a holistic health care system of medicine, whichis more than 5000 years old and it describes Diabetes under the heading Prameha. Plantactive principles have been used to treat Prameha from ancient time under the Ayurvedicmedication. Ayurvedic medicines are personalized for individual patient. It offers naturalways to treat disease and promote health. It uses herbs, diet, massage and lifestylechanges to achieve a balance between body, mind and spirit. In this review we havediscussed about the Ayurvedic classification of Prameha, its complications and focusedon the role of ancient medicines along with their key constituents, which are the mainsource of modern medicine. Further this review points out the ignorance of fundamentalIndian medication system which is being masked by the modernized human cultureincreasing higher risk factor of side effects.

INTRODUCTIONAyurveda is a holistic health care system of medicine originated in ancient Vediccivilization of India, which is more than 5000 years old. The word `Ayur-Veda' is derivedfrom two Sanskrit roots: "Ayus" meaning life and "Veda" meaning knowledge or science.Ayurveda is, therefore, translated as "science of life". Ayurveda is based on the interdependence of man and nature. Every living and non-living things are mutually interlinked.

Major Ayurvedic texts are CHARAKA and SUSRUTA. Two other major contributorswere VAGHBATA and NAGARJUNA. The core principles of Ayurvedic philosophyrevolve around three important factors (doshas) of life, viz. Vata (Wind) Pitta (Fire) andKapha (Earth) which are called Tridoshas. These are prime movers of the body. All ofus have a unique mix of the three which accounts for our basic nature. At molecular


1Anthropological Survey of India, Western Regional Centre, Udaipur, India;2The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, India

Table 3: Ayurvedic Body Types and Characteristics

Ayurvedic Body Types

Vata Pitta Kapha

Physical Thin. Average build Large build.Characteristics Prominent features Fair, thin hair Wavy, thick hair.

Cool Warm, moist skin. Pale, cool, oily skin.Dry skin Ulcers, heartburn, Obesity, allergies,Constipation and hemorrhoids. and sinus problems.Cramps Acne High cholesterol.

Moody Intense Relaxed, Not easilyEmotional Vivacious Quick tempered angered. AffectionateCharacteristics Imaginative Intelligent Tolerant

Enthusiastic Loving CompassionateIntuitive Articulate

Unscheduled sleep Orderly Slow, graceful.Behavioral and meal times Structured sleep Long sleeper andCharacteristics Nervous disorders and meal times. slow eater.

Anxiety Perfectionist. Procrastination.

The word Prameha is derived from the "Miha sechane" which means watering. `Pra'means excess of urine in both quality and frequency. Prameha, thus, becomes self-explanatory and holds the twin meanings of "Prabhutha mutratha" or excessive urinationand "Avilmutratha " or turbid urine. Ayurveda have described that, when a hungry persontakes the food containing all six tastes i.e. sweet (madhura), sour (amla), salty (lavana),bitter (tikta), pungent (katu) and astringent (kasaya), only one taste i.e. sweet is predominantand it can increase kapha & medas (fat) and cause prameha.

“Navannapanam Gudavaikritamcha Pramehahetu Kaphakriccha Sarvam” (Ch. Chi. 6)

That means excess of newly harvested food grains, jiggery preparations and factorsresponsible for elevation of Kapha, may contribute to the development of diabetes [2].

“Divaswapanam Vyayamalasya Prasaktam, Sheetasnigdha, MadhurdrvyapanasevinamPurusam Janeeyat Pramehi Bhavishyteeta” (Su. Ni.6)

Day time sleeping; lack of exercise and laziness; too much of cold, sweet, lipidemic andalchoholic foods and beverages as the causative factors for development of diabetes laterin life [2].

"Asyasukham-Swapnasukham dadhini Gramyaudakanuparasah payamsiNavannapanam gudavaikritamcha pramehahetuh kaphakricca sarvam"

– 4th shloka/6th chapter Chikitsa sthana: Charaka Samhita

640

levels, Kapha represents nutritious regimens and may be either of dietary origin ornutritious substances at systemic and tissue level. Pitta designates factors responsible fordigestion, absorption, and metabolism of nutritious substances at any level of physiologicalprocesses and may be regarded as enzymatic activities, etc. Vata represents processeslike respiration, oxygen (vayu) responsible for combustion/burning of nutritious substancesduring metabolic activities to release and mobilize energy. Usually one of the elementswould be the dominant one, which would also be our disposition [1].

The knowledge of Diabetes has been existent in India since Vedic age in mythologicalform where it is said that the origin of diabetes takes place by eating Havisya (Charakasamhita nidanasthana1). Ayurveda is described Diabetes under the heading `Prameha'and clinical picture is similar to `Madhumeha', which means honey like urine or sweeturine, similarly Diabetes is a Latin word which also means honey like sweet urine [2].

Table 1: Basic principle of Ayurvedic Philosophy

HEALTH = Balance < THRIDOSHA >Imbalance = DISORDERKAPHA: NutritionPITTA: Digestion or MetabolismVATA: Respiration / Energy production

This basic principle of Ayurvedic philosophy that Kapha, Pitta and Vata are the importantfactor of life, which appropriate balance leads to a healthy life and their inappropriatedistribution causes imbalance in physiological or biochemical process that lead to differentdisorder or diseases.

Table 2: Characteristics of three Doshas

Attributes Vata Pitta Kapha

Represents the element Air Fire EarthSpace (ether) Water Water

Dry/Cold Hot/Moist Steady/CalmQualities Light body type Perfectionistic Heavier body

Quick/Energetic Sharp/Intelligent type Strong/LoyalCell division

Heart Digestion StructureBody process Breathing Temperature Growth

Waste products Hormones StorageMind

Imagination IntelligenceMajor mental functions Resilience Confidence Memory

Decision making Enterprise

641Prameha and its Ancient Ayurvedic Medicine in India Pulakes Purkait, Dr. Moumita Bhattacharya

(4 varieties) get manifested depending on the basic constitution on the patient, indulgenceof verities of causative factors enlisted & type of tissues effected among the followingMedas (Adipose), Vasaa (fat), Rakta (blood cells), Shukra (spermatozoa), Ambu (cytoplasm),Lasika (protoplasm), Majja (bone marrow), Rasa (lymph), Pisita (muscle), Ojas (gene-proteins/factors responsible for immunity)[7].

1. Kaphaja : Kapha causes pramehas by affecting Medas thus altering lipid metabolism,muscles and body fluid situated in urinary bladder. Types of kapha are as follows:

i. UDAKAMEHA (Chronic nephritis): Watery urine or Clear urine in larger quantitywithout odor; patient feels cold sensation while passing urine.

ii. IKSHUVALIKAMEHA (Alimentary glycosuria): Like sugar cane or Very sweeturine, cool, slightly viscid, turbid due to slimy substances.

iii. SANDRAMEHA (Phosphaturia): Viscous urine or If urine is kept overnight,precipitate is present in the container.

iv. SANDRAPRASADAMEHA: Having solid precipitate or Sandraprasadmeha meansa portion of the urine is turbid and a portion is clean like Sura (undistilled alcohol).Described as Surameha in Sushruta and Ashtanga Hridaya [8].

v. SHUKLAMEHA (Chyleuria, albuminuria): Urine is white and appears as if it ismixed with flour (paste). While passing urine the patient feels erection of bodyhairs.

vi. SUKRAMEHA (Spermaturia): Urine with semen or Patient passes urine similarto quality of semen or semen itself may be mixed with urine.

vii. SITAMEHA: Cold urine or Urine is very sweet and abundant, with low temperature.

viii. SAINYAMEHA: Delayed and very slow impulse of urination and patient feelsdifficulty in passing urine.

ix. LALAMEHA (Albuminaria): Saliva-like urine or Urine is turbid and slimy; it issticky and threads may be demonstrated like gum.

x. SIKTAMEHA (LITHURIA): Urine with gravels or Patient passes small particleslike sand in the urine.

2. Pittaja: Pitta aggravated by hot things causes the same by affecting medas, musclesand body fluid situated in urinary bladder. They are of 6 types-

i. KSARAMEHA (Alkanuria) : Urine like alkali (ash) solution in smell, colorand touch

ii. KAALAMEHA (Indikanuria) : Black urine

iii. NILAMEHA (Indikanuria) : Blue urine

iv. HARIDRAMEHA (Biluria): Turmeric-like urine or Urine is yellow like the colorof turmeric, pungent, and associated with a severe burning sensation.

v. MANJISTHAMEHA (Urobilinuria): Urine is pink like decoction of Manjishta.

vi. LOHITAMEHA (Haemeturia): Urine is deep red or Urine contains blood and issalty in taste.

642

Asyasukha means happiness of tongue, eating food which is sweet, salt, sour in taste.Swapnasukha means sleeping in the day for more than 30 min and sleeping more at night.it also means not living an active life with good amount of exercise & sports.

VARGIKARAN / CLASSIFICATION OF PRAMEHA [3,4,5,6]

In Ayurveda texts (Charaka Samhita, Sushruta Samhita, Astanga Sangraha & Hrudaya,Hareeta Samhita) Diabetes (Prameha) has been described in three major categories (A)HETU BHEDAS, (B) DEHA PRAKRITI BHEDAS and (C) MUTRA BIKARA BHEDAS.All categories divided in different sub group:

(A) HETU BHEDAS (Etiological classification)

1. Sahaja/Jatah prameha (Hereditary):

Due to the genetic factors certain defects in the ovum and sperm results in a geneticdisorder which is referred to ‘Beej Dosha’. It can be compared to type 1diabetesand mostly found in lean individuals. It is also known as Juvenile or congenitaldiabetes or insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus.

Genetical view of prameha is clearly mentioned by Charaka samhita as specificword `Beej dosha' means a "defect in genes". Beej means seed and dosha meansdefect. Charaka has described anatomy of “Beej” as Semen or Sukra and “Beejbhaga” as Chromosome.

According to Charaka the congenital case of Prameha or one inheriting the diseasefrom his Diabetic Parents is incurable because of genetic factor. Whatever diseasesare familial are said to be incurable [ch chi: 6:57].

2. Apathyanimittaja (Acquired):

Improper dietary habits and unwholesome lifestyle is mostly seen in obeseindividuals. It is quite similar to type 2 diabetes, and also known as adult onsetdiabetes or non insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus.

(B). DEHA PRAKRITI (As per features of the body or Physique)

According to Charaka samhita the two types of prameha patients on the basis oftheir physique or body constitution are -

1. Sthula pramehi: This category refers as Obese diabetic patients and similar to thepatients with type 2 diabetes.

2. Krisha pramehi: this category refers to Asthenic diabetic patients, like a lean personand corresponds to patients with type 1 diabetes.

(C) MUTRA BIKARA BHEDA (Doshic classification or as per urinary abnormality)‘Sarva yeva pramehastu kalenapratikarinah madhumehatvamayanti Tada asadhyabhavantihi’ (su. Ni.6) [2]

According to Sushruta Samhita as well as ayurvedic literature Prameha (Diabetes) hasbeen classified into 20 types depending on the various signs and symptoms manifestedwith urine. These twenty types of prameha, Kapha (10 varieties), Pitta (6 varieties), Vata


2. Trishna (Thirst/Polydipsia): Excessive and frequent thirst in Ayurveda it is termedas Trishna. In the process of lipolysis, more water is utilized which results intoactivation of thirst center in the brain.

3. Panipada daha: Abundance of unutilized glucose in the blood. This causes disturbancein the equilibrium of dhatus and doshas in the body exposing body to furthercomplications. It gives rise to Panipada daha, which means burning sensation of feetand palm and lower extremity paresthesias- pins and needle sensation.

4. Unexplained weight loss5. Madhuratava in mutra : Glycosuria6. Dantadinam mala sanchaya: Due to ama, deposits are seen in mouth.7. Swadasyata: Sweetness is experienced in the mouth due to increase in the sugar level.

According to modern medical science the clinical symptoms of diabetes are – polyuria,polydipsia, polyphagia, general debility, profuse sweating, dryness of the skin, painin thigh/calf muscles, Weight loss due to calories lost as glucosuria, leaving a negativecalorie balance, poor wound healing, gingivitis and blurred vision [9].

UPADRAVA / COMPLICATION [2, 3]

Complication refers as Upadrava of Prameha (diabetes) covers all the conditions, whichcan develop with diabetes patients. The complications related to diabetes mellitus, asdescribed in allopathic medicine, are mentioned in Ayurveda either directly or indirectlyin relation to Prameha. These include dyspepsia, diarrhea, fever, burning sensation,weakness, anorexia, indigestion, and diabetic carbuncles and abscesses (referred to inAyurveda as Pidaka, Alji, and Vidradhi). In Charak Samhita many features of complicationsare described that the diseases and disorders caused by over intake of Santarpana (a highlynutritious, high-calorie diet intended to increase weight).These disorders and diseases include:(i) Prameha Pidaka (carbuncles)(ii) Kustha (skin diseases)(iii) Mutrakrichhra (urinary disorders or Nephropathy)(iv) Klaibya (erectile dysfunction)(v) Sthaulya (obesity)(vi) Indriya Srotasam Lepa (structural and functional impairment of the sensory organs)(vii) Siopha (generalized edema)

According to Astanga Samgraha of Vagbhata describes complications for each Doshic typeof Prameha separately as Kaphaja Prameha, Pittaja Prameha, and Vataja Prameha [8].

Complication of Kaphaja Prameha: This includes coryza, laziness, anorexia, indigestion,excessive salivation, vomiting, hypersomnia, and couth (while anorexia, vomiting, diarrhea,etc., denote diabetic enteropathy).

Complication of Pittaja Prameha: Include hyper acidity, excessive thirst, fever, burningsensation, fainting, diarrhea, anemia, cracking of the scrotal skin, and pain in the penisand bladder region. Diabetic neuropathy is directly mentioned as a burning sensation inthe body, tremors and Hastimeha (incontinence of urine).

644

3. Vataja: Vayu, on relative diminution of other two doshas, draws on the dhatusin urinary bladder and thus causes Prameha. Prameha caused by vata and associatedwith pain has blackish or reddish urine. They are of 4 types-

i. MAJJAMEHA (Albuminuria): Urine with majja (bone marrow).ii. VASAMEHA (Lipuria): Urine with Vasa (fat).iii. HASTIMEHA (Prostatitis) : Urine with lasika (lymph)iv. MADHUMEHA (Diabetes mellitus): Urine with yellowish-white in color and

taste like honey.

SADHYASADHYATA / PROGNOSISCharaka had classified Prameha in three categories as per to sadyaasadhyata[ch chi : 6:57].

1. SADHYA [Curable]: This includes Kaphaja Prameha [predominance of Kaphahumor], usually due to improper life style and dietary habits, and patient is usuallysthula [obese]

2. YAPYA [Controllable] : This includes Pittaja Prameha [predominance of Pittahumor]

3. ASADHYA [Difficult to manage]: This includes Vattaja Prameha [predominanceof Vata humor] patient is usually asthenic or lean. In this situation the diseasebecomes incurable.

Table3. Features of Prameha according to sadyaasadhyata (prognosis)

SADHYA YAPYA ASADHYA

Prognosis Curable Controllable Difficult to manage

Dosha Kaphaja Pittaja Vataja

Etiology Acquired Acquired Hereditary

Physique/Body constitution Obese Asthenic

Clinical Mild hyperglycemia, Moderate Severe hyperglycemiamanifestations hyperglycemia

Hyperinsulinemia

Stage of disease Early/without Acute, young adults Chronic / advanced /process complications with complications

PURVARUPA / PRODROMAL SYMPTOMS [5,6,8]

According to Ayurveda Sanskrit literature and modern medicines the chief symptoms orPurvarupa of Prameha are:

1. Prabhutavilamutrata (polyuria) : Swedawaha srotoavrodha causes increased urinaryout put with turbidity and increased frequency; in Ayurveda this symptom is termedas prabhootavila mootrata [increased output and frequency of turbid urine]

"Prachuram varam varam va mehati mutratyagam karoti yasmin roge sa prameha"(Ma. Ni.)[2]


Table 4: Ancient Indian Medicinal plants, botanical name, key constituentsof the used part of the plant and functions [14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19]

Herb Botanical Ayurvedic Part Used Key FunctionName Name Name Constituents

Devadaru Cedrus deodara Devadaru Bark, Cedrinoside, cedrin, To tackle the causes of oxidative(Cedar, Deodar) Wood toxifonil, cedeodarin, stress (Vata, heart disease

dewarenol, himchalol (Hrid-rog) and diabetes (Prameha)

Vijaysara Pterocarpus Pitasara Kinotanin acid, The bark of the tree is made into a(Indian Kino tree) masrsupium Bark pyrocatechin, wooden glass and the glass is

gallic acis, resin. termed as "The miracle cure fordiabetes". Some water is kept in thewooden glass overnight and isconsumed early morning by diabetespatients. Diabetes support containsextract of bark of this miracle

Jamun Syzygium cumini Jambu Seeds Phenols, Tannings, The powder of the seeds of(Black plum) Alkaloid (Jumbosine), Jamun fruit is very effective in

Clucoside ellagic acid, controlling sugar levels.resin, gallic acid, Astringent is useful for diseasealbumin, etc. caused by concessive sweetness

like obestity and diabetes.

Bel Aegle marmelos Bilwa Leaves Tanning, coumarin, The leaves of Bilva are excellent(Bael fruit tree) umbelliferone, – for diabetes. Used to cure Vata

and dlimonone, and Kapha and also good for Heart.

Karela Memordica Karvellaka / Whole tree, Alkaloid memordicine, Decrease blood glucose level.(Bitter gourd) charanatia Karavella pulp glycosides charantin Rapid protective effects against

and vicine, and lipid per oxidation bypolypeptidep scavenging free radicals.

Reduces increased cholesterol.Reducing the risk of diabeticcomplications.

Methi Trigonella Methika Seeds Moisture, protein, It is used to lower down sugar(Fenugreek) foenum graecum fibre, carbohydrates, ash, levels. as well as cholesterol levels.

calcium, phosphorous,iron, sodium, potassiumand better fixed oil,odourous oil.

Tulsi Ocimum sanctum Sursa leaves Volatile oil, eugenol, Regular use of leaves of this plant(Holy Basil) methyl chavicl, methyl controls blood sugar levels

eugenol, caryophyllene; very effectively.Flavonoids (apigenin, It is also useful in many typesluteolin); Triterpene: of cancers, viral and bacterial(ursolic acid) infections, sore throat, cough

and cold etc.

Daruhaldi Berberis aristata Daruharidra Rhizomes A yellow alkalois The herb powder stimulates pancreas(Indian Barberry) berberine to pump more insulin into blood.

It also helps in preventing insulinresistance among cells.It acts as a channel opener forglucose into the cells. This alsopurifies the blood. Purifying

Haldi Curcuma longa Haridra Rhizomes Volatile oil 1 percent, the blood, channel opener,(Turmeric) curcumin, turmeric oil helps in reducing the insulin resistance.

and yellow colouring Turmeric powder is an effectivematter anti-allergic, anti-cancer, anti-

inflammatory and one of thebest natural anti-diabetics.

Sadabahar Catheranthus Svetakotajah Plant leaves Alkaloids (vincristine, The leaves are very useful in(Periwinkle) roseus/ vinblastine) controlling the diabetes an

(Vinca rosea) anti-cancer and also beneficialfor kidney.

Amla Emblica Amlika Fruits Vitamin C, gallic acid, It prevents ageing and therefore(Indian officinalis tannic acid, glucose, delayes theonset ofGoseberry) albumin, cellulose, complications of diabetes.

calcium.

Gurmar Gymnema Madhunashini Leaves Gymnemic acid, resins, It controls hyperglycemia and(Small Indian sylvestrae Meshshringi bitter, calcium oxzalate, carbohydrat e metabolism in liverIpecacuanha) quercitol and sugar yeast. and in skeletal muscles.

Durike bel Coccinia indica Bimbi Root Cuceubirocin B It control glucose metabolism.and (hypoglycemic principle)Fruit

646

Complication of Vataja Prameha: Include heaviness in the chest, excessive hunger,insomnia, tremors, pain, constipation, cough, and dyspnea. Heaviness in the chest indicatescardiac disorders, and fainting, tremors, etc., may relate to Cardiovascular and cerebraldisorders.

The features of nephropathy are not directly referred to in Upadrava (complications) ofPrameha; these are described in detail in the 20 subtypes of MUTRA BIKARA BHEDAS(As per urinary abnormality). The presence of excessive waste products in the eyes, ears,tongue, etc., discussed as Purvarupa, indicates that these organs would become increasinglydisturbed with the advancement of disease and ultimately retinopathy and other disorderscould develop as a result.

CHIKITSA / TREATMENTCharaka Samhita is a massive treatise on ancient Indian medicine. It contains 8 divisions(Astanga Sthanas): Sutra, Nidana, Vimana, Sarira, Endriya, Chikitsa, Kalps and Siddha-Sthanas. The prameha has been described eloquently and elaborately in Charak Samhitachikistha sthana's 6th chapter, nidana sthana's 6th chapter of Shusurata samhita andPrameha nidana's 33rd chapter of Madava nidana.

According to Ayurvedic point of view the basic principle or Chikitsa Sutra of pramehaare Shodhana [purification] and Shamana [suppression]

i. Shodhana: Shodhana or purification is generally done in obese diabetic (SthulaPramehi) with adequate body strength and requires expertise in assessment ofvitiated doshas and therapy to be applied. A Samshodana (Panchakarma likevamana (emesis), virechana (purging) and later medicines & diet to normalize thecondition (antikapha) treatment. Mismanagement would lead to more harm thanany good. Hence in general practice shaman Chikitsa is prevalent and popular.

ii. Shaman Chikitsa: [acificatory management]: Samshamana means palliativetreatment and Santarpana (antivata) treatment. The herbs used in the managementof DM syndrome (Krusha Pramehi) are bitter, astringent, and pungent in Rasa[taste]. All herbs having these tastes are having some anti-diabetic quality. Whiletreating Diabetes (prameha) herbs are used either individually or with combinationof other herbs or mineral.

HERBS / MEDICINE FOR PRAMEHA [10, 11, 12, 13]

Ayurveda is an indigenous ethnic medical system is popular practice in the Indiansubcontinent since the pre-biblical era. The system's core strength is its holistic approachto health and disease using natural remedies derived from medicinal plants and minerals.The medicines having tikta, katu, kashaya taste are generally considered good in Diabetes(prameha). There are many popular herbs with medicinal value and which still continueto be used in India.

Following herbs are described in ancient as well as modern Ayurvedic texts for solutionof diabetes (Prameha). The major herbs are as follows- Devdaru, Vijaysar, Jamun, Bel,Karela, Methi, Tulsi, Daruhaldi, Haldi, Sadabahar, Amla, Gurmar, Durike bel, Neem,Vjrataru, Siris, Bar, Tuvaraka, Saptrangi, Hulhul/Hurhur. Some important medicinalplants are summarized in table 4.


ReferenceBoominathan R. and S. Panda, 2009. Plant Used in the Cure of Diabetes Mellitus. In P.C.Trivedi ed. Indian Medicinal Plants. Jaipur, Aavishkar Publishers, Distributor, pp74-83.

Dhiman A. K. 2006. Ayurvedic Drug Plants. Delhi, Daya publishing House.

Gupta K. A., Y. N. Upadhyaya, 2007. Vagobhata's Astangahridayam, Vidyotini commentary.Varanasi, Chaukhambha Prakashana.

Hari Sharma, Chandola H. M., 2011. Prameha in Ayurveda: Correlation with Obesity,Metabolic Syndrome, and Diabetes Mellitus. Part 1 – Etiology, Classification, andPathogenesis. THE JOURNAL OF ALTERNATIVE AND COMPLEMENTARY MEDICINE,Volume 17, Number 6, pp.491-496.

Laksham H. C. and R. K. Inchal, 2012. Indigenous Medicinal plants and theirPractical Utiligy. New Delhi, New India Publishing Agency.

Mishra B. In: 9th ed. Bhavmishra, Bhavaprakasa Nighantu., editors. Vol. 1.Nighantu, Varanasi: Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan; 1999. p.11.

Shastri KN, Chaturvedi GN. 2004. Agnivesha, Charaka Samhita, Vidyotini commentary.Varanasi, India: Chaukhamba Bharati Academy.

Shastri A. Susruta Samhita, 2003. Ayurveda-Tattva-Samdipika commentary, 14th ed.Varanasi, India: Chaukhambha Publications.

Shukla V. D., R. D. Tripathi, Agnivesha, Charaka Samhita, Vaidyamanorama Hindicommentary. Delhi, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Pratishthana, 2002. blog. vedantayurveda.com/?tag=charaka-samhita.

Sharma P. V. 1994. Chaukhambia Orientalia; Delhi, Caraka Samhita (English translation).

Srikanta Murthy K. R. Delhi, India: Chaukhambia Orientalia; 1993. MadhavaNidanam (roga viniscaya) of Madhavakara (English translation).

Tiwari A.K., 2005. Wisdom of Ayurveda in perceiving diabetes: Enigma oftherapeutic recognition, CURRENT SCIENCE, VOL.88, NO.7,

Upadhyaya, Y. (ed.), In Madhavanidanam of Sri Madavakara, Part.II. The Kashi SanskritSeries 158, Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan, Varanasi, 1993, 22nd edn, pp.1-27.

Valiathan M. S. 2003. The Legacy of Caraka. Chennai: Orient Longman.

Vikram Chauhan 2012. Ayurvedic Herbs for Diabetes – A Purely Natural Way to ControlSugar Levels. http://EzineArticles.com/?expert=Vikram_Chauhan

Vutya R.K. 2007. Banaspati oushadh vigyan : A complete Book of Indian MedicinalHerbs. Jodhpur, Scientific publishers (India).

648

Neem Azadirachta Nimba, Leaves Bark, Margosine, nimbidine, Detoxifier, Liver stimulant and lowers(Margosa Tree) indica Parimad Seeds nimbine, nimbosterol, the glycosuria, prevent diabetic

tannin, clucose, glucose, vasculopathies and is used toresinous principle, relive kapha and pitta and alsovolatile oil and burning sensation near theflavonoids. heart, fatigue, thirst, fever and

inflammation.

Veerataru Dichrostyches Vellantaro (-)epicatechin and Treating Vata (oxidative stress),cinerea its enantiomer, as a Mutrkrichha (urinary problems),

new isomer Trisna (polydypsea),of(-)mesquitol Kapha mobilizing (e.g.

antidysglycaemic) activities anddiseases of sarkara (sugar).

Siris Albizzia lebbeck Sirisha Fruit, Tannin, saponin Antiprotozoal, hypoglycaemic,(East Indian Seeds and resin anticancerousWalmut)

Bar Ficus Vata Bark, Glycosides Ketones, The back is used in Ayurvedic(Banyan Tree) benghalensis Leaves sterols, ficusin medicine for diabetes.

and bergaptin Glycosides have an antidiabeticactivity, lowering blood sugar level.

Tuvaraka Hydnocarpus Chalmogara, Lead seeds, Glycosides, Luteolin, Anti-hypertiglyceridemicwigthiana Katu Kapittha fruit pulp, Flavolignams (anti-meha and meda)

Saptrangi Salactia Saptrangi Stem, Salicinol, kotalanor, It is used as anti-diabetic. The herboblonga Root sesquiterpene, has been found to have diabetes

& triterpenes controlling properties. It binds toleaves intestinal enzymes alpha-

glucosidases that break downcarbyhydrate into glucose.

Hulhun/Hurhur Cleome Tilparni, Seeds, leaves Vitamins (A and C) Used as anti-diabetic for glucosemetabolism.

(Dog Mustard) gynandra Suriyabhakt, and mineralsAjagandha (Calcium and Iron)

ConclusionAyurvedic medicine focuses on each patient as an individual. It offers natural ways totreat disease and promote health. In order to understand ayurvedic medicine, it importantto learn about its three main ideas, i.e. universal interconnectiveness, prakriti (body'sconstitution) and doshas (life forces). Ayurvedic medicine uses herbs, diet, massage andlifestyle changes to achieve a balance between body, mind and spirit. Thus Ayurvedicpractitioners gather information about the patients dosha balance from questions aboutdiet, lifestyle, illnesses and physical characters and then they plan for nutrition, exerciseand medicine.

Now a days Prameha / diabetes is a most common metabolic disorder in India andaffecting more than 30 million people with type 2 diabetes. Therapies of western medicinescarry the risk of adverse effects and are often too costly especially for the developingcountry like India, where ethnic as well as environment also differ. In India the availableplant compounds are being used to treat Diabetes / Prameha from the ancient time. Inthis review we have focused on the ancient as well as herbal medicine and their keyconstituents and functions, which are the main source of modern medicine and that maybe utmost helpful to the patients as well as to the scientist, scholars, medical or healthprofessionals who are working on diabetes.


Herb Botanical Ayurvedic Part Used Key FunctionName Name Name Constituents

Palaeolithic Tools of Siulibona,District-Bankura, West Bengal:

A Typological and Morphometric Study

Dr. Pinak Tarafdar1, Mr. Subhankar Roy2 and Mr. Dip Pandey3

ABSTRACT

The adjacent areas of Susunia hill at Bankura district of West Bengal showed immenseexistence of Prehistoric sites, those havealready reveled different types of raw materialsand large number oftools starting from Acheulian and onwards cultural stages. Amongthe various sites of the said zone Siulibonais a very significant one, which lies close toa Santal village, known as Siulibona. The present article is based on the study conductedin four phases of field work in the site Siulibona which was methodologically administeredas the short exploratory survey of the spot. It will also describe the geomorphologicalbackground along with the stratigraphic sequence of the site. The study also dealt withdetailed typological descriptions along with the statistical and morphological analysisof collected tools. The work once again categorically reveals some of the basic factsidentified by the eminent scholars as the definite features of the Palaeolithic industryrelated to the explored zone.

INTRODUCTIONSusunia hill and the adjoining areas of the district Bankura of West Bengal is one of theconspicuous Prehistoric cultural zone which is in reality comprised of a number of sitesstarting from cultural stages,such as, Acheulian onwards. Various studies have takenplace in the surrounding areas of Susunia hills. Studies were conducted by the eminentAnthropologists on-behalf of Calcutta University and Anthropological Survey of Indiarespectively (Bhattacharya, 2005: 59-75; Sankhayan et al.2009: 158-162).


1 Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling,West Bengal – 734013,

2 Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling, West Bengal – 7340133 Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal, District – Darjeeling, West Bengal – 734013

652 653Palaeolothic Tools of Siulibona, ………A Typological and Morphometric Study Dr. Pinak Tarafdar, Mr. Subhankar Roy and Mr. Dip Pandey

Siulibana is significant among the sites of the said zone. The site is named after the nameof the adjacent Santal village Silulibona. The present article covers a brief descriptionof the geomorphology the stratigraphic sequence of the site. The authors will presentdetail characteristics features of the identified and selected finished Palaeolithic tools.

The entire study was conducted and divided into four phases starting from the year 2009to 2012. Short exploratory survey was carried out in the field for almost one week ineach year (2009-2012). Along with the surface findings some in-situ tools (both finishedand unfinished) were also collected. Local stratigraphy was studied from the exposedsections and related the collection to the stratigraphic sequence. The site is situated onthe bank of the famous Gandheswari River of the district.

GeomorphologyGeomorphologically the district Bankura is divided in to three categories- i) the hillyzone of west, ii) the undulating red soil area of the centre and iii) the alluvial flat plainin the east (Neogi, 2011, Chapter 6). Susunia hill is situated in the west part of the district.The area has the evidence of denudation of the Chotonagpur Plateau. There are also someresidual flat-topped low hills of Precanbrian age which are deeply weathered forminglateritic crust at the top. There are older rocks of the Archean system like dolerite, granite,gnesis, schist, quartzite and limestone while the Gondwana system includes sandstoneetc (Neogi, 2011, Chapter 6).

Geomorphologically the upland Bengal belongs to a compact geophysical unit lyingbetween Chotonagpur Plateau and Lower Ganga Basin (86-87 30 EL; 24-22 30NL) whichis basically a plateau pane plane region. The tract is bounded by the Purulia-Dhalbhumupland on the west and Rupnarayan plain on the east. The major sections and sub-sectionsof this undulating terrain are the Jamtara upland, the upper and middle reaches of theAjaya-Damodara valley, Susunia upland, upper reaches of the Rupnarayana valley, upperand middle reaches of the Kangsavati valley, south and south-east of the Barabhum uplandand to some extent some limited part of the middle reaches of the Subarnarekha. Thegneiss and schists of Archean age form the eastern boundary of the Chotonagpur Plateau.The quartzite and schist occur mostly as intrusion and reef pendants in the granite gneiss.Red and brown surface soil originated from deeply weathered basaltic rocks. The alluvium,which usually covers the river valley, is derived from decomposed rocks and deposited atthe slopes (Bhattacharya, 1987: 47-52 and 2005: 59-75).

Site and StratigraphyThe site Siulibona lies between 8659-87EL and 2325-2326 NL. The prehistoric site isspread over 4 sq.km.Considerable part of the site lies on the upper bank of RiverGandheswari(Bhattacharya, 2005: 59-75). This said site is situated at a distance of 15 k.m. northwest of the town Bankura, the district headquarter. A number of sections are exposedalong the runnels and streams at different places near the village Siulibona. It is importantto mention that the local cultivators, in their endeavour tried to convert unfertile andpebbly bed land surface to plots of cultivable field, did reclamation by removing thesheet of uppermost surface of silty kankar nodule with chunks of stone pieces. Suchclearing of land has resulted in the exposure of the layerunderneath. The data have addedvaluable information in understanding the sedimentation process and to establish the

local stratigraphy and the contexts of occurrence of the prehistoric tools (Bhattacharya,2005: 59-75).

The Pleistocene deposits in the study area are mostly bothfluvial and aeolian. ThePleistocene sedimentary beds, as identified from observation at different sections, revealsequence of depositional and erosional events in the geomorphology. It is important tomention that no earlier sediments of Lower Pleistocene formation have been observedduring the field work at that place. It appears that the deposit had been carried away byhigh energy bed load fluvial forces. In some places lower Paleolithic tools have beenfound at the upper most level of this deposit. Similar view had also been expressed byboth Bhattacharya (2005) and Shastry (1976) in connection with the study of Prehistorictools and Pleistocene vertebrates from Susunia.

A loosely packed gravel bed with nodule, kankar and reddish yellow silty clay bed ofthin deposit has found in a few places in the Susunia foot hills to the north of the Susuniavillage and at the studied site. Upon this loosely packed gravel lies a bed of loamy claymixedwith kankar and faded yellowish brown or reddish brown soil.

Chief Archaeological Findings:

During the exploration over four consecutive years from 2009 to 2012 concentration wasmainly given on surface collections. In addition to surface collection some in-situ findingswere also made with the proper correlation to related stratigraphy. Out of the large numberof collections only finished tools were identified for the present study. Among them 54tools were finally selected while administering cultural age-wise stratified random samplingmethod. The entire collection of tools from the site mainly belonged to the Palaeolithicperiod which is further divided in to three successive stages. Atotal of 54 tools wereselected for this study.

Among all the collections both fresh and rolled varieties were found. As the terrain ishighly eroded and dissected, therefore it is quite natural that the fresh tools be exposedafter a heavy shower. The rolled ones are carried out by the river water. Both patinatedand fresh varieties of tools were found from the site. On the basis of typological studythe identified and selected tools are categories in to different lithic traditions. The varietiesare belonging to lower, middle and upper Palaeolithic culture. Detailed typologicaldescriptions along with the statistical analysis as required of different tool families aregiven below.

Handaxe: A total of 12 (22.22%) handaxes were found from the site Siulibona whichappears to be second highest incidence of tools found from the site. Out of the 12 handaxes9 were made on core and the rest were on flake. Table 2(A) also showsthat among thetotal 20 core tools there were 9 handaxes, which is about 45%, the highest among allthe collected core tools from the stated site. All the collected handaxes show variationaccording to their size and shapes. Variations are also found in terms of the raw materials.10 handaxes were made on quartzite which is 83.33% of total collected handaxes, rest2 (16.67%) were made on quartz (table-3). Table 4 unfolds the range of variation ofLength, Breadth and Thickness of the collected handaxes. The maximum and minimumlengths are 13.7 cm. and 6.9 cm. with the mean value 10.17 cm. in case of breath it is


9cm. and 3cm. respectively with mean 5.50 cm. The table also reveals the thicknessmeasurement which is 5.2 (max), 2 (min.) and 3.20 (mean) respectively.

Collected hand axes are oflong, oval and triangular shaped. State of preservation showedtwo distinctive categories, fresh and patinated tools, although very few but highly patinatedhandaxes are also present. It is already mentioned that both categories of handaxes madeon ‘core’ and ‘flake’ were in the collected samples. Flakings are more prominent andsharp in case of the latter than the former; both primary and secondary flakings are presentin case of the handaxes made on flake. Generally butt end is oval and striking platformis present in case of handaxes made on flake. Although a few but some of them prominentlyshow the presence of ‘s-twist’ having a probable affiliation with levalloisian technique.Pebbly cortex as a matter of significant mark is present on handaxes made on core. Cross-section varies from lenticular to rectangular in case of hand axes made on core. It istriangular or plano-convex in the context of hand axes made on flake.

Cleaver: Cleaver comprises 5.56% among the total collected tools (table: 1) and it is also15% among the total number of core tools found (table: 2A). Out of the total 3 cleaverscollected 1 is on quartz, another one is on quartzite and rest one is made on pebble. Themaximum and minimum length, breadth and thickness are 13.0, 12.0; 9.6, 7.6; and 6.1,3.0 and the mean for the same are 12.47, 8.06 and 4.43 respectively (table: 4).

The cleavers are mainly medium varieties, among them one is ‘v’ shaped and two are‘u’ shaped. They have transverse cutting edge along with long sinuous lateral marginsdiverging towards the effective end. The surface and edges are meticulously flaked.Among the total collected cleavers two are rolled and patinated another one is fresh. Buttend is heavily tapering. Flake scare is observed on both the surfaces except in one tool.Cross-sections are mostly planoconvex and quadrangular.

Chopper: It is the third highest number of tools associated with chief findings amongthe stone tools collected from the site Siulibona. There are 8 choppers which constitutes14.81% stone tools (table: 1), it also comprises 40% of total collected core tools fromthe site. First time for the chopper it reveals that among 8 tools 4 were made on pebblewhich is 50% among the total collected chopper and among rest, two are on quartz, oneeach on quartzite and sandstone. The mean length, breadth and thickness 7.28, 9.48 and5.36 for further metric data on the same, table 4 shall be the best possible way.

All of them are fully finished and unifacial tools. Some of them were patinated. Butt endis oval and rounded along with irregular and sharp cutting edges. Pebbly cortex issignificantly present. Cross-section is semi-circular and in some cases it is elongated.

Scraper: The highest among all the tools is 23 (42.59%) in number. All of them appeartobelong to the flake industry. Among them 13 are made on quartzite (56.52%), 7 aremade on quartz (30.43%), 2 are on chert (08.70%) and last one is on sand stone (04.35%).As far as data available on table 4 the maximum length, breath and thickness of thecollected scrapers are 8.0, 10.2 and 3.5, the minimum for the same 3.1, 3.3 and 0.9; themean for length is 4.7, breadth 6.41 and thickness 1.80. respectively Table 2(C) unfolds7 categories of scraper among the 23 of collected tools. Convex side scrapers were thechief collected variable among the scrapers comprising 39.13 percent which are 9 amongthe 23. Both end scraper and side scraper constitute 17.39 percent each among the total

collected scrapers. Concave side scraper and transversal side scraper were rare, found 1each which is 04.35 percent only. Among the different categories of scrapersdouble endedside scraper and round scraper are also present each of 2 in number holding 08.69 percentamong the total collected.

As stated the scrapers are of different size and shapes starting from broad and moderatesize to small. Some of them belonging to Acheulian industry are comparatively crude,broader and thicker having less secondary flakings or retouchings. In case of Mousterianscraper step like retouchng along with trimming are present. Most of them have semi-circular working end. The Mousterian scraper are well finished having very sharp effectiveend. The cross-sections are either planoconvex or biconvex.

Blade and Burin: Altogether 6 blades and burins (3 of each) were collected from thesite which make up of 05.56 percent each among all the tools. Percentage is increasedto 08.82 percent among all the identified flake tools only. All the burins were made onquartzite. Among the 3 identified blades 2 were made on quartz (66.67%) and rest ismade on chert (33.33%). For the blade maximum length, breadth and thickness are 9.2,4.5 and 2.7 and minimum length, breadth and thickness are 7.4, 3.0 and 2.1 the mean forthe same 8.03, 3.73 and 2.43. Table-4 also reveals the same metric data on burin forlength 9.2 (max.), 5.9 (min.) 7.77 (mean), breadth 5.2 (max.), 2.7 (min.), 4.23 (mean),thickness 2.6 (max.) 1.0 (min.) 1.8 (mean).

Among the blade tools one knife blade is identified, opposite to the working end theportion is blunted and prominent mark of retouchings are also noticed. Other two areordinary bladeshaving parallel opposite sides. Among the 3 identified blade tools as burin(graver) each has prominent graver facet. The working edge of one of them has aresemblance with screwdriver as stated by Burkitt (1963: 64-69) while classifying thegravers. Roughly triangular cross-section is found in the middle portion of the knife blade.

Others: Two distinctive tools were found from the site Siulibona.One mousterian pointis very significant among them. It is medium and triangular shaped and made of quartz;two lateral margins are converging and providing true pointed effective end. It is madewith broad flake and secondary flakings are found all over the cutting edge.

Another tool was depicted and identified as arrow head (hollow base) which was alsomade on quartz. Leaf shaped flakes are present in both of the lateral margins of the tool.Proper hafting place is also identified at the butt end.

Discussion and AnalysisAs stated in earlier sub-headings the entire identified tools can be divided in to three sub-divisions on the basis of three well-known Pre-historic cultural ages. Hand-axe, cleaverand chopper are the chief findings belonging to lower Paleolithic age; some of the collectedrudimentary side-scrapers were belonging to the above given age where as the rest thosehave significant advanced characteristic features belonging to middle Palaeolithic period.Both blade and burin the conspicuous tools of upper Palaeolithic period were also in theselected list of the collected tools.

The field works were conducted in the four (4) consecutive years so chances of gettingtools were also different and it also signifies the availability frequency of each category


of the tool. A steady availability of both hand-axe and scraper notified that the siteSiulibona is really rich with said tools. Apart from them chopper were also steadilyavailable in every year except in 2009.

Among the total 54 selected finished tools 20 (37.04%) are on core and 34 (62.96%) areon flake. All Lower Palaeolithic tools were made on core but in case of Hand-axe bothmade on core and made on flake were depicted. Some of the advance Acheulian hand-axes were mainly made on flake. Scrapers were the chief among all the middle Palaeolithictools and as stated earlier it has 7 varieties; convex side scrapper were chief among them.Although less in numbers but a steady supply of upper Palaeolithic tools were found.

Different types of raw materials were available and used for making the studied tools.Table 3 shows that the conspicuous raw materials were. quartz, sandstone, pebble, quartziteand chart. Among the total sample tools, 28 (51.85) were made on quartzite which is alsoone of the dominating raw material of the studied zone. Apart from that 16 (29.63) toolswere made on quartz which is also another well available raw material over the said zone.Some tools were also made on chert,and sandstone. It can also be assumed that bothquartz and quartzite were the dominating raw material for the entire Palaeolithic period.Tools were made on pebble as wellbut only chopper and cleaver were made on pebblewhich once again established that pebble as a raw material was mainly associated withthe lower Palaeolithic tools. In this context the availability of both chert and sandstonewere rare. Chopper and scraper made on sandstone were found but chert was used onlyfor manufacturing upper Paleolithic tools along with rare concave scraper.

As far as dimensions of different tools are concerned mean length, breadth and thicknessof lower Palaeolithic tools are much higher in comparison to middle Palaeolithic tools(Table: 4). But for the tools of upper Palaeolithic stage the mean length of the blade andburin are significant while in case of their mean breadth and thickness it is much lessthan the mean of the lower Palaeolithic in the same ladder.

ConclusionThe study categorically reveals once again some of the basic facts identified by the eminentAnthropologists, Palaeontologist and Geologist through their earlier works in the said zoneand adjoining areas. The area definitely has the features of Palaeolithic industry which ismore intensified in the site Siulibona eventually providing plenty of both unfinished andfinished tools belonging specifically to Palaeolithic culture of eastern India. A detailcomparative and descriptive study on different identified and selected tools unfolds theexact typological understanding regarding various Palaeolithic tools manufactured andused by the early man. The article also reveals the understanding and availability ofdifferent raw material used by the prehistoric man for manufacturing their desirable tools.This paper also tried to decipher the co-relation between techno-typological and morphologicalanalysis of different selected tools for getting an idea about the evolutionary sequentialdevelopmental features of them which can also formulate a comprehensive knowledgeabout distinctive Palaeolithic cultural phases in the intervened site.

Table: 1 Different Types of Core and Flake Tools (Siulibona, Susunia)

Sl. No. TOOL Years of Fieldwork

TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total

1. Blade – 01 01 01 0310.00 07.1401 05.56 05.56

2. Burin – 02 01 – 0320.00 07.14 – 05.56

3. Chopper – 03 02 03 0830.00 14.29 16.67 14.81

4. Cleaver 01 – 02 – 0308.33 14.29 05.56

5. Handaxe 03 03 02 04 1225.00 30.00 14.29 22.22 22.22

6. Scraper 07 01 06 09 2358.33 10.00 42.86 50.00 42.59

7. Others 01 – – 01 0208.33 05.56 03.70

Total 12 10 14 18 54100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

Table: 2(A) Tools Made on Core (Siulibona, Susunia)

TOOL Years of Fieldwork

TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total

Chopper – 03 02 03 0850.00 33.33 42.86 40.00

Cleaver 01 – 02 – 03100.00 33.33 15.00

Handaxe – 03 02 04 0950.00 33.33 57.14 45.00

Total 01 06 06 07 20100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00


Table: 2(B) Tools Made on Flake (Siulibona, Susunia)

TOOL Years of Fieldwork

TYPES 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total

Blade – 01 01 01 03

25.00 12.50 09.09 08.82

Burin – 02 01 – 03

50.00 12.50 08.82

Handaxe 03 – – – 03

27.27 08.82

Scraper 07 01 06 09 23

63.64 25.00 75.00 81.81 67.65

Others 01 – – 01 02

09.09 09.09 05.88

11 04 08 11 34

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

Table : 2(C) Types of Scraper (Siulibona, Susunia)

Years of Fieldwork

Tool Types 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total

Concave side – – – 01 01scraper 11.11 04.35

Convex side 01 01 03 04 09scraper 16.67 50.00 50.00 44.44 39.13

Double side – 01 – 01 0 2 Scraper scraper 50.00 11.11 08.69

End scraper – – 02 02 0433.33 22.22 17.39

Round scraper 02 – – – 0233.33 08.69

Side scraper 03 – 01 – 0450.00 16.67 17.39

Transversal – – – 01 01Scraper 11.11 04.35

06 02 06 09 23Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

Table: 3 Raw Materials of the Concerned Tools (Siulibona, Susunia)

Sl. No. TOOL Years of Fieldwork

TYPES Quartz Sandstone Pebble Quartzite Chert Total

1. Blade 02 – – – 01 0366.67 33.33 100.00

2. Burin – – – 03 – 03100.00 100.00

3. Chopper 02 01 04 01 – 0825.00 12.50 50.00 12.50 100.00

4. Cleaver 01 – 01 01 – 0333.33 33.33 33.33 100.00

5. Handaxe 02 – – 10 – 1216.67 83.33 100.00

6. Scraper 07 01 – 13 02 2330.43 04.35 56.52 08.70 100.00

7. Others 02 – – – – 02100.00 100.00

Total 16 02 05 28 03 5429.63 03.70 09.26 51.85 05.56 100.00

Table: 4 Maximum, minimum and mean values of length, breadth andthickness of the following tools (Siulibona, Susunia):

Length Breadth ThicknessTools

Max. Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean Max. Min. Mean

Blade 9.2 7.4 8.03 4.5 3.0 3.73 2.7 2.1 2.43

Burin 9.2 5.9 7.77 5.2 2.7 4.23 2.6 1.0 1.8

Chopper 9.3 6.3 7.28 10.4 7.0 9.48 6.6 4.0 5.36

Cleaver 13.0 12.0 12.47 9.6 7.6 8.06 6.1 3.0 4.43

Handaxe 13.7 6.9 10.17 9.0 3.0 5.50 5.2 2.0 3.20

Scraper 8.0 3.1 4.7 10.2 3.3 6.41 3.5 0.9 1.80


Chart: 1 Different Types of Core and Flake tools (Siulibona, Susunia)

Chart: 2 Tools Made on Core (Siulibona, Susunia)

Chart: 3 Tools Made on Flake (Siulibona, Susunia)

Chart 5 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia)

Chart 6 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia)


Chart: 6 Different Types of Scrapers (Siulibona, Susunia)

Map of Bankura District (Source: www.mapsofindia.com)

Tools Collected from Siulibona, Susunia

Acknowledgements

Our special thanks to the Department of Anthropology, University of North Bengal forproviding necessary infrastructural facil i t ies for the present study.

References

Andrefsky, William, Jr. (1994) “Raw-Material Availabili ty and theOrganization of Technology”, AmericanAntiquity, Chicago: Society for AmericanArchaeology, Vol. 59, No. 1, pp. 21-34.

Iyengar, P., T. Srinivasa (1988) The Stone Age in India, New Delhi: AsianEducational Services


Bhattacharya, Manibrata (1987) “Stages of Prehistoric Culture in Rarh Bengal(A Recent Exploration)”, in Brija MohanaPande and B. D. Chattopadhyaya, eds,Archaeology and History: Essays in Memoryof A. Ghosh, New Delhi, Vol. I, pp 47-52.

Bhattacharya, Manibrata (2005) “Sequence of Acheulian Culture in WestBengal: Geochronological and MorphometricStudy”, Journal of the Department ofAnthropology, University of Calcutta,Kolkata: Calcutta University Press, Vol: 9,No: 1&2, pp 59-76.

Burkitt, Miles, Crawford (1963) The Old Stone Age: A Study of PaleolithicTimes, USA: The Colonial Press Inc.

Camps, Marta and Chauhan, Parth Sourcebook of Paleolithic Transitions:(2009) (eds.) Methods, Theories, and Interpretations, USA:

Springer Science+Buissness Media, LLC

Foote, Robert, Bruce (1912) The Foote Collection of Prehistoric andProtohistoric Antiquities. Notes on their Agesand Distribution, Madras: GovernmentMuseum

Jayaswal, Vidula (1978) Palaeohistory of India, A Study of the PreparedCore Technique, New Delhi: Agam KalaPrakashan

Mitra, Panchanan (1979) Prehistoric India: Its Place in the World’sCultures, Delhi: Bharatiya Publishing House

Neogi, Sayantani (2011) “Scope of Geoarchaeology in depictingthe Early Hominin Environments inthe Gandheswari River Basin of Bankuradistrict, West Bengal”, The Indian Journal ofSpatial Science (e Traverse), Vol. II No. 2,Article 6 (1-4).

Oakley, Kenneth, Page (1956) Man the Tool-Maker, London: Natural HistoryMuseum

Sankalia, Hasmukh, Dhirajlal (1977) Prehistory of India, New Delhi: MunshiramManoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Sankhyan, Anek, Ram (et al.) (2009) “Re-looking at Prehistoric Susunia, WestBengal” in Anek Ram Sankhyan, ed. AsianPerspectives on Human Evolution, New Delhi:Serial Publications, pp 158-162.

Sastry, M.V.A. (1968) “Pleistocene Vertebrates from Susunia,Bankura District, West Bengal”, IndianMinerals, 20 (2), pp 195-197.

Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar:A little known Community of Tamil Nadu

M. Sasikumar1

ABSTRACT

The present study focuses on the matrilineal system with special reference to theArumbukuttam Vellalar of Tamil Nadu. There is no reference about this community inthe early literature. Edgar Thurston’s monumental volumes on “Castes and Tribes ofSouthern India” (1907) do not contain any information on them. The People of IndiaVolume on Tamil Nadu (Vol-XL-1997) also do not give any trace of this community.Following a Newspaper report on existence of a distinctive community with severalpeculiar customs and practices, this researcher undertook a preliminary field study inthe Thiruvadanai taluk of the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu and this paper isthe outcome of that study.

The study shows that the Arumbukuttam Vellalar is not immune to the types of changesthat are taking place among matrilineal societies the world over. However, the processand direction of changes are different. An alternative value system is gradually emerginggiving tremendous pressure to the matrilineal systems in that society and this shift is notdue to a ‘single factor’ but it is a cumulative outcome of wide variety of factors evidentin that society today. Though the impingement has been considerable in some respectsin many other respects their traditional mores have continued unaffected.

INTRODUCTIONThe people of India harbours a variety of kinship systems and this can be broadlycategorised into three: patrilineal, matrilineal, and bilateral. Barring two important pocketsof people following matrilineal systems in the south-west and north-east part of India,rest of Indian population is predominantly patrilineal. People following bilateral systems,with both parents being relevant for reckoning kinship and for claiming rights to resourcesare comparatively less in Indian population. There are also communities who reckondescent matrilineally but follow patrilineal mode of inheritance and succession patterns.In India matrilineal system is highly diversified and transformed. The Khasis and Garosof Meghalaya are the important tribal groups who follow the matrilineal system in the


1Dy. Director, Anthropological Survey of India, Andaman & Nicobar Regional Centre, Port Blair

Myths of OriginThe elderly members of the community narrated the following legendary accounts on theorigin of the Arumbukuttam Vellalar. The story tells like this, long ago their ancestorslived in a fort at Srivaikuntam in Tinneveli District. At that point of time they were knownas Kottai Pillamar or Kottai Vellalar as they lived inside the kottai (fort). They were strictvegetarians. Their womenfolk lead a strict secluded life and were not permitted to comeout of the fort. Banishment from the community was the punishment given to the accused.Their proscription in marrying anyone outside their group was very strong. The beautyof their womenfolk was well known and once an aracan (king) made a proposal to marrythe daughter of their chief. This was strongly objected by them as marriage outside thecaste was against the norms of the community. The king felt ashamed and engaged inmischievous acts to disgrace their chief. Hurt by such an act, a section of them decidedto leave Srivaikundam and settled at Thirupathur and still latter migrated to their presenthabitat near and around Thiruvadanai.

A group of people called Kottai Vellalar, most of them now being migrated to other areas,lived at Srivaikuntam within a fort observing strict seclusion of women. The similaritiesin the cultural practises of these two communities were shown as evidence to substantiatethe authenticity of the story. Similar to the Kottai Vellalar the Arumbukuttam Vellalar alsoobserved seclusion of women in the past and were strict vegetarians. There were alsosimilarities in their personal names and economy (both were agricultural based) as well.

The Arumbukuttam Vellalar maintained a distinctive cultural identity with several oftheir peculiar customs and practises. Agricultural based economy, matrilineal rule ofdescent and inheritance, matrilineal authority structure, duolocal (now matrilocal) residencepattern and many other related customs and practises made them distinct from othergroups and communities living around them.

Their womenfolk were traditionally prohibited from going out of their villages and wereforbidden from crossing rivers. Likewise, their men folk were interdicted from crossingthe sea. They perpetuated their unique identity by practising caste endogamy. Conventionally,they did not have received food and water from any other caste other than Brahmins.

Derivation of the TermOthers usually spell the name of the community as Arumpukutti Vellalar. But they callthemselves as Arumbu Kutram or as Arumbukuttam Vellalar. There are different storiesregarding the derivation of the term. According to some they were called after the nameof the village known as ‘Arumbur’, which is believed to be their original village. Accordingto few others the name indicates the Vellalar with wreaths of the aram pu (aram flower)which is one of the decorative flowers of God Siva. Still a few others have given an entirelydifferent etymological explanation. Arumbu in Tamil means flower buds. Due to thesimilarity in shape with the flower buds the nose rings are also sometimes called by thesame term ‘arumbu’. Arumbu-kutra means those who do not pierce their nose. This isattributed to their custom of non-piercing of nose. Some others have tried to originate theterm from the words arappu (meaning to cut) and ketta (do not tie) i.e., once cut never tieowing to their custom of one marriage to their women. Once they sever the tali they cannever be tie it again as remarriage of women is strictly prohibited among them.

668

north-east part of India. Though neighbours geographically, the two communities aredistinct with reference to the structure and composition of the descent groups and withrelation to inheritance and residential patterns (Sasikumar 2005). Rabhas, a tribal communityof West Bengal, which traditionally followed matrilineal system, is now in a transitionalstage from matriliny to patriliny (Raha 1989). The Nayar of Kerala was a classical examplefor matrilineal communities in India. The Thiyyar of North Kerala and Mappilas of northKerala and Lakshadweep islands were also matrilineal at one point of time. Interestingly,a section of the Namboodiri Brahmins of North Kerala (Payyanur Brahmins) had followedthe matrilineal system till a few decades back (the rest of Namboodiri Brahmins in Keralahave been strict observant of patrilineal system). The Kurichians, a tribal community ofKerala, is well known for its matrilineal system of kinship and descent. Among them theancestral properties were owned collectively and inheritance was strictly matrilineal. Thewives stay with their husbands and they rejoin her natal family when their husbands dieor when they get divorced. This combination of partly patrilocal residence and matrilinealdescent, though described as dysfunctional by some authors (Driver in Honigmann (Ed.)1975:338), had been a characteristic feature of the Nayars of North Kerala for centuries(C.f. Gough 1961:390,399) and which continued still recently among the Kurichias(M.Sasikumar 1996). The Tamil castes and communities like Kottai Vellalar, Maravarand Illathu Pillamars also followed matrilineal descent but had not adopted matrilinealdescent and succession patterns (Thurston: 1975 (Reprint).

The present study focuses on the matrilineal system with special reference to theArumbukuttam Vellalar of Tamil Nadu. There is no reference about this community inthe early literature. Edgar Thurston’s monumental volumes on “Castes and Tribes ofSouthern India” (1907) do not contain any information on them. The recently publishedPeople of India Volume on Tamil Nadu (Vol-XL-1997) also does not give any trace ofthis community. Following a Newspaper report on existence of a distinctive communitywith several peculiar customs and practices this researcher undertook a preliminary fieldstudy in the Thiruvadanai taluk of the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu and thispaper is the outcome of that study.

Area

The Arumbukuttam Vellalar live in ‘twelve and half’’ villages in the Thiruvadanai talukof the Ramanathapuram district of Tamilnadu. These villages are found scattered within a diameter of ten kilometres. These twelve and half villages are; Keezhe Arumbur,Mele Arumbur, Mukilthakam, Thiruvettiyoor, Pullakudi, Vilathur, Kottakudi, Kallikudi,Surampuli, Vahaikudi, Arunuttimangalam, Aayiraveli and Kattukudi.

In the village of Kattukudi there lives only one family and hence considered as ‘halfvillage’ by them and thus constitute twelve and half villages. Besides them there are twoother recently occupied villages, Valiyakottai and Konnakudi; they are considered as thesubsidiary villages of Arunuttimangalam and Surampuli respectively and hence notcounted separately. A few educated who could enroll in Government services have recentlymigrated and settled in nearby towns like Devakottai and Karakkudi but they always keeptheir ties with their natal family and attend all the familial functions and ceremonies.

669Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu M. Sasikumar

vessels were kept unused and were considered as a family treasure. It may use in futureto present as gifts at the time of marriage of a female member of the family or dividedamong the female members at the time of partition. The male members of the family didnot have any claim over the vessels though most part of them might have received asgifts at the time of their marriages.

At one point of time the Arumbukuttam Vellalar were vegetarians. A few still adhere tosuch practises. With in the same family some may follow vegetarianism and others non-vegetarianism. Traditionally they would not take food from any other castes other thanBrahmins.

Household ChoresThe Arumbukuttam Vellalar women remained indoor in the past and generally did notattend any outdoor work as they considered it as demeaning to their status. They havebeen confined to a variety of household chores. They would be busy with several kindsof routine tasks including cooking, cleaning, washing, carrying water, drying the paddyetc. It is not an easy task to cook for a joint family which consisted thirty to hundredmembers. All the womenfolk jointly undertake these activities in a coordinate manner.Elderly ladies keep an eye on everything and any action of disrespect or disobedienceon the part of youngsters would be reproached. Nowadays increasing scarcity of agriculturallabourers and the consequent rise in the wage rates tempt many of them to attend outdoorworks in their own fields. Even not a single case of women folk working for wages inothers farm was reported. Men work in their own lands only. Working for wages isconsidered to be demeaning their status. Except for a very few who work in governmentservices and who engaged in petty trades, agriculture is the mainstay. The men folk wouldbe occupied with a variety of activities associated with agriculture during agriculturalseason. During lean season they remained idle without having much work to attend. Thechildren are now attending schools. The female children assist their elders in their regularhousehold activities whereas the male children do not have much to share with theirelders. The girls generally did not attend school once they attained puberty.

The People AroundA cluster of houses of Pallar community surrounds most of the Arumbukuttam Vellalarvillages. Other castes and communities were not normally found. A few households ofbarber and washer men castes were also found in some villages. All these three groupshave traditional ceremonial and service relations with the Arumbukuttam Vellalar. Thewasher men and barber communities were traditionally obliged to provide certain specificduties at different life cycle ritual events. The Pallars are agricultural labourers in theirland. As the Pallars have now acquired their own agricultural lands and busy with theirown works, the Arumbukuttam Vellalar face scarcity of agricultural labourers. Still allthese communities maintain a cordial relationship.

EconomyThe economy of Arumbukuttam Vellalar was rolling around the land and agriculture.Agriculture was their mainstay. Most families possessed land varying from twenty to twohundred acres. The yield from the land provided their food as well as cash requirementsthrough its sale. The agricultural operations were fully dependent on climate and onlyone crop could be raised in a year due to the non- availability of sufficient water for

670

Dress and OrnamentsIn the past both men and women were said to have worn only a waistcloth. Nowadays,their womenfolk wear sari and blouse and men dhoti and shirt when they go outside andlungi and shirt while at home. Both men and women were raised their hair in the past.Women used to tie it into a knot behind whereas men tied their hair in a knob on the topof his head (kondai). In the past there were families of barbers attached to eachArumbukuttam Vellala family who were paid in kind in the form of paddy sheaves at thetime of harvest. Now the services of caste barbers are availed only during the observancesof certain rituals and ceremonies.

Widows follow a peculiar dress style to distinguish them from others, where as, no suchstipulation are there for widowers. Widows did not wear any ornaments other than thefinger ring, which is to be adorned her by her deceased husband’s kin on the tenth dayof his death. They were barred from tying hair, applying sindhur and drawing eyelashes.They also did not use any cosmetics as it enhances their beauty. She used to wear onlya white dhoti around her waist and another to cover her breasts. They strictly adhered tosuch taboos. For the first one month after her husband’s death she was even restrainedfrom applying oil.

Villages and HousesTheir traditional houses were very huge in structure, spacious and built of costly materials.In every village there found a few such houses built keeping the structure and style oftheir traditional houses with granite pillars and floorings. The structural enormity of theirhouses fulfilled the functional need to accommodate a huge joint family comprising thirtyto hundred members.

Some houses are built with an open space at the centre. When the original family growsand space becomes insufficient to accommodate them, it may divide and such offshootsmay build annexure at the rear ends to meet the rising requirements of space to dwell.Such annexure may also build on a separate street little far from the main block. Thoughthe families separate, they all maintain the interrelationships and cooperate in all the day-to-day activities, as they are all consanguineal kins. A long and spacious varandha is aspecial feature. This space is utilized to store paddy grains during harvesting seasons.The surroundings of the houses are kept very neat and tidy.

There would be very large drying yards in every village. This may be either attached totheir houses in the front or at a distance from home. The straws are kept securely in to abundle at one corner of the yard. The yard would be kept secured from the stray animalsby erecting fences of thorny plants from all sides.

There were also huge patti-s, (an enclosure fenced from all sides with thorny plants) tokeep their cattle. Such patti-s would not have any roofs. The cattle were exposed in it tosun and rain. The herds in the past included large number of cows, buffaloes and goats.Nowadays it is reduced in to a few cows. It met the manure requirement for agricultureand milk needs of the family.

Each household possessed a rich collection of brass and bronze vessels of varying sizesand shapes. Such collections were enriched further with the marriage of a male memberof the family. Presentation of gifts in the form of vessels and other receptacles to thebridegroom’s family by the bride’s parents were customary among them. Most such


exogamy. Though all the seven kilais were of equal status, the munayar kilai claims asuperior position owing to their material prosperity in terms of land. Even though the malemembers do not have any right over the lineage property, members of other lineages alwaysprefer to give daughters in marriage to boys of munayar kilai as they believed that suchmarital alliances with a superior lineage would enhance their status in the society as well.

Descent, Inheritance and Locality PatternsThe largest descent group is the kilai and its membership is determined by one’s birth.They followed matrilineal rule of descent i.e., a newborn would automatically belong tothe lineage and family of his/her mother. There would not have been any change in thelineage membership after marriage. Under matrilineal system of descent the womenalways retain membership of her natal lineage. But in patrilineal societies she may eitherdo so or be absorbed into her husband’s lineage after marriage.

The most important function of lineage among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar is the regulationof marriage. The marriage of a male ego to his mother’s sister’s daughter is prohibited,as they are members of same lineage and hence classified as brother and sister. Theycannot even think of marrying one’s own sister’s daughter (uncle niece marriage) as bothof them belong to the same kilai. As the male ego belongs to a kilai different from thatof his mother’s brother’s daughter (matrilateral cross cousin) and from that of his father’ssister’s daughter (patrilateral cross cousin) marriage with them is with in the permittedcategory. Marriage with matrilateral cross cousins was the most preferred type of marriageamong the Arumbukuttam Vellalar since it helps to confine lineage property with in thesame kin group. It also would not break any kinship rules. Lineage exogamy is the generalrule of marriage; it is maintained through the institution of cross cousin marriage.

The cross cousin marriage is of two types; marriage of a man with his father’s sister’sdaughter (patrilateral cross cousin) and marriage with one’s mother’s brother’s daughter(matrilateral cross cousin). Though the Arumbukuttam Vellalar practises both, (symmetricalcross cousin marriage) the latter type is more popular.

The right over the property (both movable and immovable) was rested on the women ofthe family. Property transmission is done from mother to daughters. In the absence of thelatter, it will go to the former’s sisters and their daughters. In the past, man surrenderswhatever possession he earned by his own to his sisters and their daughters and neverto his own children. Some deviations could be observed to this rule today as few of themhave passed their earned property to their own children. If the spouses of his own childrenwere nieces and nephews of his own, such transmission of property normally would notcreate any stress or strain in the community. Formerly when duo local residence was invogue, the eldest male member of the family managed the ancestral property, but he hadno right to alienate any portion of it and transmitted through female line.

The Arumbukuttam Vellalar followed the duo local form of residence in the past. Thewives continue to stay in their natal home and their husbands visiting them occasionallythere. Duo locality is often associated with the matrilineal descent. Recently there occurredsubstantial changes in the residence rules from duolocal to matrilocal, whereby the coupleis expected to reside with the wife’s relatives after marriage. This has caused for thestructural changes in the composition of joint families. The joint family found among theArumbukuttam Vellalar today is only a conglomeration of a few nuclear families.

672

cultivation. The Arumbukuttam Vellalar villages are situated near to the Bay of Bengaland hence the ground water is saline and cannot be used for agricultural purposes.

The members of Pallar community were the source of cheap agricultural labour. EachArumbukuttam Vellalar family has a cluster of their own dependent Pallar families towork in their land for food and for a small sum received in kind. This system of symbioticrelationship worked well as the cost of production involved was too low and the yieldwas sufficient to support the system. Every Arumbukuttam Vellalar family also ownedlarge number of cattle, which includes cows, buffaloes, and goats. This supplied themwith manure and milk as well as the draught animals to plough their lands. The initialworking capital required to undertake the work was virtually very low.

With the gradual incursion of money economy the system has got a twist. ThoseArumbukuttam Vellalar who found it difficult to carry on the agricultural operationson their own, engaged in share cropping with others. The Pallar community supplied therequired labour force and the yields have been shared equally among them. With theadditional income thus earned, they began to purchase small plots of land from theirformer masters and in due course they accumulated properties of their own. This flowof land to the Pallar community who were once the source of cheap labour, have createdhigh demand for labour force during peak seasons as the they would be busy with theagricultural operations in their own land. This situation has led the Arumbukuttam Vellalarto introduce labours from neighbouring districts which increased the cost of production.The increasing cost of production and the frequent crop failure due to the non- availabilityof sufficient rainfall affected the agriculture negatively and their agriculture-based economyis facing serious threat. Their past glory and aristocracy hindered them from indulgingin any other area of work except in job in Government services and some petty trades.

Now there is a drastic fall in the number of cattle population. The fall is owing to thenon- availability of labour force to herd them. The mechanization introduced in the fieldof agriculture has also curtailed the demand for draught animals and the increasing useof chemical fertilizers has limited the use of bio-fertilizers including the cow dung basedmanures. They alienated a major chunk of their landed property through its sale to meetthe expenses connected with rituals related to different life cycle rituals like birth, marriageand death.

Social StructureThe Arumbukuttam Vellalar is an endogamous group with no subdivisions among them.But there exists a principal variety of descent group called kilai, which is equallent to theEnglish word lineage. It is a unilineal descent group. Members of a group would reckonthe descent in each generation from the epical ancestor. That is one can trace thegenealogical links between himself and that ancestor. Each such kilai is an exogamousgroup and marriage between members of same kilai was strictly prohibited.

Seven such kilai (lineages) was found among them. They are;Agastiar, Devendra, Kathrama, Kuppa, Munayar, Teethar and Podu.

The last three lineages were considered as Akka-thankachchi kilai-s (sister lineages).These three kilais are believed to be separated from the same ancestor. Marriages betweenmembers of these three kilais were prohibited. Now a days due to the non-availabilityof adequate marriageable partners, there is a tendancy to break such rules of sister lineage


senior to the girls or vice versa. As the community is very small such considerations ofage never worked as the non-availability of marriageable boys often pose difficulty ingetting another mate.

Child marriages (paliya vivaham) were very common till 1975. During the period ofemergency this was desisted by an organization called Arumbukuttam Vellala MunnettaSangham. This organisation strongly objected the custom of child marriage and succeededin seeing that the community discontinued it. According to the norms and values of thecommunity the marriage of a girl was to be conducted before the attainment of puberty.If failed to marry before attaining puberty, nobody marry her and she had to die as aspinster.

Among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar the marriages were taken place before puberty andit would be consummated on attainment of puberty. The first ritual was called thirumanamand the second santhimuhurtham or redusanthi. Among several matrilineal communitieslike Nayars and Kurichians of Kerala, the pre- puberty marriage was only a ceremonycalled thirandukalyanam in which the person who ties the tali had nothing to do with thegirls’ later life. But in the case of Arumbukuttam Vellalar it was a real marriage and theperson who tied the tali was her husband. In the latter case santhimuhurtham was the postpuberty ritual that marks consummation of marriage.

Remarriage (marumanam) was prohibited for a woman. Men are free to remarry. Divorcestaken place very rarely but the community often discouraged it. While polyandry isprohibited polygyny existed. A man could marry sister or sisters of his wife at a time(sorroral polygyny). When pre puberty marriage was the order of the day occurrence ofpolygynous marriages of sorroral type was on the high because the husband of a girl’ssister was usually requested to marry her when her parents find it difficult to find a propermate for the girl. There was also compulsion that marriage has to be taken place beforepuberty.

Adult marriage is the rule now. It is the girl’s relatives who initiate the marriage andsearch for the boy. Though the Arumbukuttam Vellalar community was a female orientedone, the payment of dowry was a necessary pre-requisite to arrange any marriage. Beforethe selection of a boy for their daughter her parents look at the economic background ofthe family of the boy concerned. They always prefer a family of equal economic background.Such consideration of economic condition of the family of the boy always lead to asituation in which several man had to continue an unmarried life, as no proposal fromthe girl’s side would come owing to their poor economic conditions. Under such situation,the boy’s family members come forward to give a share of their family property to thegirl’s family to get the boy’s marriage done. In such cases the girl’s parents would payonly a nominal amount as dowry.

Marriage RitualsThirumanam (pre-puberty marriage). This ritual is now obsolete. It was observed on afixed day at the bride’s residence. For a girl this ritual was performed between the ageof two and ten. The matrilateral uncles of the girl find out a suitable boy, preferably thegirl’s own cross cousin. It might even fix at the time of the birth of the child itself.Individual preferences and likes and dislikes did not have a role.

674

The Joint FamilyThe Arumbukuttam Vellalar lived in joint families comprising thirty to hundred members.Though a few such joint families still found existing, the joint family system in its originalform is on the decline owing to their recent shift in their post marital residence patterns.

Each such joint family in its original form was the economically self-reliant unit ofArumbukuttam Vellalar society. The senior most male member was the head of the familywho commanded incessant respect and absolute obedience. Members of three to fourgenerations lived together sharing a single kitchen. All the ancestral property was ownedcollectively and inherited strictly matrilineally. The joint family strictly consisted membersfrom a single lineage (kilai). The duolocal pattern of residence enabled them to followthis rule. Only the head of the family had the right to take important decisions but hediscussed the important issues with all the members of the family. The elderly femalemembers, mostly the sisters of the head, shouldered responsibilities like cooking andentrusted different duties to other women members of the household. As the family didnot consist members from other families or lineages there existed cordial atmosphere inthe family.

A joint family generally consists an elderly male member, his brothers and sisters, hissisters’ children and grand daughters’ children. When a joint family grew in size it brokeup into smaller units and in due course is regarded as an independent family. Though theeldest male member was the head of the family, the families usually were known in thename of the eldest female member.

The matrilineal joint family was also the economic unit for holding property. This hasfacilitated the avoidance of subdivision and fragmentation of familial property to a greatextend. The family property could be partitioned only in the due process of customarylaw. The women enjoyed a higher economic and social status in the family. Besides thehousehold chores they also participated in the economic activities like agriculturaloperations. The joint family system is now under stress and threat due to the gradualemergence of nuclear families.

Institution of MarriageCross cousin marriage is the most preferred type of marriage among the ArumbukuttamVellalar. Uncle niece marriages, a common type among some of their neighbouringcommunities, were even unthinkable for Arumbukuttam Vellalar as both of them belongsto the same lineage (kilai).

The community follows caste endogamy and kilai exogamy. Excommunication from thecommunity was the punishment for the violation of such rules. Though a few cases ofviolation of caste endogamy were reported no case of breaking kilai exogamy was noted.The non-availability of marriageable partners have recently tempted them to break therule of sister lineage exogamy (akka thankachi kilai-s).

The marriage of an Arumbukuttam Vellalar might engage with somebody even at thetime of its birth. Once engaged they normally adhere to the norms and rarely breaks suchconcords. The opinion of the boys and girls were never sought. The comparative agesof boys and girls were not an important matter of concern. The boy may be several years


Reception is on the second day. The couple continued to stay in the boy’s residence fora maximum of one month. Then she returns to her own house. Her husband will also shifthis residence to her house subsequently.

Pregnancy and Child BirthOn the seventh or ninth month of pregnancy they observe a ritual called seemandamuhurtham. This ritual is now obliterated. This was observed only for the first pregnancyat the pregnant women’s natal home. The pregnant woman’s mother-in-lawfollowed by a few close relatives visit her house and bring with them new clothes, a silverspoon, and a silver tumbler. They adorn a grinding stone by dressing it as if it is a realchild. While the pregnant woman stands kneeling forward holding the decorated stone,her mother-in- law pours seven spoon-full of milk over her back. Only a very few closerelatives are invited to this function. Then a feast is served.

Death or Cessation of LifeThe Arumbukuttam Vellalar generally cremates the dead. Those who died of small poxand those who met an early death (children below the age of ten) are usually buried. Thedead body is washed and covered with a new cloth. Men and widows are wrapped withwhite clothes where as women whose husband’s are alive are covered with red clothes.The corpse is kept in front of the house to accord the last opportunity to friends andrelatives to see. The people who come to see the dead make some cash presentationscalled Vaykarissi kasu, which can later be given to the community washer man. A similarpresentation, which make at the cremation ground will go to the barber. The corpse iscarried to the cremation ground (mayanam) on a bier called padai or badai. The eldestson or nephew lights the pyre. The eldest son is the chief mourner.

Kiruke, the pollution ending ceremony, is observed on the 11th or 13th or 15th day. Thecommunity barber and the chief mourner followed by others go to the cremation groundand collect the bones in a mud pot. The charcoal is then made in to a heap and a plantcalled perandai is planted over it. They then perform kappu ritual in which the barberpours enne kappu, elani kappu, and pal kappu. After this ritual the chief mourner followedby the barber, goes to the sea and flow the pot comprising the bones. After a dip bath inthe sea they bring a pot full of water along with them to the house where the death tookplace.

A Brahmin priest lights a sacred fire and perform a homam. He purifies the house andthe surroundings with the seawater they brought. If the dead is a man, all the ornamentsof the widow are removed and she is adorned with a golden finger ring by her deadhusband’s relatives. She cannot remarry.

Representatives from all the twelve and half villages and relatives attend the ritual. Withthe performance of this ritual the pollution (thitu) is removed, Titi is celebrated on thecompletion of one year.

ConclusionMatrilineal systems in its traditional form are hardly in existence any where in the world.Matrilineal descent groups gradually disintegrate under economic changes brought aboutby contact with western industrial nations (K. Gough 1961:631). Fortes (1949:60-61)sees that unstable social system produced by occupational differentiation, stratification

676 677Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu M. Sasikumar

All the relatives were invited towards the function. The boy ties the tali round the neckof the girl. A feast would follow. The couple continues to live in their respective housesand the marriage was consummated after performing another ritual called redu santhi orsanthimuhurtham on the attainment of puberty. If the tali tier died even before theconsummation of marriage, she was considered to be a widow and forbidden fromremarriage. This custom was in practice till the year 1975, when it was desisted thanksto the initiatives taken by an organization called Arumbukuttam Vellalar MunnettaSangham.

Marriage: The marriage of a girl is arranged only after the attainment of puberty. Theinitiative of the marriage has to come from the side of the girl’s party. Following the formalproposal from the girl’s side, the boy’s relatives consisting about ten members, visit girl’sresidence and formally inform their consent. The party return after a small reception. Thebetrothal (nischayartham) is announced along with the fixation of wedding date.

Betrothal is observed at the bride’s residence. The boy’s party, comprising ten to twentyfive members arrive by noon. Handing over of dowry, by the girl’s mother’s brother toboy’s mother’s brother was the first ritual they perform. This is followed by themanayaduppu idal ritual. The girl followed by a group of women, ritually puts a handfulof soil both at the courtyard and the side yard. All the womenfolk who follow the girlrepeat the same. It is here at the courtyard they build the mana (marriage platform) andat the side yards the aduppu (hearth).

Posting the muhurthakal or mothakkal is another ritual. The girl’s maternal uncle fixesa post at the right side of the yard to erect the pandal (shed) for the marriage. The postis decorated with the leaves of mango tree and the neem and sindhur and sandal paste.After this ritual all the invitees bless the girl by placing their hands on her head whileshe kneeling and touching their feet. A vegetarian (saiva) feast follows.

Marriage take place at the bride’s residence in a shed built for the purpose. A decoratedplatform called mane is built at the centre of the shed in front of the courtyard. The shedis decorated with clothes (mattu kettathu) by the members of the Mannan (washer men)caste. For that service they have to be paid in cash. The auspicious time for the marriageis fixed consulting the local priests. Marriages are performed mostly on Mondays, asthey consider auspicious for such rituals and ceremonies. Relatives are invited to themarriage by sending patrikas (invitations).

The groom’s party is received at the outskirts of the village with music and conductedto the girl’s house. The boy’s party bring with them the tali (marriage badge) and clothesfor the girl and her relatives. The sacred fire lighted and homam was performed by theBrahmin priest. Kappu (a cloth string immersed in turmeric powder) is tied at the wristsof both the boy and the girl by their respective maternal uncles. The tali is tied either bythe sister or mother of the groom which he placed round her neck, for that, the tali tierhas to be paid a sum called talikettu panam by the girl’s parents. While tying the tali allgathered would bless them by sprinkling achchathai (raw rice mixed with turmericpowder). The couple then seek blessings from all the people gathered who are elder tothem. A vegetarian feast follows.

comprise members from different lineages where as among the Arumbukuttam Vellalarthe members would exclusively form a single lineage. But now the Arubbukuttam Vellalaris changing fast adopting the matrilocal form of residence. They are also shifting speedilytowards nuclear family mode.

This changing trend in residence rule and family structure has also brought its aftermathsin the authority structure of the community. When the adult male stay with his wife inthe latter’s house, there would be vacuum of responsible male members at home to lookafter the family matters. The in-married male members on the other hand did not haveany say in the family matters of their wives as they retain their membership in their ownfamilies and kilai-s. Under such circumstances the authority rests on the elderly femalemembers. This shift of authority structure from the men to women is a seldom found evenamong the matrilineal communities. Thus the Arumbukuttam Vellalar society, which wasmatrilineal, and duolocal are now a society following matrilineal descent and inheritance,matrilocal residence and to a limited sense matriarchal in authority patterns.

ReferencesColson, E. 1961. “Plateau Tonga” in Matrilineal Kinship, ed. by Schneider, D.M and K.Gough. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Fortes, M. 1949. “Time and Social structure : An Ashanti Case study”. In social Structure, ed. by Fred Eggan and Meyer Fortes. London: Oxford University Press.

Honigmann, J. J. Ed.1997. Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology. Jaipur: Rawat Publications.

Mitchell, J. Clyde. 1956. The Yao Village. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Raha, M.K. 1989. Matriliny to Patriliny: A Study of the Rabha Society. New Delhi: Gian Publishung House.

Sasikumar.M. 1996. “The Kurichias” in Menon and Sasikumar. Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes Vol-II. Trivandrum: International School of Dravidian Linguistics.

Sasikumar. M. 2005. Matriliny and Masculinity among the Khasis: A study in retrospectand Prospect. Unpublished Report. Kolkata, Anthropological Survey of India.

Schneider, David.M and K.Gough. 1961. Matrilineal Kinship. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Thurston,E. 1975(Reprint). The Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Delhi: Cosmos Publications.

Turner, V.W. 1957. Schism and Continuity in an African Society. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

678 679Matriliny among the Arumbukuttam Vellalar: A little known Community of Tamil Nadu M. Sasikumar

by income, education and rank, geographical and social mobility, as well as disparatevalues in religious beliefs are root causes for disintegration of matrilineal systems.Economic changes brought by changes in production relations because of culture contactstempt communities like Rabhas to choose the path of change (Raha 1989). Introductionof cash crop farming and subsequent economic changes have brought radical kinshipchanges among many matrilineal communities like Tonga, Ndembu, Yao, Ashanthi andNayar (Colson: 1961, Turner: 1957, Mitchell: 1956, Fortes: 1949, Gough: 1961).

The Arumbukuttam Vellalar is not immune to the types of changes that are taking placeamong matrilineal societies the world over. However, the process and direction of changesare different. An alternative value system is gradually emerging giving tremendouspressure to the matrilineal systems in that society and this shift is not due to a ‘singlefactor’ but it is a cumulative outcome of wide variety of factors evident in that societytoday. Though the impingement has been considerable in some respects in many otherrespects their traditional mores have continued unaffected.

As stated earlier, the joint family system is on the decline and is rapidly changing in itsstructure and function. Several factors were responsible for this change, the most importantbeing the emergence of individualistic outlook of the youngsters. Their psychologicalurge to lead a nuclear family life might also tempted them to shift the post maritalresidence pattern from duolocal to matrilocal, which gave a twist to the joint familysystem. Now several families live under the same roof portioned into several compartmentshaving its own kitchen and each one occupied by a separate matrilocal nuclear familyconsisting of a woman her husband and their unmarried children. This is the widely foundpattern of residence and type of family among them today. These structural changes inthe composition of joint families have brought sharp change in their attitude towardschildren. Now they are getting much parental care. In their traditional social and familialset-up the interests of the children were not given proper concern. The maternal unclesas the head of the family often neglected the personal interests of their nephews andcompelled them to engage in a variety of minor activities like rearing the cattle etc. anddid not have shown much interest in their education.

There are some basic differences in the structure and functions of the joint family systemsof the Arumbukutttam Vellalar and that of the other known matrilineal communities ofSouth India. The Nayars and Kurichias (a tribal community) were classical examples ofmatrilineal communities in Kerala who lived in joint families. The Muslims of NorthMalabar and Luccadeive Islands is another community, which followed such a system.

On marriage, a woman may leave her natal home and joins her husband among the Nayarsand Kurichias. The wives stay with the husbands, but the children remain in the father’sfamily till they were about five or six years old. They then go and join their mothersfamily. Only when her husband dies or if she were divorced the women would join hernatal family. But among the Mappila Muslims of North Malabar on marriage the husbandchange his residence and join his wife’s household.

Contrary to these two systems, the Arumbukuttam Vellalar followed a duolocal form ofresidence. It neither corroborate with the Nayar or Kurichia systems nor with the Mappila(north Malabar) system of residence. The Nayar, Kurichia, and Mappila joint family may

Assessment of the Functioning ofInstitutions: Criteria and Approaches

S. B. Roy1

ABSTRACT

When a group or collection of individuals organises itself explicitly for the purpose ofpursuing certain of its interests together in a co-operative way, an association is saidto be born. If one desires to improve the system, one has to monitor the process throughmeasurable, simple, practical and cost-effective indicators. It has been a challenging yetexciting task to develop indicators to monitor the activities of the human society, vis-à-vis ecological and economic aspects. The author will emphasize the indicators of theprocess of assessment of functioning of institutes and developing criteria and approaches.

INTRODUCTIONHumans like any other living species requires a wide range of natural resource inputssuch as biomass, minerals, water, fuel, etc, for survival needs, wellbeing and security.Always there is an existence of material needs and wants. There are number of ways inwhich natural resource constitute or enable flows into human life support system (ClaytonEt al, 1996). Human depend on the products of economic processes, such as agricultureand industry that convert environmental inputs into economic outputs.

In order to achieve these needs and wants humans came together and formed social groupsbased on consent of the individuals with a purpose and goal. The individuals areconsolidated by consensus and, thus form group in order to facilitate the realization ofthe cardinal values (Mukherjee, 1991). The purpose of formation of group may be tocope with deforestation or failure of crop production or natural disasters. It includesadaptation to variation to food supply, adaptation to climate change and seasonal changes. This group could exist only when the disputes and conflicts were resolved and purposesare met for which the social groups are formed. Such group's forms society in the longrun. A society, therefore, cannot exist unless there is a set of pattern of relationship knownas social structure and an agreed form of regulatory mechanism. These regulatory orcontrol mechanism work to facilitate normal function of society. The society functionsthrough socially sanctioned procedures known as institutions. However the form andnature of a society changes over time and hence it is either altered or a new agreement


1 Professor and Chairman, IBRAD, Kolkata - 700 101.

When a group or collection of individuals organises itself explicitly for the purpose ofpursuing forest conservation on sustainable basis jointly with the Forest Department andshare rights and responsibility and certain of its interests together in a co-operative way,an association programme is said to be Joint Forest Management. It has evolved to meetthe needs of the people living in and around the forests. The success of Joint ForestManagement programme from West Bengal and other parts of India has opened avenuesto researchers from social sciences and management domain to learn the process ofchange, its enabling environment and the factors responsible for the new programme(Roy, 1993).

The agencies have emerged, and continue to emerge, because of the necessity for humanbeings to live together under specified terms and conditions (Mukherjee, 1993).

The genesis of Joint Forest Management (JFM) can be related to the birth of humanassociation, which ultimately takes the shape of a social system. If we consider JFM asa system, it will have a process. As a manager if one desires to improve the system, onehas to monitor the process through measurable, simple, practical and cost-effectiveindicators. It has been a challenging yet exciting task to develop indicators to monitorthe activities of the human society, vis-à-vis ecological and economic aspects. The authorwill emphasize the indicators of the process of human society.

Joint Forest Management involves management of a complex system where cultural,ecological and economic elements form a web of human and environment interaction. Thisweb provides checks and balances of cultural values with ecological and economicimplications governed by state bureaucratic and people institutions. Each system hascomponents, which are interdependent and interrelated. Each component, say, social /bureaucratic, ecological and economic, is interwoven with the other in such a fashion thatisolation of any hampers sustainable development. If we address ourselves separately tothe problems of forest ecology, cultural and economic system, the solutions of forestconservation, improvement in economic condition of people and positive change in behaviourpattern of society become more difficult and the scope for improvement narrows down.

Bilateral matching institutions

No human society is imaginable without institutions and in every society some individualsare authorized to assume the responsibilities for supervising the observance of the norms,values and institutions. Gradually they become the governors and the rest are governed.With the passage of time the norms, values and procedures of the former develop intobureaucratic institutions. Simultaneously, the values and procedures of the latter crystallizeinto social institutions. The two sets of institutions diverge sometimes over how to achievethe similar ends, resulting in conflicts. Conflict is actually found between the bureaucraticinstitution of the Forest Department (FD) and the Forest Communities (FC) in India andelsewhere (Roy, 1992).

The principle for the functioning of a system

Every individual is product of biological and social process, the social relationship. It isshaped by the dos and don'ts of pre-established moves and strict monitoring mechanism.

682

is needed. The humans living in and around forest land uses the forest produces for theirvarious needs. There may be different ways of getting the forest produces for theirown needs and they may form a group following the socially approved procedure knownas institution.

Whenever there is less division of labour, and change is slower the human associationsare less complex and they are more inclusive (.Mac Iver Et al, 1992) Primitive Societylack specific objective like JFMC or WUA and such society have limited functionalcharacter such focused economic or political agenda of development.

To understand social institution, that means procedure and regulatory processes it isnecessary to understand its nature like what kinds of groups, the reason for its emergenceand the process of emergence of such groups. For example the forest users have a clearpurpose and goal of forest conservation and use it on sustainable basis. It must be keptin mind that these social structures of relationship within group may be temporary andchange over time. However, the society can be examined in various ways which causesa problem for understanding society as a process. A social structure is a result of observanceof primary groups which form the structure. The social structures vary according to thenature of its content and selection of context used to differentiate and link the collectivesthat are created by individuals in society. This causes social structure such as ''ChipkoMovement'' to be very versatile and different in each case due to its composition.

The social process plays a key role in formation and changing social structure. Thereforethe social structure and the procedure that means the institutions denote how societyoperates during a period of time. The social institutions would mean to explain why acertain kind of social structure evolved and the changes that would occur in the future.The social structure and social process depend upon the variable selection of their contextand content. Therefore, we need to do different valuation in order to understand societyas a group and institutions as regulatory controlled procedures, its origin and existenceand degree of functioning.

Emerging issues of sustainabiltyThe human activity potentially, affects the global ecology. Global warming, ozonedepletion, soil erosion, deforestation, desertification and species extinctions are allindicators of the extent to which human activity is now altering the conditions for lifeon Earth. Current and projected human demands might exceed the mineral and biologicalflow rates that the planet can yield without adverse consequences, such as ecological,social or economic disruption. Keeping the long term run as the time framework, neitherecological nor economic sustainability can provide a complete specification. (Chopra,Kanchan, Et al 2000).

Joint Forest ManagementIn recent years the policies formed by the legislation has fasten the control of state overIndia's forests by giving support to the community resource rights and responsibility.National Forest Policy (1988) gave the rights to people to protect forests resources. June1990 Joint forest management was initiated which gave a new positive side and a greatercontribution to the protection of forests and given a responsibility and rights to villagepeople to take care of the forest lands and areas (Poffenberger, Mark, Et al, 1996).

683Assessment of the Functioning of Institutions: Criteria and Approaches S. B. Roy

2. Cohesiveness and collaborative learning is characterized by excitement and willingnessto explore the ideas and insights of others in an atmosphere of mutual respect,encouragement and challenge. The members of the community demonstrate thiscompetence by choosing one or more avenue to have some exciting activity suchas music, literature, folk songs, folk tale, songs, visual art, etc. to create a forumof ''expression of talent and get recognition''. In reflecting upon their appreciationof the work, members will make explicit links to their own life experience withconservation. The cohesiveness of the social institutions or a group or associationis not static it evolves sometimes expressing solidarity or faces contradiction causingconflict. While we consider society as organic body Herbert Spencer pointed outthat one great difference when he said that society has no “Common Sensorium”,no central organ of perception or of thought, like that of organic body where thebrain and nervous system controls / guides the whole body. In the society or JFMCthe individuals who think and feel and communicates based on his / her perception.This may be contradictory to one another. Therefore in JFMC some kind ofcompetence and understanding is needed among collaboration, cooperation, andstrategies of group dynamics. The JFMC members have demonstrated this competenceby working with each others to develop common understandings around a sharedagenda of forest conservation that leads to an assessable outcome.

3. Designated roles and responsibility with regulatory mechanism for corrective actions:The members not only facilitate the institutionalization of norms (Laws) but alsoenforcement of laws is important. This helps in adjudication of conflict, preparingthe members for occupational roles and evaluating and selecting competent individuals.Collaborative working is characterized by trust and willingness to share responsibility,explore the ideas and insights of others and delegate power in an atmosphere ofmutual respect, encouragement, and challenge.

4. The effective institution will have its member with competency to communicateand build capacity and skills to manage the natural resources and plan for conservationof the natural resources and identify areas for growth.

5. The JFMC members are able to identify the forest conservation related activitieswhich facilitate their sustainable livelihood. From the awareness of transferablestrengths and areas in need of development, the members developed strategic goalsand may be able to demonstrate planned outcome. The development of innovativeideas and fresh approaches to problems of livelihood, however, the practice ofcreativity is no less integral a component of the social issues. In any field of humanendeavor, the creative process requires ability to question accepted and “acceptable”ways of perceiving and thinking, as well as a willingness to forge connections andrefine knowledge through doubt, curiosity and imagination.

6. Integrated Development: the members of JFMC demonstrate this competence byapplying principles of negotiation, mediation or interpersonal communication toinvolve different line departments. Members need to articulate and attract the othersectors for employing a given approach and develop integrated Microplan. Membersof the community can demonstrate this competence by actively pursuing knowledge

684

The members of society are continuously changing. It is neither the beginning nor an endbut a link in the process of change. The social institution grows and changes in accordancewith the changing attitudes and interests of its members who form it. In order to monitorthe process of a system one has to know the principle and theory behind the process forreasoning or actions. Here since three sub-systems namely, institutional / social system,ecological system and economic system, are involved, the principle for the functioningof all three sub-systems has to be understood in order to develop indicators.

The principles of systemic approach can be listed in the following manner -

l The first of these principles is interdependence. All members of an ecologicalcommunity are interconnected in vast and intricate network of relationships, theweb of life.

l Success of whole community depends on the success of its individual members, whilethe success of each member depends on the success of the community as a whole.

l Understanding ecological interdependence means understanding relationships. Itrequires the shifts of perception that are characteristic of systems thinking - from theparts to the whole, from objects to relationships, from contents to patterns (Capra,1996). A sustainable human community is aware of the multiple relationships amongits members.

l Linear chains of cause and effect exist very rarely in ecosystems (Clayton and Radcliffe,1996). Thus a disturbance will not be limited to a single effect but is likely to spreadout in ever-widening patterns. It may even be amplified by interdependent feedbackloops, which may completely obscure the original source of the disturbance.

Criteria for monitoring the functioning of institution

A thing is judged through the standards set or we can say based upon certain criteria. Onewill appreciate that the success of Joint Forest Management depends upon functioningof three interrelated sub-systems, namely Institutional (which includes both the communityas well as the functioning of forest department organization), Ecological system (whichincludes the geophysical activity together with forestry activity) and finally the economicsystem as a complex whole.

Keeping this in mind for monitoring of the Joint Forest Management programme, theprinciples of social system, ecological system and economic system together withsustainability as a whole would help developing criteria and indicators.

Monitoring of Social Institutions at the Community Level

For the community level one has to study and intervene at the social system followingsequential steps such as identifying the:

1. Clarity on the objective such as why they are conserving forest and focus onthe deliverables, which can be demonstrated for verifiable improvement to reflectthe success.


ROY, S. B. 1992. Bilateral Matching Institutions; in Experiences from ParticipatoryForest Management. New Delhi, Inter India Publication.

ROY S. B. (1992). Bilateral Matching Institutions: An illustration in forest conservation,Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society 27: 253-262.

ROY, S. B. 1993. Forest Protection Committees in West Bengal. Economic and PoliticalWeekly. Vol.XXVII No.29. pp.1528-1530.

ROY S. B. (1996). Social Indications towards institutionalization of DevelopmentProgramme: A case study from Joint Forest Management. South Asian Anthropologist17 (2): 81-87

Authors' address: Professor S. B. Roy, Chairman, Indian Institute of Bio-Social Researchand Development, Prafulla Kanan, V.I.P. Road, Kestopur, Kolkata-700101.Phone: 033-66210/320; e-mail: [email protected]

686

that will contribute to answers for sustainable livelihood, balancing the steps ofconservation and harvesting the natural resource for their benefit.

7. Socialization through transmitting culture: Culture is used here in the anthropologicalsense and is defined as an integrated system of learned behavior patterns that arecharacteristic of the members of a given society, experience, abilities and pride thathave contributed to success in the past and reflect on past learning experiences. Itcan also illustrate how one's emotions, attitudes, values and behaviors can promoteand/or inhibit learning from shared cultural behavior.

Conclusion

Developing criteria and approaches for assessing the functioning of social institutionshas been important, challenging and not yet implemented universally. It is obvious thatall the criteria may not be useful at all the levels, universally. It is of utmost importancethat unless and until the users are involved as partners of assessment and do not appreciateits importance it will remain confined to an academic exercise only.

Acknowledgement: The author is grateful to Dr. Raktima Mukhopadhyay, Dr. DamayantiMukhopadhyay and Mr. Pinaki Deb of IBRAD for going through the paper and suggestingnecessary inputs.

Referneces

CAPRA FRITJOF, 1996, The Web of Life - A New Synthesis of Mind and Matter.London, Harper Collins Publishers.

CHOPRA KANCHAN, GOPAL K. KADEKODI, 2000, Operationalising SustainableDevelopment. New Delhi, SAGE Publication.

CLAYTON, ANTHONY M H, NICHOLAS J RADCLIFFE, 1996, SustainabilityA Systems Approach. London, Earthscan Publications Ltd.

MAC IVER R. M., CHARLES H. PAGE, 1992, Society - An Introductory Analysis. S.G. Wasani for Macmillan India Limited.

MUKHERJEE RAMKRISHNA, 1991, Society Culture Development. New Delhi,SAGE Publication.

MUKHERJEE, RAMKRISHNA, 1993, Systemic Sociology. New Delhi, SAGE Publication.

POFFENBERGER MARK, BETSY MCGEAN, 1996, Village Voices, Forest Choices- Joint Forest Management in India. Neil O'Brien, Calcutta, Oxford University Press.


Comparison of Mandibular ArchChords in Cleft Palate Patients

Dr. Suja Ani1

ABSTRACT

Mandibular arch chords are computed for unilateral cleft patients, with the cleft in themaxilla. The mandibular dental arch chord dimensions in maxillary unilateral cleft aredifferent, in the cleft and non cleft sides of the cleft sample, and also, from that of thenormals. Whether these are statistically significant or not, is also discussed here.

INTRODUCTIONManagement of the cleft patients requires a multidisciplinary approach; most of the casesreporting to the department of orthodontics with cleft palate have arch chord problems,which is one of the primary concerns for an orthodontist. There is a scarcity of literatureon arch chord dimensions of cleft patients in our population. So, an attempt is made hereto determine the arch chords in unilateral cleft palate patients. When there is a unilateralcleft in the maxilla, there may be a difference in the mandibular arch chord dimensionsin the cleft and non cleft sides.

Background/Rationale: The arch chord dimensions of the cleft palate patients are notthat widely studied. Hence this study is undertaken on the arch chord dimensions of thecleft patients, in the Department of Orthodontics, Government Dental College,Thiruvananthapuram.

Materials and methods: This study was carried out during the period from January2012 to March 2012, in the Department of Orthodontics, Government Dental College,Thiruvananthapuram.

Twenty plaster study models, of unilateral cleft patients who reported for treatment inthe department of Orthodontics, Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram, were taken up foranalysis.(see Fig A,B,C,D) The criteria for selection of the study casts included unilateral


1G MDS, PhD (orthodontics)Dept: of Orthodontics, Govt: Dental College, Thiruvananthapuram

cleft palate with presence of most of the permanent teeth except 3rd molar. These werethe study casts of patients who had undergone surgical repair of the cleft palate at thespecified required age and who belonged to Kerala (a state located in South India) bybirth and domicile. The arch dimensions were taken using digital vernier callipers, inmillimeters. Standardisation of the readings was done.

The dimensions taken for this study were Mandibular Arch Chord (MDAC) on the cleftand noncleft sides. MDAC was measured from the interincisal midline at the labialinterpapillary process, to the distobuccal aspects of the mandibular first molar. No readingwas taken when a tooth was missing or unerupted. No substitution was made for missingand/ or unerupted tooth as it may give false reading. The mean ages of the cleft patientswere 16.5 years. There were 7 males and 13 females.

The data was analysed statistically using the SPSS software. The mean and the standarddeviations for the mandibular arch chord dimensions were calculated. Whether there isany statistically significant difference between the mean values observed for males andfemales were also analysed. Comparison of the mandibular arch chord values of the cleftsample with that of the normals was done; Normals refer to normal population valuesobtained from an earlier study1 conducted in the department of orthodontics, Govt: DentalCollege, Thiruvananthapuram, the mean age of the normal sample being 19.4 for thesample designated as T1 sample and 34.4 for the sample designated as T2 sample in thatstudy; and the sample number being 15.

Results:

Table 1: Mean and SD of arch dimensions for 'cleft and non cleft sides' of the cleftsample and the normals

parameter Category N mean sd t p

MDACin mm cleft side Cleft sample 15 40.80 1.61

Normal 15 41.16 1.69 0.59 0.560

Non cleft side Cleft sample 16 40.19 2.77

Normal 15 41.16 1.69 1.168 0.252

The average MDAC in the cleft side of the cleft sample was 40.80±1.61mm and thatamong the normals was 41.16± 1.69 mm. The observed difference was statistically notsignificant (p>.05).

The average MDAC in the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 40.19± 2.77 mm, andthat among the normals was 41.16± 1.69mm. The observed difference was statisticallynot significant (p>.05). (Table 1).

Table 2: Genderwise comparison among the cleft


MDACin mm cleft side Male 5 41.18 2.07

Female 10 40.62 1.41 0.624 0.544

Non cleft side Male 5 41.13 1.36

Female 11 39.76 3.18 0.909 0.379

The average MDAC among the males in the cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.18±2.07mm,and that among the females was 40.62± 1.41mm. The observed difference was statisticallynot significant (p>05).

The average MDAC among the males in the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.13±1.36mm, and that among the females was 39.76±3.18 mm. The observed difference wasstatistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 2).

691690 Comparison of Mandibular Arch Chords in Cleft Palate Patients Dr. Suja Ani

Table 3: Comparison between cleft and normal among males


MDACin mm cleft side

Cleft sample 5 41.18 2.07

Normal 10 41.26 1.84 0.079 0.938

Non cleft sideCleft sample 5 41.13 1.36

Normal 10 41.26 1.84 0.142 0.889

Among the males, there was no statistically significant difference in MDAC between thecleft sample and the normals, either on the cleft side or on the non cleft side.

The average MDAC among males for the cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.18±2.07mm,and that among the males of the normals was 41.26± 1.84 mm. The observed differencewas statistically significant (p>.05).

The average MXAC among males for the non cleft side of the cleft sample was 41.13±1.36 mm, and that among the males of the normals was 41.26 ± 1.84 mm. The observeddifference was statistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 3).

Table 4: Comparison between cleft and normals among Females


MDACin mm cleft side Cleft sample 10 40.62 1.41

Normal 5 40.96 1.50 0.430 0.674

Non cleft side Cleft sample 11 39.76 3.18Normal 5 40.96 1.50 0.789 0.443

Among the females also, there was no statistically significant difference in MDAC betweenthe cleft sample and the normals, either on the cleft side or on the non cleft side.

The average MDAC for the cleft side among females of the cleft sample were 40.62±1.41mm and that among the females of the normals was 40.96 ± 1.50 mm. The observeddifference was statistically not significant (p>.05).

The average MDAC among females for the non cleft side of the cleft sample were 39.76±3.18mm, and that among the females of the normals was 40.96± 1.50 mm. The observeddifference was statistically not significant (p>.05) (Table 4).


Table 5: Comparison of MDAC among cleft males

parameter N mean sd t p

MDACin mm cleft side 5 41.18 2.07

Non cleft side 5 41.13 1.36 0.092 0.931

Table 6: Comparison of MDAC among cleft females


MDACin mm cleft side 10 40.62 1.41

Non cleft side 10 39.70 3.35 0.888 0.389

Table 7. Comparison of MDAC in the cleft total population


MDACin mm cleft side 15 40.80 1.61 0.888 0.389

Non cleft side 15 40.18 2.87

A comparison of the MDAC among the cleft males showed no statistically significantdifference (p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides (Table 5). MDAC among thecleft females showed no statistically significant difference (p>.05) (Table 6). Comparisonof the MDAC in the cleft total population also showed no statistically significant difference(p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides (Table 7).

Discussion

The study sample included patients who had undergone surgical intervention. Literature2has shown that, 'even with the conservative non traumatic surgical techniques, early

repairing surgeries induce changes in the upper dental arch morphological characteristicsin patients with cleft lip and palate'. This is not reflected in the mandibular arch chordmeasurements, as seen in the results of this study (Tables 1-4).

Analysis of the mandibular arch chords showed that there are no significant differencesin MDAC between the cleft sample and the normals either on the cleft side or on the noncleft side (Table 1).

Comparison between the cleft group and the normal among males showed no significantdifference in MDAC, Comparison between the cleft group and the normal among femalesalso showed no significant difference in MDAC (Table 3, 4).

Genderwise comparison among the cleft sample showed no statistically significant changebetween the males and females in MDAC (Table 2), either on both the cleft side or onthe non cleft side.

A comparison of the MDAC among the cleft males showed no statistically significantdifference (p>.05) between the cleft and non cleft sides. That among the females and inthe total population also did not show any difference. (Table 5, 6, 7).

Conclusion1. The mandibular dental arch chord dimensions in maxillary unilateral cleft sample are

not different from that of the normals , both in the cleft and the non cleft sides.

2. In the cleft sample, the mean for MXAC for the males for the cleft and non cleft sideswere 41.18±2.07 and 41.13±1.36 respectively; for the females was 40.62±1.41 and39.70±3.35 respectively; and for the total population was 40.80±1.61 and 40.18±2.87respectively.

3. The mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant difference between themales and females.

4. In the cleft sample, the mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant differencein the males, between the cleft and noncleft sides.

In the cleft sample, the mean MDAC did not show any statistically significant differencein the females, between the cleft and noncleft sides.

5. On comparison between cleft side and normal among males, there was no significantdifference between males of the cleft and the normal populations in both, the cleftand noncleft sides.

6. On comparison between cleft and normals among females, there was no significantdifference between females of the cleft and the normal populations in MDAC bothfor the cleft and noncleft sides.

References

1. A fifteen year longitudinal study on the craniofacial and dental changes in Keralapopulation with normal occlusion. Dr Suja Ani G. Dissertation submitted in partialfulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Dental Surgery in Orthodonticsin the University of Kerala November 1997 (unpublished).

2. Omar Gabriel da Silva Filho, Fabricio Monteiro de Castro Machado, Adriana Coelhode Andrade, José Alberto de Souza Freitas, Samir E. Bishara (1998). Upper dentalarch morphology of adult unoperated complete bilateral cleft lip and palate. AmericanJournal of Orthodontics & Dentofacial Orthopedics Volume 114, Issue 2 , Pages 154-161, August


696

Economic Profile of Oraon :A case study of forest village

Aheri Das1

ABSTRACT

People, whether the primitive or the advanced, need one another as well as resourcesfrom the wider world in order to maintain livelihood. Yet, no obvious schema of socialorganisation that all societies are obliged to follow is observed. Particular societies inparticular environments, design their livelihood differently. They utilise the natural andhuman resources available to them by their own cultural means. These cultural meansare the best adaptive mode for their survival. So, it can be said that, making of one’sliving is culturally defined in particular manner. In this context, an attempt has beenmade to conceptualize the economic phenomena of a tribal village, situated at Lataguri,near the Gorumara National Park of the Duars region of northern part of West Bengal.In present treatise, an attempt has been made to describe the economic processes inminute detail of the Oraons living in a forest village at Lataguri.

INTRODUCTIONA given economy is the end result of a process that involves its technological evolution,history and social organization, as well as its geography, natural resource endowment,and ecology, as main factors. These factors give context, content, and set the conditionsand parameters in which an economy functions. An economic system operates in an areaon the basis of the availability of economic inputs like land, labour, capital, forest etc.which are socially regulated in production, exchange, distribution of goods and servicesof that area.

There are various types of major economic activities among numerous tribal communitiesof India. It varies from food gathering stage through agriculture to handicrafts, etc.TheOraon as well as other tribal communities are depended on more than one major economicactivities. The changing features in the sphere of economy have been the object of studyin this discourse. To investigate this hypothesis an Oraon dominated village has beenselected from North Bengal. Intensive fieldwork along with household census, casehistories, etc. has been conducted to generate information in this regard.


1Junior Research Fellow Anthropological Survey of India.

Brief Communication:

698 699Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das

The people and their backgroundIn the heart of middle India, more than 30 scheduled tribes inhabit the plateau ofChotanagpur. The Oraons are one of well-known tribes of Chotanagpur. Though theOraons in course of evolution are said to have passed through hunting stage, they latterdeveloped settled agricultural economy and elaborate cultural complex. They also claimedthe honour of having introduced the use of regular plough cultivation into the Chotanagpurplateau for the first time. The elements of the Oraon livelihood can be viewed fromdifferent behavioural aspects which are manifested through various cultural phenomena.These elements can be categorized in three broad sections. The first is the culturalpatterning of livelihood, the second is ecology and third is the changes in cultural patterningin temporal and spatial references. It is generally an ethnographic work, where the recordertries to keep her in describing the economic pattern of the Oraon.

The Oraons are widely migrated tribes. This tribe has gradually migrated from the Westerncoast of India. Some of the elders point to Gujarat as the starting point of migration, byother the Konkan is considered as the cradle of the race, and thence, it is supposedly, isderived the name khurnkh, by which they invariably call themselves. The Oraons appearto have been assigned to them as a nickname, possibly with reference to their manymigrations and proneness to roam. Being migrated from this part they come to the Kaimurhill and the plateau of Rohtas in Shahabad. Driven from Rohtas by the Muhamadans, thetribe went up to Son in Palamue, and turning eastward along the Koel took possessionof the northwestern portion of Chotanagpur plateau.

They further migrated to the districts of Jalpaiguri, Midnapur, 24-Parganas of West Bengalduring the late 18th century to early 19th century. The Oraons who are migrated to thenorthern part of West Bengal, mainly engaged as the labourer in the tea gardens. Someof them also maintain their own traditional economical pursuits of agriculture. Soconsidering the above part we come to know that the Oraons have a very clear migratoryhistory of their own. So, it is very clear to conclude that the different ecological settingsand new mode of economy have influenced on their lifestyle, belief pattern and social-cultural life of the same tribe.

Saraswati Banabasti is located in eastern Himalayas sub mountain Terai belt with theecology of rolling forests and riverine grasslands of Dooars. It is situated near the Lataguriarea beside Nowera river. There are some rumours about the historical background ofthe name of the village Saraswati Banabasti. Formerly the village was known as Gerebill.According to some villagers, once upon a time, the whole area was covered with denseforest. In the British period, there was a big pond and there was a Meter Gage Railwayline beside the pond and Nowera river. This railway line was locally known as ‘Newraline’. A severe train accident took place in this area and the train sank completely in thewater of the pond with its passengers and goods containers. After that event this placewas known as “Gerebill”. This pond has transformed into a patch of land after a longtime. But human living started after the declaration of this forest area as National Park.The forest department adopted it as a forest village and renamed it as “Saraswati Banabasti”later on.

The agricultural systems main operations of Saraswti BanabastiThe villagers of Sraswati Banabasti are mainly settled agriculturists and their mainsubsistence pattern is based on cultivation. But the other economic pursuits of the Oraonsare as labourer of tea garden. Both substantial economy and formal economy exist theresimultaneously. They also engage in various types of services of work. Some of themengage in Government official work or business or some small works. In Saraswati BanaBasti, they practice their traditional economy i.e. agriculture. It is done in a small scale.It is because they could not have large opening of land due to prohibition of deforestationand forest policy. They use primitive technology. Cultivation is started from the monthof Baisakh (April-May) and they harvest their crops during the months of Bhadro-Aswin(September- October).

Types of paddy : Kalo Nunia, Tulaipangi, Sada Nunia, B.R.- bell, etc. B.R-11 and B.R.-50 are most popular because it takes little time to grow.

Principal Economy : Cultivation / AgricultureCategories of land

i) Types of land on the basis of altitude: The area belongs within the Teraisub-mountain region. For this reason a huge difference is noticed in thealtitude of the land. On the basis of the altitude of the land the cultivatedland is divided into two categories. The upper most land is called as DangaJami. The altitude of the Danga land is highest of all. Water cannot stageon this type of land. The soil of Danga land is dry and dusty. The low landsare called as Doholal land. Here the capacity of holding water is very high.The soil of Dohola land is wet and muddy.

ii) Types of land on the basis of fertility: The fertility of these lands is notvery well. The quality of soil is mainly sticky–muddy. They divided theselands into two types such as fertile and less–fertile according to their ownperceptions.

iii) Possession of lands: On the basis of possession of the land, these are ofthree types such as (a) Own : Who have own land. (b) Share holder :Whoget a portion of grain.

Technology or process of paddy cultivationA. Preparation of nursery bed or seedbed:

i) Selection of land and amount of land: According to my informant Mr.RamNath Oraon, they mainly used the Danga Jami (upper most land) forseedbed or nursery bed. But for those who have no Danga jami, they select¼ of the total land as seedbed or nursery bed of the paddy.

ii) Ploughing : They plough their cultivable land for 4-6 times, two times eastto west in direction and two times from north to south direction. Theyplough it to opposite direction. The man who has Danga Jami he has toplough 8-10 times. But som time they plough it for 12 times.


ii) a. Fitting of implement : They use various implements to plough the land.Those are langal and joyat or joyan. Joyat is fitted with two oxen. It isfitted horizontally parallel to the ground. The langal is fitted with joyat.It touches the ground making and angle of 45 Degree.

ii) b. Manipulation : The farmer holds the grip of the langal into his lefthand and pushes the iron shoe of the langal into the ground. During theploughing oxen are moved forward and the farmer hit on the back of theoxen with a long stick.

ii) c. Ceremonies and taboos : They performed a special ceremony beforebeginning of first paddy cultivation. In this ceremony they used to wearnew cloths after bathing.

iii) Leveling

iii) a. Time – Leveling is done after ploughing. They leveled land for 2 times.

iii) b.Direction – It is directed from east to west and north to south.

iii) c. Implement – They use an implement to level the surface of the groundis known as moi ( leveller) . It looks like a ladder.

iii) d. Fitting of the implement – They attached the moi to the Joyal with arope and ride on a moi (leveler) for extra weight.

iii) e. Manipulation – During leveling of the ground they used to ride on themoi with adequate weight and drive the oxen beating with a wooden stick.

iii) f. Ceremonies and taboo – There is no ceremony. But there is a tabooperformed by them. The pregnant women are not allowed to see or enterin the field. There is a rumour that if they enter in the field then their babywill be affected by hysteria.

iv) Manuring

l Various types of manure : They mainly used cow dung, khol, and bonedust like bio manure. They manure their field at least for three times.

v) Irrigational facility : – Irrigation is a great problem of this area. Irrigationfacility is not present. They have to depend on the rain water.

vi) Sowing of seeds

vi) a. Treatment – They use DDT to treat seeds. There is no treatment if seedsare attacked by bug.

vi) b. Amount – They use 10– 15 gm. of pesticides or insecticide for per 40Kg. of seeds.

vi) c. Person involved – One person is involved to sowing of seeds.

B. Preparation of Mainlandi) Time – From the month of Baisak (April – May) they start to prepare

mainland by adding manure in the paddy field along with the operation ofploughing.

ii) Procedure – They mainly use bio manure. Sometime they add nitrate,urea, and potash manure bought from the market. At first they clean up thefield, and then they ploughed the field. Firstly they prepared the Doholaland or low land. They fill up the land with water and then the maincultivative land. If this land is very muddy (locally called as leowa) thenit is started to plough in the month of Jaisthya (June-July) for 4-6 consecutiveploughing. This type the of main land plough for 4-6 Chash. The procedureof their ploughing is followed for two times from one direction of the fieldto another. Then they level it for one time. This process is continuing for4-6 times. After that they remain the land as it is for 7-14 days. Then aftera rainfall they start to spread seeds in the field. The same processes areused to prepare high land. In the low land when water was soaked themuddy surface is prepared for the cultivation. After germination of seedsthe seedlings are transplanted to main land. They mainly use the DangaJami for seedbed or nursery bed, which is locally called as Bichon bari.

C. Transplantation : When the crop seedlings are about 4" to 5" long thenthe seedlings are transplanted from seed bed to proper main land. At firstseedlings are plucked up from the land and then it is bunched. This bunchesare taken to the field and then this seedlings are replanted in the maincultivable land. Then the main land is filled up with water below kneeheight. It takes 25 – 30 days to transplant from a seedbed. Height of seedbedvaries with the species of the seedbed. But the small saplings are of 6".The large saplings are of 1ft.

i) Direction – There is no any specific direction for transplantation.

ii) Gap between two bunches of seedlings – Gap between two bunches ofseedlings are in case of hybrid paddy are kept 1.5" apart and local paddyare kept 5" to 10" apart.

iii) Ceremonies and taboo – Ceremony relating to transplantation is knownas Ban Gari Puja. At the month of Asar–Sraban (July–August) this ceremonyis performed. The intention of this worship is for good production of paddyand to protect their crop evil eyes. In this ceremony they worship usingflowers, fruits, leaves, and vermilion. Initially at the middle portion of thefield is coated with mud. Then a flag of red and white pieces of clothes areplaced in that place. Then this place is smear with vermilion. After that apigeon or a hen is sacrificed on that particular place. After that firstly, fivebunches are planted together. Then they plant seedlings throughout thepaddy field. There is no taboo regarding this ceremony.


D. Weeding

i) Time – It is done before preparation of the main land for once in a month.

ii) Person involved – Mainly one person is involved . But in case of largefield three or four persons are involved in this work. Male and femalesboth are allowed to weeds the paddy field. But the females are very efficientin this type of work. Procedure – After transplantation they pluck up theunwanted weeds by hands. If the root portions of the paddy plant becomedry or do not able to get much of water, then there is a possibility of growingweeds.

E. Watching : They themselves watch their paddy fields. At night they watchfrom them machan (watch-tower) to save their crops from elephants. Theyalso use bow and arrow made of bamboo to protect the infiltration ofelephant in their paddy field. A kind of battery searchlight is used to protectfrom the taskers and dantals. They are used to fence their entire villageboundary by battery power fencing.

F. Use of pesticide or insecticide

i) Time – They use pesticides or insecticides 2 - 3 times during cultivation.

ii) Amount – In one hector of cultivable land, 100 gm of pesticide or insecticideare used.

iii) Various types of pesticides or insecticide – DDT

iv) Person involve – Usually one or two person are involved.

v) Manipulation – Pesticides are sprayed all over the cultivable land.

G. Harvesting : Harvesting is started by them in the month of Aghrayan(November-December). For this work male and females both are engagedfor each type of cultivable land.

H. Transportation from paddy field to courtyard (Khamar) : As the fieldsare situated at the adjacent area of the houses, the family members themselvescarry the paddy straw from the field to their houses. The harvested paddyare bunched up separately and brought to the courtyard (Khamar) frompaddy field.

I. Threshing and winnowing : When the crops are mature they cut the cropsand make a bunch of it. After that they bring it to their own houses. Thisis held in the month of Aghrayan (November- December) . Then they threshthe paddy straw. This activity is done on a threshing board or on a bench.This process is locally known as marai. Firstly the grains are placed on asolid platform and then beaten with a thick stick. Two persons from opposite

sides do it. After that they boiled the grains and leave it or spread it on thecourtyard to dry. After few days when the crops become well dried theycarefully clean it. Then it is threshed three times by one woman and anotherwoman also do the vice versa. The soft portion of the grains are flownaway, the fresh grains are dropped down. They use husking liver (Denki)for husking the paddy. Recently, they also husk the paddy from LataguriHusking Mill. It takes Rs. 12 /- for husking per mon of paddy.

J. Labour : The person who have a large amount of cultivable land they needlabour for work. The landless persons mainly work as labour. This is knownas hajira khata. Both males and females work as hajira. Males can performevery kind of work in the agricultural field. But females’ performances arerestricted mainly in weeding and husking activities. The rate of hajira isRs. 40 /- per day with a launch. Sometimes, the males take rice grains astheir remuneration instead of money for conducting their work. Femalesare mainly taken rice grain in exchange of their labour.

K. Production : The production is not always same in all cultivable lands. Itmainly depends on the quality of soil of the land. More or less, the land of5 bigha can able to produce 1 mon of paddy, i.e. 390 kg.

L. Storing : They store the produced grains in a bamboo basket which islocally called as dhaki. They store total amount of paddy for a year on awooden platform locally known as pohal-punji. It is a wooden self-likestructure.

M. Difficulties relating to cultivation : Mahakal (elephants) creates problemsduring cultivation season. Elephants eat their ripe paddy entering into thepaddy field. Sometimes they enter in their village and even try to find outthe hidden paddy. They face irrigation problem during agricultural seasondue to scarcity of water.

N. Solution according to them : They protect their grain in various ways.They watch the total area from the machan. They use power fencing andbattery light for watching. A pole is horizontally placed at the entrance ofthe village with two vertical poles. If elephant crosses that place then atfirst the horizontal pole breaks down. After hearing the sound of the breakingdown of the horizontal pole, they become aware.

O. Capital : Paddy is mainly produced for using in consumption purpose ofwhole year. If there is any surplus then they sell it in the market. From thissurplus some paddy are preserves as seeds for future cultivation. Almostall villagers are maintained subsistence economic pattern. But some richpersons of the village who have a big amount of land possession they areable to produced good quantity of paddy. But this kind of production isoccurred in small scale. In that case they buy the seeds from the market.


P. Mesurement : They use basket for the measurement of rice grains. Themeasuring unit is don. There are three size of dons. Among these threetypes of dons the capacity of the big sized don is 16 kg. Medium sized doncarries 14kg of rice grain and small sized don carries 12kg of rice grain.Paila is another measuring pot of paddy. It is a smaller unit of measuring.1 Paila = 1kg or 1/2 kg. Sometime especially in case of the ceremonialpurpose, a kind of square shaped basket is used. It is locally called asnachua. It is also of different in size.

Instruments used in AgricultureMainly manual instruments are used for agriculture. These instruments are mainly woodenmade and some instruments have iron blade or ends for smoother used. The followinginstruments are used for agriculture :–

1. Plough :- The plough is locally termed as Langol. The holding handle is known asHata and the long handle is known as Ish. In the junction of Hata and Ish a piece ofwood is fixed up for make proper angle is known as Pat. It use for supporting purpose.The lower part of the Hata is known as Sukhdhani. The lower most iron made blade isknown as Phal. In the point where the Phal is fitted with the Shukhdhani is known as theDasi. At the back of the Sukhdhani there is also a piece of wood fixed with Sukhdhani.

2. Joyat :- It is a long wooden piece. It fixed up on the shoulder of the Buffaloes. It hastwo-piece of wood at the two sides, which is locally known as Shal. At the middle notchof the Joyal a rope is fitted with buffelow's neck. It is known as Andh. There are twoholes at the two sides of the end of the Joyat. It used to attach rope with buffalo's neck.

3. Leveler : This instrument is locally known as Moi. This instrument looks as the ladder.The upper part of Moi is known as the Sukhdahni. The lower handle is known as Ishthere are few notches at the anterior part for fixed up rope. This instrument is fully madeby wood. These three main instruments are used for cultivation. Beside these there areother instruments, which are used for cultivation.

4. Hoe : It is locally called as Kodal. It is looked like the English alphabet "L ". Theupper handle is made with wood and the lower part or blade is made by iron. It is usedfor crashing the hard soil chang.

5. Sickle : It is a cutting implement. It used to cut crops. It has two parts. One is madeby wood. It is wooden handle. The other part is made with iron. It is half circle in shape.The concave edge is sharp and other convex edge is heavy and thick. Some time theconcave edge is serrated. It is locally known as Dao.

The other two types of implements are Dheki (Haskin lever) and Janta. Janta is used forgrinding purpose.

Tea GardeningThe Oraons work as daily labour (jhorni) in the tea gardens as subsidiary occupation tosupport their livelihood. They have adopted this new mode of economy due to easy

availability of work in tea garden. They also work of plucking and pruning of tealeavesfrom the tree gardens. The plucking of tealeaves is mainly done by females and thepruning is done by the males. Tea pollens are collected from tea flower, which is anothermode of subsidiary economy. After collections of tea seeds, they sell it to nursery andthe tea flower is used as food.

Land : Mainly dry lands are used for tea gardening. The tea gardens must be slopingland for drains out the water. Digging channels in between the tea plants in rows forwhich the water can drain out and the soil become dry quickly. To increase the fertilityof land firstly, the land is kept as usual for 4 to 5 years. After some time a type of grassyplant is planted which is locally called Ghera Ghash, for increasing of the fertility ofland. Previously the fencing of the tea gardens are done by cupper wire. But sometimesthe thieves steal the said copper wire of the boundary. For this reason, presently, boundariesare open without any fencing.

Labour : The labours of the tea garden usually called as jharani which means a personwho engage in the activity of pruning of tealeaves.

Preferable Labour : The females are preferred for the work of jharani. Because it is atime consuming work and requires patience. Yet, some males also work at tea gardens,but they are more engage in the works of Chilling and Forking than Plucking and Pruning.

Selection of Labour : In case of the working in the tea estate or big tea garden, thelabourers are selected by a middle man who is locally called as Baidar or Sardar. ThoseBaidar works under the managers of big tea gardens. They select the labour and get acommission for this selection or for helping to get this kind of jobs. But the selection oflabourers totally depends on the wish of these Baidar. So, it is difficult to get a job in thebig tea garden without help of this middleman. On the other hand, it is comparativelyeasy to get job in local or small tea garden, because there is no such impact of Baidar.The labourer directly contact with the proprietors (Malik) of the garden. The labourersare known as Hajira. The females mainly work in the local tea garden. In some areasthere are many villages whose inhabitants are depending too much on tea garden activities.It is reported that the entire lands previously belonged to the local tribal community. Ifsomeone donates land to the Government for development purpose, his family memberscan claim to get a job to tea garden. There is system that two labourers jobs are allottedfor per family and these jobs are transferred through generation after generation.

For example Monoram Ekka (32 yrs) and his brother Manuel Ekka (30 yrs) previouslylived at Newra Nuddy Estate. His father also lived there. Their father and mother alsogot job of labour at Newra Bagan Tea Garden. After their retirement those two jobs weretransferred to next generation. Now two their sons have get that jobs and their wives areengaging as labour in Newra Bagan Tea garden. Their other brothers are engaging inagriculture in Saraswati Banabasti and have been living here.

Rate of Labour mode of payments : The rate of salary of the labour is Rs. 550/- per25 days. They have to pluck 23 Kg. o f tealeaves per day. If they pluck more than 23Kg.,then they get Rs. 2/- as per extra plucking. This extra plucking is known as O.T (Over


Time). In case of private garden the salary is Rs. 30/- per day and they have to pluck1000 leaves. But the rate of O.T is same.

Seasonal Labour Pattern : Though entire year is the time of leaves plucking; yet thebest season for tealeaves plucking is the time before monsoon and the winter season.They mainly work throughout the year in tea garden.

Procedure of tea gardeningThey use dry land for tea gardening. The land must be slanting down wards. They performtwo type of work at the tea garden.

l Pruning : It is the method by which they trim by lopping off the superfluous partsof the tea plants. By which they give a good shape of the tree. In this method theyalso follow to pluck dry leaves from the tree. This method of works is locallycalled as Jharni. The males generally do pruning. This method is also done in twoways :

i) L.P : After the plantation of tea tree and when it begins to grow at 12 to14 inchesin height, at that time this type of pruning is done for giving a good shape of thetree. This process is adopted to resist the tea plant for not grow up too much.

ii) L.O.S : The portion where L.P was done previously, after 3 to 4 years when thetree grows at 16 to18 inches, then L.O.S method is used. Whenever these methodsare used, hormones are also given on the cutting parts of the tree.

l Plucking : Plucking is the work of picking of tea-leaves. Though they pluck tea-leaves throughout the year, but the best season of plucking is winter season andbefore the onset of monsoon. The first season of tealeaves plucking is started fromthe beginning of the Bengali month of Fhalgun, (February – March). They alsopluck leaves, which is called as Holud Pata, that means yellow leaves. Old leavesare not plucked. They pluck leaves throughout the year, but in that case they takean interval of 10 to 12 days between plucking of tea-leaves. Because, at that timethe rate of growth of new leave decreases. In the winter season they also pluckthe flowers of tea. They used it as food for eating. They also sell it in market.They also sell some flowers at V.P. Nursery. The nursery process it for preparingseedlings for future tea plants. The fertilizers and pesticides are sprayed on thetea plants by the jhorni or hajiras.

l Collection of tea leaves : The total amount of plucked tea leaves are collectedtogether at first. Then the cars of company collect those leaves. Then it is measuredand transported to factory. In case of private garden the labourers are transportedto scheduled places as directed by the Maliks. Then the leaves are transported tofactory for necessary processing.

Technology of Tea Garden : Implements used and manipulations1. Hoe : The local term of Hoe is Jagrua. It is looked like the English alphabet ‘L’.

The upper handle is made with wood and the lower part or blade is made by iron.

It is used for crashing the hard soil chang. It is also used for the ‘forking of thesoil’. To cut grass in the Tea Garden, it is also used. It is called chilling. Diggingof channel, cleaning of garden are the other purpose for using Jagrua.

2. Chopper : The local term of chopper is Kolomduri. It is a large thick and heaveyknife, shaped almost like a falchion with a wooden handle. It is of 3 Types: (i)Hawaii kolom (Big in size) , (ii) Kolomduri (Medium in size), (iii) Katari (Smallin size).

(i) “Hawaii Kolom” is used for the leveling of the upper portion of the tea plants.

(ii) “Kolom duri” is used for pruning and L.P.

(iii) “Katari” is used for cutting of the tree and center-out of the tree.

3. Spray Machine : It is used for spraying pesticides and vitamin (Foliose) andhormon.

4. Fregration : It is the method of giving water on tea plants. For fregration thefollowing implements are used.

i) Pump Machine, ii) P.V.C pipe, iii) Washer, iv) L & T Pipe (To connect twopipes) v) Putul (Water can with a porous spout for spraying water to Tea plants),(vi) Jam socket (T closed the end of the pipe)

5. Net : It is locally called as Jholi. It is used for plucking tealeaves. It is manipulatedfrom the head and it hangs along the backside of the tea plucker. Its length is 50cmand breadth is 64cm.

6. Bucket : It is a kind of special shaped basket. It is locally called as Deko. It isquadrilateral in shape. It is used to keep the plucked tealeaves. It is tied in thebody of the tea plucker. It is 23 inches long in height. The thickness of lower partis 20.3 inches and upper part is 32.3 inches.

7. Tripol : It is piece of plastic cloth. It is 42 inches long in length and height is 33inches. It is used for protection to leach.

Other Economic pursuits of the villagersBesides agriculture and tea garden’s works, there are various types of economic pursuitsof the villagers. Though the village economy is centering around agriculture and teagarden works, there are other means of earning their subsistence. These are as follows :

1. Fishing : Fishing is popular habit of among the villagers. But mainly they usethose fishes for their own consumptions. They used to catch the fishes from nearbyponds or Newra river. If excess amount of fishes are collected beyond theconsumption then they take the excess fishes into the markets for selling. Generally


they catch various types of fishes, among which are – Puti (Puntius guganio),Tangra (Batasio batasio), Taki (Channa punctata), Chang, Dirka (Esomus danricus),Berili (Barilius barila) etc. They catch fishes with the help of Chhip (fishing rod)and fishing net. They also collect snails from the ponds.

2. Cultivation of various vegetables plants : Most of the villagers cultivate vegetablesin a piece of small lands around their houses, such as Rai (Mustard), Begun(Brinjal), Shim (Lentils), etc. In case of dal (Lentils) they make macha (a upwordstructure prepared with the rope and bamboo stripes). They make the seedling ofthe vegetables themselves. At first the seeds of the ripen and mature fruits aredried and tied in the cloth. After digging a small part of the field the seeds arespreaded and covered by straw. When the seedlings germinate, then they use totake out and planted in the other land. In case of Begun (Bringal), it takes one andhalf month for the preparation of seedlings, and in case of Rai it takes three daysand in case of mustard it also takes three days only. For healthy seedling, theyplant the seeds at a distance of six inches. In case of seedling, they sell it at Rs.10/- 15/- per Poua (250 gram).

3. Fodder Plantation : Fodder plantation is the method of preparing food processfor wild animals of the forest. Many people work in this project, which have beeninitiated by the Forest Department. The people who are engaged in fodder plantation,this work is under the wild life. As for example Panduii is the fodder of elephant.Besides, these, for afforestation project; the Forest Department has taken somemeasures like plantation of Sal (Sorea robusta), Segun (Tectona grandis), andEucalyptus (Eucaliptus marginata) etc.

4. Work under Forest Department : Every year the Forest Department allot workto the village people on contact basis. The natures of works are digging the ponds,cleaning and mending the roads, cleaning of forest etc. These works are allottedby the Department in daily rated basis. This process is known as Hajira. Duringthe year 1970 and onward the rate of this Hajira was at a rate of Rs. 3/- per day.But presently, the rate of Hajira have been increased to Rs. 65/- to 71/- per day.These types of works are contractual in nature. The activities of the ForestDepartment also includes the Territorial management, Wildlife, MAP, Sylvicultureand Corporation. The other permanent natures of employment of the Departmentin the post of Supervisor, Manager, Clerk etc. The salary in the post of clerk isRs. 5000/- with facility of Provident Fund and Gratuity. If any accident occurs,employees can get refundable loan facilities.

5. Forest Guide : Many of them work as forest guide. In this case they get Rs. 60/- for 1-6 persons and Rs. 120/- for 7-12 persons from the Forest Department.Additional income for the forest guide depends on how much one can impress thetourists. They get most of the extra income duringthe festive season of DurgaPuja and x-mass season during December.

6. Business : There is very small wooden shop in the village Saraswati Bana Basti.The proprietor of the shop is Mr. Ranajit Oraon. He used to buy commoditiesfrom local Moulani Hatt at Lataguri. Although it is a grocer shop, some stationerygoods like exercise book, pencil, lozenge, bidi, gutka, etc are also kept in the shop.Muri (puffed rice), biscuit, rice grain, oil, spices, etc are also available there. Butthe rate of selling of rice is lesser. Because most of the village people producethese rice grain in their own field. Mr. Ranjit Oraon, the proprietor of the shopdoes not buy the rice grain from the bazar ( market) for selling. Because he hasagricultural field and he sells the rice grains from his surplus productions. Heinformed that he earns averagely Rs.500/- to Rs.800/- per month from his shop.All of the villagers buy goods from his shop. Formerly the villagers go to marketto buy the commodities but easy availability at the shop and for convenience theybuy the essential commodities from this shop.

7. Work at the Resorts at Lataguri : In the off-season of paddy cultivation, theywork as Hajira in the local resorts. The works are included in weeding ceremony,digging of ponds, tree gardening and tree plantation, thatching of roofs, etc. Theyget Rs. 60/= to Rs. 70/- per day and get the free lunch from resorts. Some of boysand girls work as servant and maidservant in the resorts. They get Rs. 800/- toRs.1000/-per month.

8. Hunting : Formally hunting was very popular among them. But after theformulation of forest policy and various type of prohibition introduce by ForestDepartment, the hunting activities are not encouraged now. But some ritualistichunting are practiced there. During Oraon marriage ceremony, a ritualistic huntingis necessary for them. They use bow and arrow made by bamboo as huntingimplement.

9. Gathering : They collect various things from forest. Some leaves and shrubs,medicinal plants are collected from the forest Females mainly collect mushroomfrom forest and woods. These woods are used as fuel for cookery. These woodsare locally called khori. Some eatable flowers are also collected from the forest.Some of them collect honey from the forest.

10. Alcoholic Beve0rage (Hanria) : Hanria or rice bear preparation is anothereconomic pursuits for them. All most every family prepares hanria. Hanria isused for both drinking for them and also for selling in the market. Hanria (Ricebear) is the favorite drink of the Oraons. Rice bear is one of the sacred thing intheir life. Any ceremonies or at any stage of their life hanria is a part of rituals.

l Procedure of Hanria (rice bear) Preparation : At first 1 kg. of sedhdho chal(Boiled Rice) and 1 kg. of Atap Chal (plain Rice) is use to mixed. Then an earthengagri (earthen pot) with full of water in it, is placed over a burning hearth. Whenwater become sufficiently heated, mohua (Madhuca longifolia) is put into it and,a little later 1 kg. Sedhdho Chal (Boiled Rice) and 1 kg. of Atap Chal (plain Rice)

is added to mix up. When the mixture of rice is sufficiently boiled (dar-sijha), the waterin the pot has dried up. Then the pot is taken down from over the hearth and leftto cool down. The contents of the vessel are spreaded out on a sheet of plasticpaper on the floor of courtyard. Because it need cool and shabby atmosphere.They had done it in their kitchen. When the contents are totally cooled down theroots of vegetable and Bakhor (roots) are mixed with it. These Bakhor (roots) arepurchased from the market @ Rs.50/- per 60 tablets. After the use of the earthenpot, the inside of the jar is now thoroughly rinsed and dried over the hearth. Thenthe contents spread out on the plastic sheet and mixed with Bakhor (roots) androots are put into pot, and stowed away. In summer, it takes about three or fourdays, and in winter about a week to produce fermentation. When it is desired touse it, water is poured into the jar and mixed well with the contents by pouringthe contents. According to them from 5 kg. of boiled rice is prepared from 2 kgof rise grains. and from this 5 kg boiled rise 10 kg. of rice bear is fermented(approx).

l Marketing of hanria : The female members of the family mainly make rice bearor hanria. Usually hanria is prepared in almost all families of the area. Hanriais sold in the market per glass at Rs.3/-. According to them Hanria makes thebody cool. They are very much fond of hanria. They also take smoke, gutka andalso some time-imported liquor.

Distribution of other productsThe villagers maintain the pattern of subsistence economy. They produce mainly for theirconsumption purpose. After consumption the surplus Hanria is sold in the market. Theydirectly sell this surplus Hanria to the market. Some rich persons who hold large quantityof lands, used to cultivate good quality of rice grain. In that case the selling price of thatrice grain naturally high. So the local people are not be able to purchase such good qualityof rice grain. Therefore through the middleman, that kind of rice grains are sold in bigmarket. It may be Malbazar or Mainaguri. This middleman is known as Aratdar or Jotdar.

In case of cultivated vegetables, they sell in the market. After catching fishes, or collectingsnails the excess portion of that items are also sold in the market for their earning.Everyday hanria is sold in market. Females prepare muri (puffed rice) from rice grainand send it to the Ranjit Oraon’s shop for selling at a rate of Rs.12/- per kg. For preparationof rice grain for Muri they make the rice grain, boiled double time and then dried in thesum. This type of rice grains cost at Rs. 10/- to 12/- per kg. Some time they take chargefor making Muri for others. It may cost of Rs. 5/- to Rs.6/- per Ser.

Some time the villagers use to sell green tea leaves directly in the market. At the timeof plucking the tea leaves from tea garden, some extra leaves are been collected and thattea leaves are not been accounted to usual collection for garden authorities. For this directselling in the market, an amount of commission is paid to the Market Babasayik Samity.

Market : The main markets are at Lataguri Bazar and Moulali Hatt of Lataguri. But sometime they also go to Mutudi Boro Hatt at Malbazar for selling their product. Though thereis no such market near to their settlement, yet the villagers go to Maulani Hatt for sellingtheir surplus commodities, which set on in every Wednesday.

There are two types of shop : a) Permanent and b) Non permanent. There is a committeeat Mutuli Boro Hatt. They look after the rate of various products and check it. Thepermanent shop have to pay Rs 50/- Rs 80/- per 6 month and non permanent shop ownerhave to pay 50 paisa per day to this community. The community also tests the Palla(weight machine) for every month. They also control lataguri bazaar and Moulani hatt.Maulani hatt is a very small market. There are 10 to 12 shops and all are non-permanent.

Role of Middle Man : Mainly the role of middleman is very few in their economic life.But in case of production of good quality of rice grain they have to go to the middlemanto sell their product. The middleman is known as aratdar or jotdar.There are anothertype of middleman who is know as baidar. They are also known as sardar. In case ofthe labour work of tea estate or big tea garden they have to depends on these baidars.These baidars work under the managers of big tea gardens. They select the labour andget a commission for this selection from both sides i.c. the owner and the labours.

Barter System : Barter system is also found, but in rudimentary form. There are someeconomic relations of exchange, which are seemed to be as barter system. For examplesome time they present their excess milk to their neighbour then the neighbour give thempaddy in exchange of milk. Some time they take the extra plough from a neighbour. Afterthe ploughing at the end of the production they are used to return some portion of ricegrains in exchange of using of the plough. Some time they work as lobourer for theirneighbour’s land according to some terms and conditions. That said neighbour wouldwork in another term.

Lending: Some time it is noticed that a rich man lend money or some commodities toa poor person. The person return the money when he is able to pay that, in that case, therich man do not charge any interest. This is just for helping the poor. Again the poor maygive some portion of rice grain or other commodities like produced vegetables or fish,to the lender as gift. In this way lending system perform in a good adjustment. Some timeone villager lends some rice for his consumption. He returns it after his production ofpaddy and returns the said rice grains to the lender. It is to mind that the process of lendingis not treated as profession.

Economic Symbiosis with other communities : Any economic symbiosis is not foundnow. But previously they have a prominent economic symbiosis with other two communities,known as Gauria and Mahli. Banna or Khoda (a type of tattooing) is one of the mainidentity marks of Oraon females. Banna or Khoda means curved tattoo for the bodyadornment. This work of tattooing on the body is done by the Gauaria community. Theycurve it on the body during rice-feeding ceremony of an Oraon baby. In exchange forthis nature of work, Gauria people take some portion of rice throughout the year. But


713

presently this practice becomes ritualistic in nature and they give money or any gift. Theyhave also economic symbiosis with Mahli community. They play Madal, Dhak, Dhamsha(Musical Instrument made of leather) and flute in their Parab (occasional religiousceremony) and Sadhi (marriage ceremony) in exchange for this performance they use totake rice grains through out the year.

Division of Labour : The division of labour is a systematic pattern of the community.Mainly the males are engaged to the out side works like cultivation, or any other professionsand the females are engaged in all kind of household works. But due to paucity of moneythe females also have to engage in the cultivation, tea gardening works, etc. for theirextra income for economic support to the family.

Sex wise Labour Service : There exist the pattern of sex wise labour service system. Itis very clearly denoted about the works of males and female’s in separate modifications.The males have to do the work of plugging, tending, pending of seeds in cultivation;cutting woods; fishing, marketing etc. The females have to do works like cooking, nursingof the children, fetching of water and tea plucking. But in case of cultivation both themales and females have engaged for performing the job with utmost support except someprohibition in cultivation process like plugging, pending of seed etc. Even the femaleshave no right to touch the implements of the agriculture or to enter the cultivator lands.

In case of tea gardening the females mainly work as plucker and pruner. But a fewnumbers of males have seen to do such works. Males are engaged in the tea plantation,L.P and L.O.S.

In case of marketing hanria (rice bear), both males and females sell hanria in the market.

Capital investment : For cultivation of paddy they do not buy seeds from other source.Theyare used to preserve grains for using as seeds for future season. They buy onlyinsecticides with their appliances, which are necessary for cultivation. So investmentcapital is small in nature. In case of production of good quality rice grains they buy seedsfrom Metuli hatt at Malbazar.

Land : Land is treated as one of their main capital. Most of the villagers have their ownlands. They used to cultivate in their lands. But the landless villagers depend onsharecropping and seasonal labour with some conditions took their livelihood.

Prim

ary

Occ

upat

ion

Subs

idia

ry O

ccup

atio

nC

DA

ge

Tota

l wor

king

Tota

l wor

king

Labo

urG

roup

la

bour

forc

ela

bour

Per

son

Agr

icul

ture

Agr

icul

tura

lTe

a ga

rden

Bus

ines

sSe

rvic

eH

ouse

hold

wor

kA

gric

ultu

reLa

bour

Bus

ines

sH

ouse

hold

wor

kTo

tal n

onTo

tal

Labo

ur fo

rce

AB

EF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

MF

0 - 4

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

146

20

5 - 9

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

189

27

10 -

14-

--

--

-2

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-13

518

15 -

199

153

154

13

2-

--

--

--

12-

2-

--

--

4-

-24

20 -

2411

1711

153

-2

--

52

21

--

115

13

--

2-

4-

-28

25 -

2910

810

64

-1

1-

13

11

--

31

12

12

--

2-

-18

30 -

348

77

65

--

--

1-

--

-1

61

31

-2

1-

2-

-15

35 -

396

46

46

-1

--

1-

--

--

3-

-1

-3

1-

--

-10

40 -

446

86

84

-2

--

-1

1-

--

52

1-

-1

2-

1-

-14

45 -

495

-4

-4

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-5

50 -

542

52

31

2-

--

--

1-

--

2-

--

--

-2

1-

-7

55 -

59-

--

--

--

--

--

-1

--

--

--

--

--

-1

23

60 -

64-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-1

-1

65 -

69-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-1

-1

70 -

74-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

75 -

79-

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-1

80+

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-

5764

5458

273

113

-8

65

3-

142

98

71

86

214

4922

121

112

3014

811

343

178

1416

71To

tal

(63.

02%

(92.

56%

27

.52%

12.8

4%7.

34%

10.1

0%2.

75%

39.4

5%30

.90%

14.5

5%25

.45%

29.1

0%(3

6.98

%

In re

spec

t In

resp

ect

109

55In

resp

ect

192

of F

)of

A)

(100

%)

(100

%)

of F

)

Tabl

e 1

: Dis

trib

utio

n of

Pop

ulat

ion

on th

e B

asis

of O

ccup

atio

n of

Sar

asw

ati b

ana

Bas

ti

712 Economic Profile of Oraon : A case study of forest village Aheri Das


The villegers of Sraswati Bana Basti are mainly settled agriculturist and their mainsubsistence pattern is based on cultivation. But, simultaneously they work as tea gardenlabour as a means of other economic pursued. They also engage in various types ofservices for work. Some of them are engaged as Government official or business or somesmall works. In Saraswati Banabasti they practice their traditional economy i.e. agriculture.It is done in a small scale. It is because they could not have large opening of land dueto prohibition of deforestation and forest policy. Table No. 1 and Fig: 2 shows that total30 person take agriculture as primary occupation where as 17 person take agriculture assubsidiary occupation.

Another mode of economy adopted by them in which they work as day labuorer in teagarden. They adopt this new mode of economy due to easy availability of work in teagarden. They work as day labours locally called as jhorni. They do the work of pluckingand pruning. Females are more suitable as Jhorni. Males usually do the work of pruning.Tea pollens are collected from tea flower. It is another mode of subsidiary economy.After collections of tea seeds they sell it to nursery and the tea flower is used as food.The rate of salary of the labour is Rs. 550/- per 25 days. They have to pluck 23 Kg. oftealeaves per day. If they pluck more than 23Kg., then they get Rs. 2/- as extra plucking.This extra plucking is known as O.T. (Over Time). In case of private garden the salaryis Rs. 30/- per day and they have to pluck 1000 leaves. But the rate of O.T. is same.

Fig: 3. Primary Occupation of Saraswati Banabasti on the basis of Sex

The Fig: 3 , shows that most of the females are attached with the household works. Maleindividuals choose agriculture as their primary occupation. It is also seen that femaleschoose business as a primary occupation and the proportion of male and female is equalhere. Individuals attached with tea garden works as their primary occupation are allfemales. Very less number of people chooses service as a primary occupation. As asecondary occupation day labour and agriculture is pre-dominant.

OCCUPATIONAL PROFILEThe economy of the villagers has got multifaceted characters of which the householdsare the main productive units and the members directly involved in the agriculturaloperation irrespective of age and sex.

Fig: 1. Population Distibution of Saraswati Banabasti on the basis ofTotal working labour force and Total working person

Table No. 1 (Fig : 1) shows distribution of village population based on occupation. Thetotal working labour force of the Saraswati Bana Basti is 121 (63.02% in respect of totalpopulation) of which 57 are male and 64 are female. But the actual number of workingpersons is 112 (92.56% in respect of total working labour force), which comprises of 54male and 58 female. The non-labour force of the village is 71 (36.98% in respect of totalpopulation), of which 49 are male and 22 female.

Fig: 2.Occupational status of Saraswati Banabasti


Dalton, E. T. 1978. Indian Studies: Past & Present. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhioadhyay.

Ghosh, A. 2003. History and Culture of the Oraon Tribe. New Delhi: Mohit Publications.

Rishley, H. H. 1891. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Calcutta : Bengal Secretariat Press.(Reprinted in 1981 Calcutta: Firma Mukhopadhyay) Vol. II.

Roy, S. C. 1915. The Oraons of Chota Nagpur their History, Economic Life and SocialOrganisation. Ranchi: Man in India office.

Roy, S. C. 1928. (Reprinted in 1972). Oraon Religion and customs. Ranchi: Man inIndia Office.

Roy, S. C. 1985. Oraon Religion and Custom. Delhi: Gian Publishing House.

Singh, K.S. 1985. Tribal Society in India: An Anthropo-historical Perspective. Delhi:Manohar Publications.

Spradley, J. & Mc Curdy, D. W. 1996. Conformity and Conflict : Readings in CulturalAnthropology. New York : Longman. (9th Edition).

Discussion and conclusionThis article has touched upon the econimic profile of the Oraons residing in a forestvillage at Lataguri in North Bengal. The agricultural system of the Oraons has beendiscussed emphasizing on the categories of land, technological aspects of paddy cultivation,instruments used in agriculture etc. besides tea gardening another mode of economicactivity has also been discussed in this discourse. The procedure and technology of thetea gardening with the technique and implements utilized in the process have been vividlydescribed here.

It has been observed that the economic condition of the Oraons has got multifacetedcharacters. Their main subsistence pattern is based on agriculture but many among themirrespective of age and sex work as tea garden labourers. It has also been observed thattheir agricultural based economy is gradually changing its characters due various externalfactors. Internally their subsistence pattern is based on the cultivation of various vegetablesplants, fodder plantation, hunting, gathering, etc., besides agriculture. They also earntheir livelihood working under forest department as contract labourer, forest guide, etc.

AcknowledgementIt is impossible to thank all the people who were responsible for helping during the courseof this work. I would like to convey thanks to Mr. Arnab Das (Lecturer, University OfCalcutta), my Supervisor, for guiding me through the course of fieldwork and for allowingme to materialize the whole work.

I would like to convey my special thanks to Dr. Kakali Chakrabarty (SuperintendentAnthropologist, Anthropological Survey of India, E.R.C,) for extending her support.

I am also grateful to Dr. D. N. Pandey (Senior Ecologist of Anthropological Survey ofIndia), Dr. Amitava Sarkar (Superintendent Anthropologist, Anthropological Survey ofIndia) for giving encouragement to prepare this research paper.

Last but not the least my appreciation goes to all of the persons who have extended theircooperation to me before and after The fieldwork, I would like to thank Mr. DebuMukhopadhyay and his family for informing me about the forest villages of Garumara .Mr.Kausik Bahattacherya’s help and cooperation in this regards is acknowledged fromthe core of my heart .

ReferencesDas, A. 2007. The Oraon in the Forest and in the City: A Study on the People in TwoSettlements. Unpublished M. Sc. dissertation (Part II), submitted to the Department ofAnthropology, University of Calcutta.

Dalton, E. T. 1872. (Reprinted in 1960 & 1973). Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal.Calcutta: Government Printing Press.

Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances:some observation on Mahali

Rapti Pan1

ABSTRACT

An attempt has been made in this paper to deal with the inter-relationships betweenmarriage rules and the clans. It has been observed that clans of the Mahali societyare endogamous in nature but its sub-clans are exogamous in nature. It is generallyfound that clans are mainly exogamous in nature. In earlier times, it was found that theclans of the Mahali society were exogamous in natures which were considered duringmarriage alliances but due to the shortage of the bride among them, the Mahali societyhas modified some of their rules wherein they practice clan endogamy but exogamy ispracticed at the sub-clan level. In this way they are trying to maintain their traditionalrule of clan exogamy.

INTRODUCTIONMarriage is socially recognized bonding between two adult individuals. It is beingperformed according to certain rules and norms of the society which varies from onesociety to another. Clan is a social grouping which is exogamous in nature and themembers of a certain clan believe that they are descendent from a common animate orinanimate ancestor. In this discourse we have tried to show an inter-relationship betweenmarriage practices and the clans of the Mahali society which shows some changingfeatures from their traditional practices.

The Mahalis are broadly banded as an artisan tribe. They are originally from Chotonagpurplateau area of Jharjhand. They had migrated to the various districts of West Bengal,mainly Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Malda, Birbhum, Burdwan, Purulia,Bankura, Midnapur,North 24 Parganas and South 24 Parganas.

The present study was carried out among the Mahali tribe of Ampukurdanga, Dighi paraand Sahajapur. Ampukurdanga and Dighi para are situated on the bank of the river Kopai.These hamlets are lying within Gopinathpur mouja under Sorpolahena Albandha GramPanchayet of Birbhum district, West Bengal. Dighi para is adjacent to the Ampukurdanga.


1Junior Research Fellow Eastern Regional Centre Anthropological Survey of India

Brief Communication:

720 721Importance of Clans in Marriage Alliances: some observation on Mahali Rapti Pan

These hamlets are located at north-west of Bolpur town. The main road of the hamlet isrunning from Bolpur to Sainthia. Railway track passes by the side of the hamlets. Thesehamlets are surrounded by a number of villages inhabited by the both Hindus and Santhals.Sarbanandapur, Kelherpur, Debenandapur on the east, Darpashita on the north, Mohisdalon the south and Kasba on the west. Among them Mahisdal is a Santhal village. InAmpukurdanga 20 Santhal families live with Mahali people. The third hamlet is Sahajapurof Sian village under the Sian Muluk Gram Panchayat. This hamlet is situated near theSian Hospital or Bolpur Sub divisional Hospital. On the north of this hamlet Simet hamletis situated, on the east Mohonpur, on the west Baidhyanathpur and on the south Jodupurvillage is situated. In thishamlet, 15 Santhal households are present.

MARRIAGE PRACTICES IN MAHALI SOCIETYAccording to Mahalis, marriage is an indispensable act of life and a landmark of adulthood.Wife is very essential in their life, because a wife will give children, will rear the child,take care of old parents of the family, cook food and maintain their household. Bymarriage, one can get the authority to do sex with his or her spouse. In Mahali terminology,marriage is called as ‘bapla’, the groom is called ‘jamai’ and bride is called as ‘bahu’.They believe that Falgun( February- March), Baisakh (April- May), Jaistha (May- June)andAshar (June- July)of the Bengali calendar are the auspicious months for the marriage.The elder son can’t marry in the month of Jaistha. According to Mahali, the month ofPaus (December- January), Bhadra (August- September) and Chaitra (March- April) ofthe Bengali calendar are inauspicious months for marriage. They believe that if anymarriage occurs in those months, then divorce will takes place.

Most of the Mahali marriages are arranged by the parents and close relatives. In this case,parents choose the spouse for their daughter or son. This type of marriage is known as‘bapla’ and usually the groom’s family approaches the bride’s family. In this case, I mustmention that, some members of the kin groups or some of the villagers act as a ‘raiber’(Marriage Broker). If girl’s family approves the alliance then the broker approaches thegroom’s family and fixes a date for visiting the girl’s house. On that day, the groom’sfamily members along with their ‘Majhi Haram’ (village headman) visit the bride’s house.When they reach the bride’s house, father or elder brother of the bride receives themwarmly. Members of the bride’s family lay a mat in their courtyard as sitting arrangementfor groom’s family and also arrange a feast for them by sacrificing a goat in their honour.By this way bride’s family members show their respect to the groom’s family. Duringthis visit, the groom’s family members want to see the bride and they take her out of herhut; the bride washes the feet of the guests and offers water to them. If they like the bride,then they fix the amount of bride prize (bapla gonong). It varies from 12 to 16 rupeesand in addition four saris (women’s cloth), two for the bride, one for bride’s mother andone for the grandmother. One can give more saris according to their economic condition.Belief behind this is that, by bridal prize grooms family buys the bride from her family,so that bride’s family would have no right on her anymore. And the husband gets supremeright on his wife, like exclusive right of sex, right of fathering her children etc. by thepayment of bridal prize. Once bridal prize is paid by the groom’s family member to thebride’s family, it can be said that the marriage is final. The payment of bridal price serves

as an important landmark in their life as it makes an alliance between the two familiesand also gives a confirmation of the marriage.

Age of Marriage: After starting menstruation a girl obtains the right for marriage.Generally the girls marry between the age of 14-20 years and boys between18-25. Itindicates that child marriage commonly is practiced by the Mahalis.

Types of Marriage: Sometimes bride and groom run away from their house to someplace, there the boy apply vermillion on the forehead of the bride and get married. Insuch a situation, the parents of the bride meet with the parents of the groom. If both thefamily agrees then the parents of the groom accept their marriage by giving the bridalprize. In Mahali terminology, this type of marriage is known as angir.

If the boy forcibly gives vermillion on the forehead of the girl, then it is called aurapar.In this case, if a man gives vermillion on the forehead of the girl, she automaticallybecomes the wife of that man. If she doesn’t stay with him, then she becomes a divorcee.If a young man and a girl have sexual intercourse and that man afterwards is unwillingto marry her then the girl forces the man to get married. If the man agrees then themarriage takes place but if that man refuses to marry her then a village council decideswhat to do. They usually fix a fine and collect that fine from the father of that young manand give it to the girl.

If the bride resides with her own parents along with her husband and children, then groomis known as ghar jawie or resident son-in-law. In the village Ampukurdanga and MoholiparaI found two cases of such ghar jawie. Bride’s father keeps his son-in-law in his houseif he has no male child. Here the son-in-law’s primary duty is to look after his parents-in-law. In this case no bridal price is paid by the house of son-in-law. But in Mahalisociety, practice of ghar jawie is considered as derogatory on behalf of the groom.

Mahali people believe in monogamy system of marriage. But in one case I found thathusband remarried in presence of his first wife and in another case, the wife got marriedin presence of her previous husband. But they don’t live together. After remarriage, theygo to the some other place and maintain their separate households.

Mahalis prefer second marriage only after the death of the spouse. In Mahali terminology,this remarriage is known as sanga. Sororate is commonly practiced among the Mahalisociety. If a woman is barren or dies then the man marries his wife’s sister. If his wifehas no sister then one of her close relative is arranged for the marriage. In this case a manprefers his wife’s maternal uncle’s daughter. In such type of marriage they always preferyounger sister rather than the older one. In this case the bridal prize is lower than in caseof other types of marriages. If a widow remarriage occurs, then have no right to take thevermilion on her forehead because his vermilion is for the name of her first husband,second husband can’t give the vermilion. If a widow marries a widower man who haschildren, then the person would have to declare that after his death his wife would becomethe successor to his properties rather than his children from his previous wife. Thistradition insures a sort of social security for the widow woman. This phenomenon iscalled by Mahalis as jibon shatok. In past time, levirate is also commonly practiced butin present day it is not practiced among the Mahali society.


Cross cousin marriage is strictly prohibited among the Mahali society. Sometimes marriagetakes place by exchange, where a daughter is married off to a family in exchange for adaughter-in-law. This type of marriage is known as Jai Badal in Mahali terminology.But the Mahali people usually avoid this type of marriage because if their daughter-in-law suffers from any harassment then their daughter would have to suffer from harassmentsin her in laws house.

In the Mahali society, a man and woman can also live together without formally marryingeach other. I met a woman, mother of three during my study whose name was LakhshiHemrom and she said that she was not quite happy in her relation with her husband, soshe got herself divorced and came back to her parent’s house accompanied by her children.There she got acquainted with a married man named Bhanu. They started liking eachother and lived together for around two years without getting married formally. Bhanu’smarried wife used to live at a village near Guskara. But a few days ago Bhanu ran awayfrom this woman I spoke to and she came to know that Bhanu went to Rajasthan, a stateon the western part of the India where he has married another woman.

TYPES OF CLANS IN MAHALI SOCIETY

In contrast to lineage, clan consists of people supposed to be born as descendants froma far off mythological character. In tribal society, many of such clans are totemic in nature.Risley enlisted 34 clans of which 15 were totemic in nature. Each clan again is composedof several sub-clans or khunts. Mahali clans are totemic in nature. The names of the clancome from some local plants or animals. In this context, A.R.Redcliffe Brown said that“the special relation to totem emphasizes the unity and individuality of the clan. Thusan important function of the ritual attitude towards the totem is the expression andmaintenance of the identity and solidarity of the social group concerned”. As, the membersof a clan are supposed to be descended from a common ancestor, the members are brothersand sisters, for that reason usually marriage is not permitted among the same clan. Aftermarriage, women adopt her husband’s clan. But, in case of death of husband, or divorce,she may revert to her original clan. But, her children retain the clan of their father.

The following table shows the clan names and their associated totemic objects.

Clan Name Totemic Object

1) Soren The constellation plediates

2) Murmu Shal fish

3) Tudu Ground rat

4) Hasda Wild goose

5) Hembrom Areca nut

6) Kisku Kingfisher

7) Mandi A kind of blue bird

8) Besra Hawk

Sub-clan:The Mahali have another kin group. This is the sub-clan, locally known as‘khunt’. The ‘khunt’, in fact is a part of their clan.

Kisku: Like, Choto Kisku, Baro Kisku and Khanger Kisku are the names of the khuntbelonging to the clan Kisku. Status of Khanger Kisku is highest among the three sub-clans.

Soren: Kashap Soren and Soren are two types of sub clans belonging to the clan Soren.Kashap Soren do not eat flesh of the tortoise but Soren can eat it.

Hasda: Sada hasda, Kore hasda and Chilbinda Hasda are three types of ‘Khunt’ belongingto the clan Hasda. They believe status of Chilbinda Hasda is highest among these three sub-clans. Member of Sada Hasda do not eat flesh, or, white fowl and do not use necklace of whitecowries. The members of Kore Hasda do not eat the flesh of goose. The members of ChilbindaHasda respect the Eagle bird though their ancestors were traditionally eagle slayers.

Hemrom: Gua Hemrom, Sada Hemrom are two types of ‘khunt’ or sub-clan of the clanHemrom. Members of Gua hemrom do not eat areca nut. But the member of Sada Hemromsub clan can eat nut. Status of Gua hemrom is higher than Sada Hemrom.

Mandi: Sada mandi and Mur mandi are two types of ‘khunt’, belonging to the clan Mandi.‘Sada’ means white in English and the members of ‘Sada Mandi’ do not use vermillionduring the worship as they are against its use. Sada Mandi people also do not use vermillionin any ceremony or worship, such as, to apply on any animal or bird before sacrifice orput vermillion on the ‘Khoar’ (a circle drawn of rice powder during worship). Besidesthis the members of Sada Mandi wear white cloths without turmeric during marriage. itis said that this custom has evolved over time after occurrence of some incidence in thepast. It once happened that a member of the Mandi clan once forgot to bring vermillionduring a ceremony for which some members were sent out to fetch for some vermillion.But this group failed to do so because due to heavy rain they were unable to cross theriver and ultimately the ‘Khoar’ was made devoid of vermillion and a ‘Fowl’ was sacrificedwithout vermillion. After the incidence, this group started this custom of worshippingwithout vermillion. The Mur Mandi put on white wedding crown of thermocol duringthe marriage and also new cloths sprinkled with turmeric. But, both of the sub clans havea totemic object, i.e., a kind of blue bird called ‘Nilchakra’. They respect this birdimmensely and whenever they see a dead ‘Nilchakra’ they observe the custom of pollution.

Murmu: This is another clan and it has six sub-clans, such as, Sada Murmu, San Murmu,Ghancher Murmu, Boara murmur, Handi Murmu and Datela Murmu. Sada Murmu doesn’tuse vermillion during any of their ceremony or sacrifice. San Murmu has derived theirname from their ancient tradition of cutting meat and placing it on a San or grind stone.Members of Ghancher Murmu clan use vermillion in their worship and in their ceremonies.Members of the Boara Murmu clan derived their name from the fact that they don’t eata certain kind of fish called ‘Boal’. People belonging to the Handi Murmu clan offersacrifices of bear during the Baha festival and Sohrae festival. People of the Datela Murmuclan are called so as because they sacrifice castrated pigs in the name of God.


Besra: Besra clan has got three subclans, namely, Besra, Sada Besra and Bitol Besra.People of Besra subclan use vermillion in their worship whereas Sada Besra person aspreviously does not do so. Bitol which literally means irregular came to identify a subclanas it is believed that once a man of Besra clan had an incestuous relation with his youngersister, his descendents later came to be known by that name. People of Besra clan respectHawk and on seeing a dead hawk they mourn it by throwing their earthenwares andfollowing pollution.

Tudu : The clan of Tudu has got two sub-clans, Ciga Tudu and Datela Tudu. Both ofthese clans have a common totemic object i.e., rat, and so they refrain from killing andeating them.

‘Khunt’ or subclan is an exogamous group, the members of which claim to have beendescended from a common stock. The division of a clan in such a manner is perhaps dueto getting bride.

I asked Samu Hasda that why they divide a clan in such a manner? He replied-“If thenorm of not allowing any one to marry within his/or her own clan is strictly adhered to,it would have been very difficult to find out prospective bride/or bridegroom and onceupon a time there occurred a crisis of brides and grooms. So, to avoid the impasse, theclan has been divided into various ‘khunts’ by its own members, to allow marriage ofyoung boys and girls having a wider scope of choice.” Besides Samu Hasda some othermembers of the Mahali society have also expressed same views regarding clan andits divisions.

DiscussionMarriage is one of the most important social events in Mahali life. One of the importantpurposes of the marriage is to produce children. Clan is composed of several sub-clansin Mahali life. This sub-clan is totally exogamous in nature. For example Sada hasda,Kore hasda and Chilbinda hasda are three types of ‘khunt’ or sub clan belonging to theclan Hasda. Marriage cannot occur between Sada Hasda and Sada Hasda, but marriagecan occur between Sada Hasda and Chilbinda Hasda or Sada Hasda and Kore Hasda. So,these ‘khunts’ are exogamous but clans are endogamous.

There are so many cases in which marriage within the clan occur. Dilip Hasda marriedSabita Hasda. Dilip Hasda belongs to the Sada Hasda and Sabita Hasda belongs to theChilbinda Hasda.

A Mahali can never marry in the ‘khunt’ of his mother though it is different from his ownsub clan. However, though the Mahalis are broadly known as patrilineal, they are oftenfound to maintain the lineage not only from father but also from mother. It is evidentthat, the caste based Hindu society has some influence among the tribal groups.

The Mahalis generally prefer to find out their spouses from the out side of their ownclans. But, if they do not find any suitable spouse from their own clan, then they are

forced to choose their spouses from their sub-clan. In this way the Mahalis maintain theirtradition of clan exogamy by choosing their spouses from the exogamous sub-clans.

Refference1) Singh, K.S. (1985). “Tribal Society in India: an Anthropo-historical Perspective”,

Delhi, Manohar Publications.

2) Hutton, J.H. (1946), “Caste in India”, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Health profile of Gorkhas with special referenceto Lifestyle vis-a-vis Hypertensive Condition

in Village Karbari Grant of Dehradun,Uttarakhand: An overview

Priyanka Singh,1 Jayanta Kumar Nayak,2 Ankita Rajpoot,3 Tanisha Gairola3 and Lucy Pramanik3

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to provide the health profile of Gorkhas inhabiting the Karbari Grantvillage of Dehradun and to evaluate the changing health status in general and hypertensivenature in particular with respect to change of lifestyle among them. Sample size comprisesof 183 adult Gorkha individuals (69 males and 114 females) of Karbari Grant, dehradun.Four Anthropometric measurements viz., Stature, Weight, Waist and Hip circumferencealong with Blood Pressure were taken. Body Mass Index (BMI) and Waist Hip Ratio(WHR) were also calculated. Blood sample was collected from 100 Gorkha individualsand processed for haematoanalysis. It was observed that Gorkhas of the studied villageare leading more sedentary lifestyle with rich oily food habits and in some cases with acombination of smoking and alcohol intake. It is thus, concluded that Blood Pressure(BP) and Body Mass Index (BMI) for Gorkhas are in borderline of high risk for metabolicdisorders like hypertension and obesity. This study strongly supports that for evaluatinghypertensive and obesity factors, WHR is much more valuable and a better predictorthan only BMI.

INTRODUCTIONHealth is an inevitable and important part of our life. It is the level of functional ormetabolic efficiency of a living being. The World Health Organization (WHO) definedhealth as "a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the


1Post-Doctoral Fellow, 2Project Scientist, 3Project Research Assistant, Anthropological Survey of India, North-West Regional Centre, Dehradun, Uttarakhand

absence of disease or infirmity" (WHO, 1948, 2006). It is not just a state, but also "aresource for everyday life. It is a positive concept emphasizing social and personalresources, as well as physical capacities" (WHO, 1986).

Every area of life has fundamentals, foundational principles upon which success or failureis largely determined. Health also has fundamentals, without which no amount of drugs,surgeries or acupuncture needles will ultimately succeed (Annemien et. al, 2003). Thefundamental factors affecting health are economic (e.g. poverty, unemployment),environmental (e.g. poor housing, pollution), social (e.g. isolation), genetic (e.g. thalassemia),lifestyle (e.g. smoking, drinking) and education etc. These factors often cluster togetherproducing inequalities in ill health and influencing the quality of life.

Hypertension, one of the major risk factor of Cardio-vascular disease is estimated to cause4.5% of current global disease burden. It is becoming an increasingly common healthproblem in our country too. This may be because of increasing longevity and prevalenceof contributing factors such as obesity, physical inactivity and an unhealthy diet(http://www.nutritioncrashcourse.com). Various epidemiological studies (Dubey, 1954;Malhotra et al., 1999; Singh et al.,2000; WHO, 2001; Ahlawat et al.,2002; Gupta et al.,2002; Hazarika et al., 2002; Kutty et al., 2002; Gupta et al., 2004; Das et al., 2005;)carried out in different rural and urban parts of India, reported increasing trend in prevalenceof hypertension for the last few decades in India. But no such study has been done so faron the Gorkha population of Dehradun.

So the present study aims to provide the health profile of Gorkhas inhabiting the KarbariGrant village of Dehradun and to evaluate the changing health status in general andhypertensive nature in particular with respect to change of lifestyle among them.

Subjects and MethodsThe current study was a part of research project entitled 'An Extensive Study on GorkhaPopulation' carried out in the village Karbari Grant of Dehradun by the AnthropologicalSurvey of India, North-West Regional Centre, Dehradun under the national project 'DNAPolymorphism of Contemporary Indian Population'.

This study was conducted among the Gorkha community. Ethnically, Gorkhas are Indo-Tibeto-Mongolians and Rajputs (Brook and Morris, 1974)). They have mongoloid facialfeatures like wide forehead, round face, high cheek bones and slit eyes (Byron, 1984).They are originally from Nepal. Gurkhas mainly follow Hinduism and are famous fortheir large knife called the kukri (khukuri). In this village, majority of Gorkha males wereeither retired army personnel or still working in the Indian army.

Sample size comprises of 183 individuals (69 males and 114 females) aged above 18years. Four Anthropometric measurements were taken viz., Stature, Weight, Waist andHip circumference following Singh and Bhasin (1989). Blood Pressure was measured byOmron Digital Blood Pressure Monitor (Made in Tokyo,Japan). All measurements weretaken following WHO (2003) and JNC (1997) Guidelines. The Body Mass Index (BMI)and Waist Hip Ratio (WHR) were calculated from the acquired data following WHOGuidelines (2008). All the statistical analysis was carried out by SPSS software (version 12).Information regarding diet, physical activity, smoking and alcohol were also recorded.

Procedure of blood sample collection

Random blood sample was collected from 100 Gorkha individuals (Male-45, Female-55)following proper ethical guidelines and taking written consents from the individuals.Blood samples were collected in K2EDTA vacutainers. Within 24 hours, samples wereprocessed in Medonic M-series Hematology System (Made in Stockholm, Sweden byBoule Medical AB) for detection of different parameters of blood cell, such as haemoglobin,RBC, WBC, Platelets, etc. By Tube method, blood groups of each individual weredetected by using ABO and Rh blood group typing anti sera. Frequency of genes of ABOblood group in studied population was calculated following Bernstein's Method (Crow, 1993).

Results and DiscussionLife Style Habits

Lifestyle habits are one of the important determinants of health (WHO). Figure 1 reflectsthe food consuming status of the studied population. It indicates that most of them arenon-vegetarians as per their dietary practices. Most of the non-vegetarian food items theyprepared with excess oil. Very small fraction (4.9%) of them was vegetarian.

Fig. 1 Diet

Figure 2 reflects the smoking habits among Gorkhas. It indicates that only 10%were smokers in habit. But when the smoking habit analysed separately amongmales and females it was found that less than 1% females were smokers in comparisonto 27.54% males.

729728 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik

Non-vegetarian

Vegetarian

4.90%

95.10%

Fig. 2 Smoking Habits

Figure 3 highlights that overall 16% Gorkhas were alcoholic in nature but thepercentage is quite different among males (39%) and females (1.75%).

Fig. 3 Alcohol Intake

Figure 4 indicates the physical activity pattern among the studied population.More than 73% Gorkhas were leading sedentary lifestyle whereas only 15.85% wereheavy workers.

Fig. 4 Physical Activities

Overall if glimpses put forth on the above four figures it reflects that Gorkhas of thestudied village are leading more sedentary lifestyle with rich oily food habits and in somecases with a combination of smoking and alcohol intake.

Blood groups

Frequency of different blood groups among Gorkhas is highlighted in Table-1.

Table:1 Frequency of different blood groups among Gorkhas (N=100)

Blood Group Frequency (%)

A 2 7

B 2 5

AB 3 6

O 11

Rh+ 93

Rh- 0 7


Sedemtary

Moderate

Heavy

15.85%

73.22%

10.93%

Alcoholic

Non-alcoholic

15.85%

84.15%

Smokers

Non-smokers

89.07%

10.03%

Priyanka Singh, Jayanta Kumar Nayak, Ankita Rajpoot, Tanisha Gairola and Lucy Pramanik

Blood group AB was found to be more frequent (nearly one third) in the studied Gorkhpopulation followed by blood group A, B and O respectively. Rh+ Blood group was foundin majority (93%) of Gorkhas. Only 7 individuals from the studied population have Rh-blood group.

Table - 2 depicts the frequency of genes for ABO blood group in studied Gorkha population.

Table-2 Distribution of Gene frequencies for ABO blood group in Gorkhas (N=100)

Allele Gene Frequency (%)

IA p- 40%

IB q-27%

IO r-33%

Frequency of allele IA was found to be maximum (40%) followed by alleles IO (33%)and IB (27%) respectively.

Complete Blood Count (CBC) of Gorkhas

A complete blood count (CBC) gives important information about the kinds and numbersof cells in the blood, especially red blood cells, white blood cells and platelets. Table 3highlights the results of CBC of Gorkha males and females.

l Red blood cell (RBC) count. In the current population the RBC count was foundto be normal in nearly 95% females and 91% males (Table 3). Red blood cellscarry oxygen from the lungs to the rest of the body and carbon dioxide back tothe lungs so it can be exhaled. In three females and one male RBC count wasfound to be low (anemia i.e. the body may not be getting the oxygen it needs). Ifthe count is too high (a condition called polycythemia), there is a chance that thered blood cells will clump together and block blood capillaries. Three males werereported to be polycythemic in present study. In females no such condition wasobserved.

l White blood cell (WBC, leukocyte) count- White blood cells are cells of theimmune system involved in defending the body against both infectious diseaseand foreign materials. If an infection develops, white blood cells attack and destroythe bacteria, virus, or other organism causing it. White blood cells are bigger thanred blood cells but fewer in number. When a person has a bacterial infection, thenumber of white cells rises very quickly. The number of white blood cells is usedto find an infection. Among the present Gorkha studied population, WBC of nearly

91% males and 78% females were found to be in normal reference range (3.5-10.0 ×109). But four males and twelve females were found to be suffering from leucocytosis(WBC count above upper limit). No individual was found to be suffering fromleukopenia (WBC count below lower limit).

Table 3: Average Value of Complete Blood Count (CBC) among Gorkha malesand females

Sl. Male (N-45) Female (N-55)

No Parameter Normal Above Below Normal Above Below

Range* normal normal normal normal

% (N) % (N) % (N) % (N) % (N) % (N)

1 RBC (1012/L) 3.50-5.50 91.11 (41) 6.67 (03) 2.22 (01) 94.55 (52) - 5.45 (03)

2 WBC (109/L) 3.5-10.0 91.11 (41) 8.89 (04) - 78.18 (43) 21.82 (12) -

3 Platelet (109/L) 100-400 75.56 (34) - 24.44 (11) 76.36 (42) - 23.64 (13)

4 Hematocrit (%) 35-55 46.67 (21) - 53.33 (24) 10.91 (06) - 89.09 (49)

5 Haemoglobin 11.5-16.5 91.11 (41) 2.22 (01) 6.67 (03) 78.18 (43) - 21.82 (12)

7 Mean corpuscular 75-100 60 (27) - 40 (18) 12.73 (07) - 87.27 (48)

volume (MCV)

*As per Medonic M-series Hematology System used in laboratory

l Hematocrit (HCT, packed cell volume, PCV). This test measures the amountof space (volume) red blood cells take up in the blood. The value is given as apercentage of red blood cells in a volume of blood. More than 50% of Gorkhamales were reported with the Heamatocrit value below normal. Among femalesthe condition was found to be more critical with nearly 89% of them havingHeamatocrit percent below normal range. . A low haematocrit may be due toanaemia, blood loss, nutritional deficiency or rheumatoid arthritis.

l Platelet-Platelets are one of the components of the blood along with white and redblood cells. Platelets play an important role in clotting and bleeding. Lower numberof platelets than the normal range in the blood results in Thrombocytopenia(excessive bleeding after a cut or an injury resulting in hemorrhage and majorblood loss). Nearly 25% males (N-11) and females (N-13) of studied Gorkhapopulation were suffering from thrombocytopenia.

733732 Health profile of Gorkhas with ...................Dehradun, Uttarakhand: An overview

l Mean corpuscular volume (MCV)

It measures the average red blood cell size. In the present Gorkha population, 18males (40%) and 48 females (87.27%) were found to be suffering from microcyticanaemia (MCV below normal range). The most common cause of microcyticanemia is iron deficiency (due to inadequate dietary intake, gastrointestinal bloodloss or menstrual blood loss). Macrocytic anemia (MCV above normal range) wasnot found among Gorkhas.

l Haemoglobin concentration:

The concentration of haemoglobin measured in the blood can help diagnoseanaemia, a condition caused by a deficiency of haemoglobin. The averageHaemoglobin concentration among studied Gorkha males and females was foundto be 14.06mm/Hg and 12.25mm/Hg respectively.

Table-4 Haemoglobin concentration in Gorkha population

Haemoglobin Male (N=45) Haemoglobin Female (N=55)Concentration Concentration

(mm/Hg) No. % (mm/Hg) No. %

Normal range* 25 55.56 Normal range 36 65.45(13.8-17.2) (12.1-15.1)

Below normal 19 42.22 Below normal 19 34.55

Above normal 01 2.22 Above normal - -

* http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/encyclopedia

But as depicted from the Table 4 nearly 43% (N-19) males and 35% (N-19) females werefound to be anaemic. Haemoglobin above normal range was reported only in one malebut not among Gorkha females.

Table 5 reflects the mean and standard deviation of various anthropometric and physiologicalparameters among Gorkha population. Gorkha males with average height 162.73cmsand weight 61.31Kg (Table 5) were taller and heavier than their female counterpart withaverage height of 150.96 Cms and weight 56.81 Kg (Table 5). They were of lower mediumstatured as per Martin's Scale (Singh and Bhasin, 1989). All measurements exhibitedstatistically significant difference gender wise. High standard deviation signifies thatvalues for most of the parameters show lot of variation.

Table: 5 Mean and SD of Anthropometric Measurements in Gorkha Malesand Females

Sex Measurements

Height Weight Blood Pressure(Cms) (Kg) (mmHg) BMI W/H Ratio

Systolic Diastolic

Male Mean 162.73* 61.31* 138.97* 87.61* 23.08* 0.92*

(N-69) SD 7.40 13.90 23.34 12.30 4.75 0.09

Female Mean 150.96 56.81 128.56 81.72 24.51 0.87

(N-114) SD 15.00 10.41 22.95 12.13 4.34 0.10

* Gender wise statistically significant difference at p? 0.05 level

Table 6 highlights the observed percentage distribution of different categories of BloodPressure as per WHO Guidelines (2003) and JNC VI criteria (1997).

Table: 6 Percent distribution of Blood Pressure among Gorkha Males and Females

Blood Pressure (BP) Male Female

Class* Range % %

Systolic Diastolic (N-69) (N-114)

Hypotension 90 60 0 1.75 (02)

Normal 90-120 60-80 18.84 44.74(13) (51)

Pre-hypertension 121-139 80-89 36.23 20.18(25) (23)

Hypertension Grade I 140-159 90-99 28.99 22.81 (26)(20)

Hypertension Grade II 160-179 100-109 10.14 7.89 (09)(07)

Hypertension Grade II >180 >110 5.80 2.63 (03)(04)

Classification of BP as per WHO Guidelines (2003) and JNC VI criteria (1997),N- Number of subjects


figure also reveal that as compared to other age groups SBP in the age group 41 to 50years and 50- 60 years among women was higher than the men. This may be because inthis age women pass through the menopause stage. After menopause there is fall in thelevels of estrogen which is partly responsible for maintaining blood pressure.

Gorkhas exhibit the same trend of increase in Diastolic Blood pressure consistently withincreasing age (Fig. 6) like the Systolic Blood Pressure (Fig. 5). Except younger women(age group18-30 years) and older men (above 60 years) average DBP falls in the pre-hypertensive range. Younger women had normal SBP and older men had been found tobe in hypertensive range of blood pressure.

Fig.6: Diastolic Blood pressure (DBP) variationwith age among males and females

Chi square analysis between BP and dietary practices, physical activity and BP reflectsstrong statistically significant p value at 0.041and 0.015 level respectively. This resultsupports the hypothesis that there is strong correlation between lifestyle practices suchas dietary habits and physical activity with BP.

Table-7 indicates the percentage distribution of BMI among male and female Gorkhas.Nearly 31% males were found to be in overweight-obese range in comparison to 40%females in this range. But the interesting thing was that 20% males were in underweight

From the table it was observed that more than 81% of males and 53% of females wereabove normal range for blood pressure whereas nearly 45% males and 34% females werein the high risk of hypertension. Not a single male individual was found to be in hypotensivecondition whereas 1.75% females were in the hypotensive zone.

Blood pressure also varies with age and gender. Figure 5 and 6 highlights the variationof systolic and diastolic blood pressure with age among Gorkha males and femalesrespectively. From Fig. 5 it was observed that average SBP increases with age amongboth males and females. When compared age group wise, average SBP for all age groupsexcept the oldest age group (above 60 years) among males falls in the pre-hypertensiverange. In older males (above 60 years) SBP was found to be highest falling in hypertensivezone of blood pressure. Among younger females (18-30 years) average SBP was foundto be normal.

Fig.5: Systolic Blood pressure (SBP) variation with ageamong Gorkha males and females

In middle aged women (31-50 years) SBP falls in pre-hypertension range. SBP wasobserved highest in the Hypertension range among older women (Above 60 years). This


18-24 yrs 25-40 yrs 41-50 yrs 50-60 yrs Above 60 yrs

Age group

Sys

tolic

Blo

od P

ress

ure

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

Male

Female

Dia

stol

ic B

lood

Pre

ssur

e

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

DBP Male

DBP Female

Age group

18-24 yrs 25-40 yrs 41-50 yrs 50-60 yrs Above 60 yrs

Table: 7 Percent distribution of BMI among Gorkha Males and Females

BMI* Male (69) Female (114)

No. % No. %

<18.5 14.00 20.28 6.00 5.26

18.5-25 33.00 47.83 62.00 54.38

25-30 14.00 20.28 31.00 27.19

>30 8.00 11.59 15.00 13.16

* BMI range as per WHO guidelines (2008)

BMI category whereas only 5% females were in this category. This result shows no clearcut chi square significance between BMI and BP. It indicates that only BMI is not a goodindicator for assessing metabolic disorders like hypertension and obesity.

Table 8 represents the frequency distribution of Waist-Hip ratio (WHR) among Gorkhamales and females. It shows that above 60% of both males and females were overweightas per WHR cut off points which coincides with BP results.

Table 8 Percent distribution of Waist-Hip Ratio (WHR) among Gorkha Malesand Females

WHR* Males (69) WHR* Females (114)

No. % No. %

< 0.95 21 30.43 <0.80 45 39.47

> 0.95 48 69.57 >0.80 69 60.53

* WHR range as per WHO guidelines (2008)

The chi square p value between BP and WHR was statistically highly significant inGorkhas (*p significant at 0.005). Significant association between BP and WHR was alsoobserved among males (*p significant at 0.043) and females (*p significant at 0.032).In the population, Pearson correlation analysis between BP and WHR also indicatestatistically significant level at 0.006. The Chi square analysis between BMI and WHRreflect highly significant p value at 0.000 levels in the studied population. Separately theChi square analysis between BMI and WHR among males and females shows significantp value at 0.001 levels. In the population, very highly significant Pearson's correlation(pvalue-0.000) was also observed between BMI and WHR.

It is thus observed that the average value of Blood Pressure (BP) and Body Mass Index(BMI) for Gorkhas are in borderline of high risk for metabolic disorders like hypertensionand obesity. It is also revealed from the above data that for evaluating hypertensive andobesity factors, WHR is much more valuable and a better predictor than only BMI.

CONCLUSIONHealth conditions regulate quality of life. In affluent society, though everything is easilyaccessible, but lack of health awareness on healthy lifestyles like decreased use of tobaccoand drugs, regular physical activity, balanced nutritional intake, positive mental healthetc. leads physiological risk factors. This research indicates that Gorkha of studied areaare basically now leading sedentary life with rich oily food intake without proper healthconsciousness practices. The studied village is an Ex-servicemen army settlement area.Retiring from job in younger age (around 45yrs-50yrs), they lead sedentary lifestyle. Buttheir style of food consuming not controlled and other family members are also associatedwith that practices. If such trend will be continued then there is the chance of havingmore and more incidence of physiological problems. It is the high time to provide themproper knowledge on good health. Regular health check-up camps are essential. In thestudied area no playground or park facility is available. If these facilities will be provided,then they will be able to do some morning and evening exercises in open air space. Inwords of Sivananda, "Every human being is the author of his own health or disease".So focusing more on lifestyle issues and their relationships with functional health, it issuggested that Gorkha people can improve their health by exercise, maintaining a healthybody weight, limiting alcohol use, and avoiding sedentary life style.

AcknowledgementAuthors express deep sense of gratitude to all the subjects of Karbari grant village whogave their valuable time and blood. Authors wish to thank Dr. Vinod Kaul (Supt.Anthropologist & Head of Office), Dr. S.N.H. Rizwi (Anthropologist) and Dr.Harashavardhana (Anthropologist) of Anthropological Survey of India, North-Westregional centre, Dehradun for their valuable supervision during the present study. Authorsare also thankful to Anthropological Survey of India (Govt. of India), Ministry of Culturefor providing the financial support for conducting this research study.

ReferencesAhlawat S. K., M. M. Singh, R. Kumar, Time trends in the prevalence of hypertensionS. Kumari, B. K. Sharma (2002) and associated risk factors in Chandigarh. J

Indian Med Assoc. 100(9):547-52, 554-5, 572.

Alberts, B. (2005) "Leukocyte functions and percentagebreakdown" Molecular Biology of the Cell.NCBI Bookshelf. Retrieved 17.07.2011.


Annemien H. N., Lisette C. G., Wija A. S. Dietary quality, lifestyle factors and healthy(2003) ageing in Europe: the SENECA study. Age and

Ageing 32: 427-434

Brook N. W. and C. J. Morris (1974) Gurkhas: Their manners, customs and country.Delhi: Cosmo Publication.

Byron, Farwell (1984) Gurkhas. London: Allen Lane. PerspectiveCrow J. F. (1993) Felix Bernstein and the First Human Marker

Locus. Genetics; 133: 4-7.

Das S. K., K. Sanyal, A. Basu (2005) Study of urban community survey in India:Growing trend of high prevalence ofhypertension in developing country. Int.J. Med. Sci. 2: 70-8.

Dubey V. D. (1954) A study on blood pressure amongst industrialworkers of Kanpur. J Indiana State Med Assoc.Aug;23(11):495-8.

Gupta R., V. P. Gupta, M. Sarna, Prevalence of coronary heart disease and riskS. Bhatnagar, J. Thanvi, V. Sharma, factors in an urban Indian population: JaipurA. K. Singh, J. B. Gupta, V. Kaul(2002) Heart Watch -2. Indian Heart J. 54(1):59-66.

Gupta R., M. Sarna, J. Thanvi, P. Rastogi, High prevalence of multiple coronary riskV. Kaul, V. P. Gupta (2004) factors in Punjabi Bhatia community: Jaipur

Heart Watch- 3. Indian Heart J. 56(6):646-52.

Hazarika N. C., D. Biswas, K. Narain, Hypertension and its risk factors in tea gardenH. C. Kalita, Mahanta J (2002 ) workers of Assam.Natl Med J India.15(2):63-8.

http://www MedlinePlus Medical Retrieved 24th July, 2011.Encyclopedia

http://www.nutritioncrashcourse.com Retrieved 24th July, 2011.

http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency Retrieved 24th July, 2011.

Kutty V. R., C. R. Soman, A. Joseph, Random capillary blood sugar and coronaryK. V. Kumar, R. Pisharody (2002) risk factors in a south Kerala population. J

Cardiovasc Risk.9(6):361-7.

Malhotra P., S. Kumari, R. Kumar, Prevalence and determinants of hypertensionS. Jain, B. K. Sharma (1999) in an un-industrialised rural population of North

India. J Hum Hypertens., 13(7):467-72.

National Institute of Health (1997) The sixth Report of the Joint National Committeeon Prevention,Detection,Evaluation andtreatment of high Blood Pressure. NIHPublication No. 98-4080.

Singh I. P. and M. K. Bhasin (1989) Anthropometry.1989, Delhi, Kamla-RajEnterprises.

Singh R. S., I. L. Suh, V. P. Singh, Hypertension and stroke in Asia:Prevalence,S. Chaithiraphan, P. Laothavom, control and strategies in developing countriesR. G. Sy, et al. (2000) for prevalence. Hum Hypertens 14:749-63.

WHO and International Society of World Health Organization (WHO) /Hypertension Writing Group. (2003) International Society of Hypertension (ISH)

statement on management of hypertension.J Hypertension 21:1983-92.

World Health Organization (1946) www.who.int/bulletin/archives/80(12)981.pdfWHO definition of Health.

World Health Organization (1986) Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, adoptedat First International Conference on HealthPromotion,Ottawa, 21 November 1986 -WHO / HPR/HEP/95.1.

World Health Organization (2001) Hypertension study Group. Prevalence,Awareness,treatment and control of hyper-tension among elderly in Bangladesh andIndia:a multicentric study.Bulletin of the WorldHealth Organization, 79(6) 490-500.

World Health Organization (2006) Constitution of the World Health OrganizationBasic Documents, Forty-fifth edition.

World Health Organization (2008) Waist Circumference and Waist-Hip Ratio:Report of a WHO Expert Consultation. Geneva.

World Health Organization (2011) The determinants of health. Geneva. Accessed12 May, 2011.


Obituary

A Tribute to Professor N. K. Behura

I met him for the first time in a sultry September in 1974, the year when I was one of the

freshmen of M.Sc. anthropology at Utkal University. A tall, handsome and well-dressed

man in his forties impressed me in the very first class on Introduction to Social Anthropology

for his immaculate English accent and a cursive style of writing the language, typical of

an Englishman. Someone whispered from the back that it was Dr. Behura, who would

also steer us in the stream of Social and Cultural Anthropology in the months to come.

When days rolled by, I noticed him punctual to the class, delivering his lecture on the

subject for the entire period with absolute authority, zest and passion, occasionally looking

at his small notebook with an elastic string to close at the end of the consultation. In the

first few classes I categorized him as a solemn and sober Professor without much of

humor, and how gravely I was mistaken then, when I became closer to him in later years.

In the final year of the M.Sc., Dr. Behura was given the responsibility of taking us to the

month-long fieldwork in the Juang hills of Keonjhar. The routine was to be scrupulously

followed, and he was not the person to endure any kind of irregularity. Dr. Behura with


Dr. Behera occupied the room between the boys' and the girls' dormitories in Janghira

Ashram School, so that the fieldwork visit never looked like a picnic party. We had to

travel a few kilometers everyday for work and were locked in an evening class. Before

retiring, we were to write and submit our daily field diaries for a meticulous examination

by Dr. Behura. I was a little scared, lest there be no mistakes to be pointed out before

classmates in the next evening session. Trepidation of being reprimanded in the evening

class ended up with a detailed diary writing and therefore, going to bed late. In the first

one or two days Dr. Behura noticed that we were getting late in the morning. A funny

idea struck him. He asked the mess-in-charge, my friend Narusu, to buy a pair of domestic

fowls for a feast. I found it strange as I know very well that Dr. Behura had given up

meat for long. When Narasu wanted to process the fowls for the evening dinner, Dr.

Behura asked to hold on for a day, and instead instructed that the fowls be allowed to rest

in one corner in the boys' dormitory due to the chilly winter months in Juang hills. It was

very well planned. I laughed heartily for the clever deal. All of us had to get up at 4.00

AM from that day onwards for the rest of the fieldwork period without getting late.

I had the privilege of being a colleague to Dr. Behura later. I could gauge his magnanimity

when he started encouraging me to write joint papers and publish them in reputed

professional journals in 1970s and 1980s. Dr. Behura used to thoroughly check the

manuscripts before sending to the editors. I was not good in English. He advised me to

keep a small dictionary on my bed side without fail and check the spelling or a synonym

in case of any suspicion. Our joint publication started swelling, and in retrospect I realize

that my writing skill and confidence developed only due to my association with Dr.

Behura.

Dr. Behura's book on Peasant Potters of Orissa was published at a time when I was a

student in Delhi. Immediately after the publication of this master piece, I was told that

it became a text book in some renowned Universities abroad. It rightly deserved recognition

as it was very rich with ethnography collected when Dr. Behura was associated with

Anthropological Survey of India. Dr. Behura's English was undoubtedly impeccable and

his command over vernacular was equally immaculate. He wrote a series of books in

Odia for the beginners in anthropology and general readers.

More than his intellectual acumen, he was loved as a warm person. He was frank enough

in narrating me about his hardships in childhood days and his yearning for knowledge

that motivated him to join Bihar University, Ranchi for higher studies. He knew my entire

family very well. I remember, when I met him last, he was on his wheel chair and enquired

about my wife by name and the wellbeing of my children. His gesture was clear that his

mind worked more or less well, but not his body. I was told that when he couldn't write

himself, he had dictated several texts to his co-authors.

It was shocking news for me in the early morning of the 7th February 2013, when a friend

revealed that Dr. Behura passed away the previous night. I couldn't believe myself and

reconfirmed from another friend. That was the end of an era for us, his students, and

many of his admirers. While remembering Dr. Behura, I pray God, let his soul rest in

peace, and let his ungrudging love inspire others.

Kamal K. Misra,Director,

Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalay, Bhopaland

Anthropological Survey of India,Kolkata

745744 A Tribute to Professor N. K. Behura Kamal K. Misra