SPLIT LAKE CREEFIRST NATION

Analysisof Change

Split Lake Cree Post Project Environmental Review

VOLUME ONE: August 1996

Traditional fishing using hand-woven nets and birch bark canoes.

T is one of aseries of studies being used in

the planning of hydroelectricdevelopment on the Birthday/Gullreach of the Nelson River. It formspart of the Post ProjectEnvironmental Review as describedin Article ..(b) of the SplitLake Cree ImplementationAgreement. Manitoba Hydroprovided the funding and technicalequipment required for thedevelopment of this study, as part ofits responsibilities under the Agreement. By mutual agreement,Split Lake Cree First Nation hastaken lead responsibility for theproduction of the paper, withperiodic review and comment byManitoba Hydro representatives.

is largely basedon interviews conducted inthe Cree language with SplitLake Cree Elders and adults,in which testimony wasprovided about manyimportant developments inthe life of the people. Videotapes of these interviews are

available at the Tataskweyak TrustSecretariat Office in Split Lake.

Contents of this report may bereproduced without permission,provided appropriate credits aregiven.

Dedicated to the memory of Elder Samuel Garson,

Split Lake Cree.

The views and interpretations in this report are exclusively those of the Split Lake Cree. While

Manitoba Hydro funded this report and contributed photographs and maps, the Corporation doesnot necessarily agree with, nor is it bound by all of the historical interpretations contained in it.

Table of ContentsAcknowledgementsPreface .......................................

IntroductionBackground .................................Context .......................................

Chapter 1Split Lake Cree EarlyHistory...................................Pre-contact..................................Early settlements .........................20Community Establishment ............22Treaty 5 Adhesion........................24

Chapter 2Traditional Life Continuesat Split Lake into the 20th Century...............Resource Harvesting and the Economy ..........................Community Development ..............Community Governance ................

Chapter 3Adapting to OutsideInfluencesSplit Lake in the 1920s,1930s and 1940s.................Hudson Bay Railway....................Resource Harvesting, the Economy,and Government Involvement ........Registered Trapline SystemEstablished .................................Community Development ..............Community Governance ................Conclusion...................................

Chapter 4Traditional LifestyleChanges Split Lake in the 1950s....Resource Harvesting and the Economy ..........................Community Development ..............Community Governance ................First Hydroelectric Development....Conclusion...................................

Chapter 5Advent of the Modern EraSplit Lake in the 1960s....Resource Harvesting and the Economy..........................49Community Development ..............New Communities........................Hydroelectric Development ...........Community Governance ................Conclusion...................................

Chapter 6Environmental and SocialDisruptionSplit Lake in the 1970s....Resource Harvesting and the Economy ..........................Community Development ..............Hydroelectric Development Accelerates ..................................The Northern Flood Committee and Negotiation of the Northern Flood Agreement............Hydro Project Impacts .................Community Governance ................Conclusion...................................

Split Lake Trading Post.

Chapter 7Decade of Uncertaintyand ReconstructionSplit Lake in the 1980s....Resource Harvesting and the Economy ..........................Community Development ..............Road to Split Lake .......................Impacts of Hydroelectric Development Continue ..................Northern Flood AgreementImplementation ...........................Community Governance ................Conclusion...................................

Chapter 8Community RenewalSplit Lake in the First Halfof the 1990s..........................Community Development ..............Northern Flood AgreementImplementation ...........................Hydroelectric Development Effects.Community Governance ................Conclusion...................................

Chapter 9Concluding Summary......81

Appendix 1Wildlife HarvestingImpacts..................................Subsistence Harvesting Impacts ....Commercial Fishing Impacts .........Trapping Impacts .......................Conclusion...................................

Appendix 2Summary of NorthernFlood Agreement Benefits Overview ....................................891975 to 1992 ...............................1992 Agreement...........................

Endnotes...............................

Bibliography ........................

List of FiguresFigure : Components and Phases ofthe Post Project EnvironmentalReview........................................Figure : Map to Split ( a- T tas que)Lake, drawn by Cha chay pay way ti,May 1806 ........................follows Figure : Principal Manitoba HydroProjects Affecting the Split Lake CreeStudy Area ......................follows Figure : Manitoba Hydro Projectsand Related Activities in the SplitLake Cree Study Area .......follows

Figure : Split Lake Cree Land Use Calendar ........................opposite Figure : Split Lake Cree TraditionalUse Area, Settlements, Outcamps,Trails and Routes .............follows Figure : Split Lake RegisteredTrapline Zone .................opposite Figure : Extent of Split LakeCommunity Development in .. Figure : Effects of Kettle GeneratingStation on Moose Nose Lake Reach Figure : Split Lake Water Regime: Average Monthly Water Levels for Pre and Post LWD-CDR Periods .....Figure : Extent of Split LakeCommunity Development in ..Figure : Split Lake FishHarvests–⁄ to ⁄ .......Figure : Split Lake RegisteredTrapline Zone: Value of Furs /Number of Trappers–⁄ to⁄ ......................................

TablesTable : Split Lake Cree First NationChiefs since 1937 .........................Table : Commercial Fishing Use,Quota and Production: Split LakeResource Area, by Lake ................

Boys at the beach, Split Lake. 1929.

Acknowledgements The Split Lake Creerepresentatives, involved in the jointmanagement of the Birthday/GullJoint Study Group, wish toacknowledge those individualswhose participation contributed tothe completion of this study. Inparticular we would like to thank:

• the Elders who participated inthe interviews and who providedthe most vital historical informationconcerning the early development ofthe Split Lake community.

– Simeon Beardy– Betsy Flett– William T. Flett– Alex Garson– Noah Garson– Samuel Garson †

– Eli Harvey– Eve Keeper– Joseph Keeper– Daniel Kirkness– Tubal Kirkness– Alison Kitchikeesick– Elijah Mayham– John P. Mayham– Matilda Mayham– Joe Morris– Charles Morris– John J. Ouskan– Sarah Jean Ouskan– Stanley Ouskan– Billy Spence– Edwin Spence– James M. Spence– Shadrack Spence– Arabella Wavey– Jake Wavey

• members of the interview teamwho conducted the interviews withSplit Lake Cree Elders, adults andyouth, and whose perspectivesgreatly assisted in shaping thewriting and the analysis of thisdocument.

– Michael Garson– Alfred Beardy– Bryant Keeper– Joseph Morris– Samuel Garson †

• Split Lake Cree Chief andCouncil who, after a review of anearlier draft, requested a heavieremphasis on the pre-s period ofSplit Lake Cree history.

• Members of the SplitLake/Manitoba Hydro Joint StudyGroup who helped define the studiesfor the Post Project EnvironmentalReview.

Representing Split Lake Cree– Victor Spence– Michael Garson– Lazarus Kitchikeesick– Samuel Garson †– Joseph MorrisRepresenting Manitoba Hydro– Bernie Osiowy– Glen Cook– Don Rogalsky– Larry Stefanuik– Dave Magnusson

• Joseph I. Keeper, Denis DePapeof InterGroup Consultants Inc.,E. E. Hobbs and Associates Ltd., andWilliam Kennedy Consultants Ltd.,who provided general review andcomments.

Special thanks go to everyonewho provided photographsincluding Michael Garson, JohnGarson, Allison Kitchikeesik, GeorgeHardy – NFCRA, Manitoba Hydro,and retired teacher Jack Harrison.

A large number of peopleprovided valuable insights about thecontents of this analysis of change,and the Split Lake Cree regret anyoversight in acknowledging theircontributions.

†(deceased )

Overleaf – traditional Cree summer hunting and fishing camp.

The split lake cree

representatives on theBirthday/Gull Joint Study Groupsuggested that a people’s account oftheir history should be prepared.The initial idea was to considerdevelopments since the start ofhydroelectric development in themid-s. Manitoba Hydrosupported the concept. Consultantsto the Study Group were asked toprepare a workplan for theincorporation of such a study intothe Post Project EnvironmentalReview process. At the initialmeeting on January , , theStudy Group agreed to proceed witha study that identified and analyzedthe changes that had affected theSplit Lake Cree since the start ofhydroelectric development in thestudy area.

At that time it was proposed thatthe analysis be broken down intoten year time frames, beginning inthe s and s. Recognizingthat hydroelectric development wasnot the only agent of change thathad affected the Split Lake Cree overthe period, it was agreed that otherinterrelated factors would also beconsidered. These included trappingand fishing changes, the emergenceof the wage economy, populationmovement and growth, communitycharacteristics, diet/health,transportation, education, socialissues, and other outsidedevelopment pressures. An initiallist of major community changes wasprovided by Elders at the January meeting. This list was laterused as the basis for twoquestionnaire survey instruments,one for Elders and another foradults.

An interview team of Split LakeCree personnel was trained ininterview techniques. ManitobaHydro provided audio and videotape equipment and a television set,in order to document and view theinterviews. In total, Elders and adults were interviewed and about hours of interviews were taped,most of them in the Cree language.Two to three people were involvedin each interview and each of thesessions lasted about three hours.Initially, a long questionaire wasused to guide the interviews.However, this proved toocumbersome so the interview teamabandoned it in favour of a moreflexible, thematic approach. Thiscontributed to a freer flow ofinformation while maintaining somestructure in the interview process.Interview team members transcribedseveral of the interview sessions intoEnglish and these became the rawdata upon which this document wasbased. In addition, the interviewteam met with the consultants afterthe interviews to ensure the writershad a complete picture of theinformation collected.

Preface

Albert Garson catching trout at Waskaiowaka Lake.

Additional complementaryresearch was carried out bymembers of the Study Group and bythe consultants to the Post ProjectEnvironmental Review process.Statistical information was obtainedfrom a variety of sources, includingthe Manitoba Department of NaturalResources and Statistics Canada.Community profile information wascompiled for surroundingcommunities such as York Landingand Ilford. Information from SplitLake community plans was also usedand incorporated. Given theintention to focus and report on theexperience and knowledge of thepeople, no thorough review wasconducted of the primary archivalsources or secondary literature. Acomplete history of the Split Lake

Cree would require a marryingtogether of the present oraltestimony, more interviews andmaterials from other written sources.

After the material in thisdocument was initially presented tothe Chief and Council in June ,they requested that informationfrom the treaty signing time andearlier be included in the study. Thiswas accomplished by undertakingsome additional research intohistorical documents and by goingback to the interview team foradditional Split Lake Cree historicalinformation. Old photographs forthe document were provided from avariety of sources, mainly Split LakeCree and Manitoba Hydro, as well asa former teacher who spent time inSplit Lake in – .

As various drafts of the Analysisof Change report were prepared,they were reviewed by members ofthe Split Lake Cree interview teamand the Study Group. Helpfulcomments and feedback werereceived and many changes made asa result.

THIS DOCUMENT describes partof the historical experience of

the Split Lake Cree. It identifies andanalyses key changes in the FirstNation’s history, noting factors thathave caused such changes,particularly the impacts resultingfrom hydroelectric development. Itprovides an overview of the Creepresence in northern Manitoba frompre-European times up to thepresent. However, the study’s focusis on the century, describingtraditional life before , followedby an account of the development ofthe community within relevant eras,with special emphasis on the yearsafter .

The purpose of this study is toidentify and understand the majorchanges in the First Nation’s growthand evolution, based directly on thepeople’s experience. Many of thesubjects covered here in a generalway are deserving of their owndetailed historical analyses,considering both the oral andwritten records. This analysis ofchange has drawn upon existingstudies, reports and otherdocuments and upon consultationwith certain knowledgeableindividuals who have clarifiedparticular matters. However, itsmost important source has beendetailed interviews with Split LakeCree Elders and adults.

BackgroundBy far the most significant

development that irreversiblychanged the way of life of many ofthe Cree of northern Manitoba,including the Split Lake Cree, wasthe Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion (LWR-CRD)hydroelectric project. The area itimpacted is the permanent tribalhomeland of the Cree, consisting of asignificant portion of Manitobabelow the tundra in the boreal forestregion. The First Nations mostaffected were Split Lake, NelsonHouse, Cross Lake, Norway Houseand York Factory.

Concerned about what washappening to their lands and watersthe five First Nations began to meettogether in the early s. SplitLake Cree leaders and Elders quicklybecame major supporters andproponents of the idea of workingtogether to oppose Manitoba Hydroin an effort to stop the project. SplitLake Cree, more than any other ofthe First Nations, had alreadysuffered from its adverse effects. Thepeople had seen its impacts on theirtraditional lands and waters, aboveand below the Kelsey generatingstation. Split Lake Cree leadersurged the other four First Nations to

Introduction

Treaty party. Indian agent and guides. Split Lake .

join them in trying to stop theproject, in order to avoid furthersuch consequences.1 To this end, thefive First Nations established theNorthern Flood Committee in .

Northern FloodAgreement

Despite their best efforts, theFirst Nations were not able to stopthe Manitoba Hydro project.Nevertheless, the Northern FloodCommittee fought to have itsconcerns heard and was able toconvince Canada to support it innegotiating additional land rightsand compensation for the impacts ofthe Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion uponthe lands, lives, and livelihood of itsmember First Nations. Using theJames Bay Agreement as aprecedent, it negotiated theNorthern Flood Agreement (NFA)with Canada, Manitoba andManitoba Hydro. This agreement,the first in the history of northernManitoba in which Cree FirstNations had the ability to representthemselves independently, wassigned in December andratified by all parties in . Forthe Cree people, the NFA had twopurposes: to compensate them forthe adverse effects of the Hydroproject; and to assist in thedevelopment of a viable andsustainable livelihood in theirtraditional homeland.

With regard to Split Lakespecifically, the NFA grantedManitoba Hydro an easement for thestorage of water on reserve landsbelow approximate elevation feet above sea level and contiguousto Split Lake. Furthermore, Hydrowas obligated, to the extentpossible, to control the flow of waterso as not to exceed elevation feetabove sea level on Split Lake.

ImplementationHowever, once the NFA was

signed, its effective implementationbecame a matter of dispute, with theother parties interpreting in thenarrowest way its broad contractualundertakings. Although greatlydisappointed by this turn of events,the five First Nations took up thestruggle to get it implemented. Itwas not until an arbitrator wasappointed in , and claims beganto be filed, that some real prospect ofserious implementation appeared.Progress was, nevertheless,painfully slow, and by the NFA

First Nations had decided to pursuea more vigorous and comprehensiveapproach to getting the agreementimplemented.

In , prior to any acceptanceof the global process proposed bythe First Nations, Split Lake Creewere informed that Manitoba Hydrowished to negotiate an upwardadjustment of the on-reserve setbackline to accommodate potentialhydroelectric development of thereach on the Nelson River betweenBirthday and Gull Rapids, to kilometres downstream of thecommunity. This announcementabout potential future floodingproduced a profound level ofanxiety throughout the community,which was still shaken by thecontinuing, uncompensated adverseeffects of past hydroelectricdevelopment, particularly the LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion.

Manitoba Hydro projects hadalready flooded Split Lake Creewaterways and lands, includingcampsites, hunting grounds andtraditional use areas, had interferedwith transportation, adverselyimpacted wildlife and fish habitatand populations, and negativelyaffected the traditional way of life.In addition, it was evident thatBirthday/Gull project planning hadbeen initiated without anyconsultation with the First Nation.Community leaders and membershad little understanding of thepotential impacts of the possibledevelopment. The people were alsodetermined that future stages ofhydroelectric development wouldnot occur until full compensationhad been received in the form of thecomprehensive implementation ofthe NFA. Fortunately, in response toFirst Nation concerns, Hydro calledoff the proposed negotiations at thattime.

Showing patience and skill, theNFA First Nations, represented bythe Northern Flood Committee,gradually succeeded in movingdiscussions with the other partiesinto full-scale negotiations. By ,the other parties – Canada,Manitoba, and Manitoba Hydro –had agreed to try to negotiate anagreement for an implementationmechanism for the NFA and by thespring of had agreed on aProposed Basis of Settlement ofOutstanding Claims and Obligations.Initially, this was accepted by fourof the five Northern FloodCommittee members. The summer of was spent trying to work outan accommodation with NorwayHouse First Nation, which did notfind the proposed basis of settlementacceptable. However, agreement wasnot possible and at a meeting onAugust , , three of the fiveNFA First Nations, with Cross Lakeabstaining, decided to put theimplementation negotiations onhold.

Meanwhile, during the summerof , Split Lake Cree First Nationheld several workshops with itsmembership, for information,communication and direction. Thedirection was clear – to get on withthe next phase in trying to work outan implementation agreement basedon the proposed basis of settlement.As a result, Split Lake Cree Chief andCouncil indicated to their NorthernFlood Committee partners that theyhad a mandate from their people toproceed with the negotiation of acomprehensive implementationagreement, and that they did nothave the authority to do otherwise.At that time the other four FirstNations voted to cut their ties withSplit Lake Cree First Nation. At alater date, in April , theyattempted, by resolution, to formallyoust Split Lake Cree First Nationfrom the Northern Flood Committee.On principle, this position was never

accepted by Split Lake Cree FirstNation.

In September , Split LakeCree First Nation began negotiatingthe implementation of the NorthernFlood Agreement with the otherparties. A precondition placed onthese negotiations was theunderstanding that the eventualimplementation agreement would donothing to harm the position of theother First Nation signatories of theNFA. Negotiations continued fromNovember until May . Thevery challenging work undertakenduring that period by Split LakeCree, both internally and with theother parties, resulted in acomprehensive agreement, whichwas ratified by the Split Lake Creemembership in the spring of .The final signing took place on June, .

The negotiation of the NFA

Implementation Agreement by SplitLake Cree First Nation was apioneering step in theimplementation of the NorthernFlood Agreement. It demonstratedthe determination of the people toget fair compensation for the adverseeffects of the Hydro project upontheir lands, lives, and livelihood, aspromised in the NFA. It was theculmination of a year longstruggle by the Split Lake Cree andalso marked a path which the otherNFA First Nations have sincefollowed.

The agreement provided SplitLake Cree First Nation with,, over a period of time,approximately , acres of newreserve lands, and , acres oftitled lands. This was in addition tothe ,, paid to the SplitLake Cree by Canada, Manitoba, andManitoba Hydro between and. In return, the First Nationwaived all past, present and futureclaims and outstanding NFA

provisions, except for some veryspecific Hydro-related liabilities.

More details on the agreement areincluded in Appendix .

Joint Study GroupSince October , Split Lake

Cree and Manitoba Hydro,represented by the Joint StudyGroup, have together beenconducting a study program tofacilitate planning associated withthe Birthday/Gull hydroelectric fulldevelopment option, which couldhave the effect of altering the waterregime agreed to in the NFA and the Implementation Agreement.Both parties identified three areas ofstudy which will assist in each side’sunderstanding of the impacts of anyfuture construction of dams andgenerating stations. The three areasare: a Split Lake CommunityPlanning and Impact Study,completed in November , whichassessed Split Lake’s communitydevelopment requirements bothwith and without impacts fromBirthday/Gull; a Post ProjectEnvironmental Review which iscurrently underway; and aBirthday/Gull Resource ImpactStudy.

Environmental ReviewThe Post Project Environmental

Review is a requirement of Section. of the NFA ImplementationAgreement, which sets out theresolution process governingdeviations from the Split Lake waterregime and any amendment toHydro flooding easements. As partof the resolution process to amendthe easements, paragraph (b) ofsubsection .. requires ManitobaHydro to implement, cooperativelywith Split Lake Cree First Nation, areview of the existing environmentin the Split Lake resource area.Specifically, the paragraph requiresManitoba Hydro, “at its ownexpense and with the cooperation ofSplit Lake Cree”, to:

implement. . .a review of the

Figure – Components and Phases of the Post Project Environmental Review

existing environment including theimpacts of that part of ExistingDevelopment which impact on theResource Area, and of futureenvironmental impacts on SplitLake Cree anticipated to resultfrom such Future Development, assuch relates to Split Lake Cree.

The original terms of referencefor the Post Project EnvironmentalReview were approved by Split LakeCree and Manitoba Hydro inNovember . Hydro’s wish wasto begin with the CommunityPlanning and Impact Study, the firstreport in the joint study process. Itscompletion served to foster a moreharmonious working relationshipbetween Split Lake Cree andManitoba Hydro. The terms ofreference of the Post ProjectEnvironmental Review were revisedin with joint agreement. Figure

(above) shows the components andphases of the Post ProjectEnvironmental Review.

Phase OneIt was agreed then that the future

stages of the review would consist ofthree phases of work. Phase Oneinvolves four studies. The firststudy is this history of the FirstNation, focusing on the century, and identifying thosechanges, particularly the effects ofhydroelectric development, whichhave affected the traditional way oflife in the resource area. The secondstudy is a history of hydroelectricdevelopment in the study areaincluding a description of first orderphysical impacts. Figures ,which follow page , showprincipal Manitoba Hydro projectsand related activities in the studyarea. The third study will be the

Environmental Matricessummarizing Manitoba Hydroimpacts on the Split Lake Cree, andthe fourth, the EnvironmentalBaseline Evaluation.

Phases Two and ThreePhase Two will entail a synthesis

of the findings of the Phase Onestudies in a report that willconcentrate on the meaning andsignificance of hydroelectricdevelopment to the Split Lake Cree.While it will not produce a detailedevaluation of the physical andbiological impacts of individualHydro projects, it will show whatthe impacts mean to the people. Thisis a dimension of environmentalassessment that has not beenaddressed sufficiently in pastenvironmental reviews and studies.Phases One and Two also involvedan environmental specialist to

develop terms of reference for PhaseThree, to provide additionalenvironmental baseline data andenvironmental monitoringinformation.

It is hoped that this Analysis ofChange report will give the reader anappreciation of the Split Lake Cree’sprofound attachment to the landsand waters, and of the changeswhich, although they have alteredthe nature and extent of thisattachment, have never severed it.The First Nation continues to beintimately associated with its naturalenvironment despite the assaults ofmodernization. Split Lake Creeappreciate the natural gifts that theCreator has provided to the earthand to them. This Aboriginalappreciation was described, albeit inanother circumstance and time, mosteloquently in a statement attributedto Chief Seattle in when, inresponse to the Americangovernment’s offer for a large area ofAboriginal land and the promise of areservation, he said:

Every part of this earth is sacredto my people. Every shining pineneedle, every sand shore, everymist in the dark woods, everyclearing and humming insect isholy in the memory and experienceof my people. The sap whichcourses through the trees carriesthe memories of the red man…

This shining water that moves inthe streams and rivers is not justwater but the blood of ourancestors. If we sell you our land,you must remember that it issacred, and you must teach yourchildren that it is sacred and thateach ghostly reflection in the clearwater of the lakes tells of eventsand memories in the life of mypeople. The water’s murmur is thevoice of my father’s father.

The rivers are our brother, theyquench our thirst. The rivers carryour canoes, and feed our children.If we sell you our land, you mustremember, and teach yourchildren, that the rivers are ourbrothers, and yours, and you musthenceforth give the rivers thekindness you would give anybrother…

The air is precious to the red man,for all things share the samebreath - the beast, the tree, theman, they all share the samebreath. The white man does notseem to notice the air he breathes.Like a man dying for many days,he is numb to the stench. But if wesell our land, you must rememberthe air is precious to us, that theair shares its spirit with all the lifeit supports. The wind that gaveour grandfather his first breathalso receives his last sigh. And ifwe sell you our land, you mustkeep it apart and sacred, as a placewhere even the white man can goto taste the wind that is sweetenedby the meadow’s flowers…

You must teach your children thatthe ground beneath their feet is theashes of our grandfathers. So thatthey will respect the land, tell yourchildren that the earth is rich withthe lives of our kin. Teach yourchildren what we have taught ourchildren, that the earth is ourmother. Whatever befalls the earthbefalls the sons of the earth.

Figure : Map to Split ( a- T tas que)Lake, drawn by Cha chay pay way ti,

May 1806. Redrawn by Peter Fidler inone his journals, it is now housed in

the Hudson’s Bay Company Archives.Figure : Principal Manitoba Hydro

Projects Affecting the Split Lake CreeStudy Area.

Figure : Manitoba Hydro Projectsand Related Activities in the Split

Lake Cree Study Area.

ContextThe devastating effects of the

Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversionhydroelectric project seriouslydisrupted and altered the lands andwaters which had been the lifebloodof the Split Lake Cree since timeimmemorial. In , Joseph I.Keeper, then Executive Director ofthe Northern Flood Committee,spoke at a conference on theenvironment in Montreal. As part ofhis paper on the NFA, he spoke aboutthese impacts from the perspectiveof the Cree people of northernManitoba, and put them in thehistorical context of the rapid socialand economic change experiencedby the Cree in the second half of the century. His comments are afitting opening for this study.

In order to put the socio-economicexpectations from the NFA intoperspective, it must be realizedthat the Cree of NorthernManitoba have been experiencing aperiod of rapid social and economicchange since the end of World WarTwo. Up to years ago, prior toWorld War Two, the Cree ofNorthern Manitoba lived in atrapping, fishing and huntingeconomy in a manner that allowedthem to exploit fully the naturalresources which they had utilizedin a particular way for centuries.Certainly, white contact with itssuperior technology, the fur trade,and its diseases had impacted theCree but they had adapted to itwithin the continuing context oftheir own culture.

Post World War Two conditionsbrought about changes whichcreated a severe disruption to thetraditional culture. The necessitiesof education, the new phenomenonof family allowance, and othersocial and economic factors did notallow the Cree to disperse into thevarious sections of theirtraditional resource areas as theyonce had for the greater part of theyear, from early fall until latespring. The Cree were forced bycircumstances beyond their controlto live in one central location allthe year around. This new patterncaused a drastic impact andchange not only in how the Indianpeople trapped, fished and huntedin their traditional resource areas,but it also created new dynamicsfor social interaction, for localgovernment, for housing, for theplanning of their lives, and all theother problems associated withmoving into a new physical, socialand economic environment. Itcreated new pressures upon thenatural resources within the homecommunity area. Such a prosaicitem as the acquisition of sufficientfirewood has become a problem formost of the Bands.

This was not change planned bygovernment for the Cree nor wasthis change planned by the Cree forthemselves. It was change causedby changes in the social andeconomic fabric of Canada as anation. The Federal Departmentresponsible for Indians and Indianlands struggled to adapt itself tochange but because the politicaldynamics which could have led to amore meaningful and productivechange was lacking, a period ofsocial and economic breakdownwas set into motion for the Cree.The policy of unaware or uncaringneglect by the Canadian bodypolitic remained in existence as ithad in the pre-war era. While thispolicy did not have an apparent

effect in the pre-World War Twoera, it created conditions leading todisastrous consequences for thepost-World War Two era. Neitherthe Federal Government, theProvincial Government nor theCree people were prepared for theforces of change that wereengulfing the Cree. Many otherfactors, such as increased access tothe media and to the outside worldof the dominant society, had theeffect of creating new and differentexpectations for the young people.A number of large mining projectsin the fifties and early sixtiesproduced outside employment formany young Cree. Increased andbetter health services were havinga positive effect in decreasing theCree mortality rate particularlyfor infants and children but thisalso had the effect of increasing thepressure on decreasing resources ina rapidly changing environment.The only continuing and sustainedsolution that governments foundfor this emergent situation waswelfare and more welfare and bythe late sixties the majority of theCree on the five Northern Floodreserves had become welfarerecipients. Through no fault oftheir own the Cree in the NorthernFlood Area had become casualtiesof change. The social and economicbasis for their existence andsurvival which had sustained themfor centuries was being severelydisrupted.

The announcement by the Provinceof Manitoba of a giant hydroproject in Northern Manitoba inthe mid-s brought a promiseof hope which changed to despairwhen the Cree people discoveredthat the land upon which they livedand from which they had drawntheir sustenance would be changedphysically and their traditionallivelihood from hunting, fishingand trapping would be veryadversely affected, and in some

Figure (opposite): Split Lake CreeLand Use Calendar – prepared by Natural Resources Secretariat.

cases destroyed, by changes causedto the land and natural resourcesby new and different waterregimes caused by dams and riverdiversions . . . Concerning the Creeand the hydro project, one oftenhears the arguments that theIndians were in a bad positionanyway. Comments such as “Theproject will probably help them” or“One can’t stand in the way ofprogress” are often heard,reflecting misconceptions andmisinformation about the actualstate of affairs. If we look at thetotal impact of the hydro projectupon a people already suffering theeffects of rapid and debilitatingchange, we find that the effect ofthe project upon the Bandcommunities has not lessened thehorrendous symptoms of rapidchange. Examining the statisticswe find no evidence of positivesocial and economic change, ratherwe find some rather frighteningindicators that the project may beexacerbating and accelerating thealready devastating effects ofsocial and economic damage in thefive Northern Flood Communities.Statistics validating the increase inalcoholism, unemployment, childand family abuse, violent crimeand suicide are available.

What is the specific nature of thechanges that the project hasintroduced into the already serioussituation of existence for theNorthern Cree?

Mr. Keeper then detailed thefollowing five broad categories ofimpacts and damages: destruction ofmany components of the resourcebase; disrupted economic linkages;damage to communityinfrastructure; new costs; anddiminished aesthetic values. Hecontinued:

It is difficult to quantify the costsof damages described above andthe total impact is much greaterthan the sum of its parts becausewhat has happened cumulativelyto the Cree people from the hydroproject is a separate andconceivably the most deadly ofimpacts because it could be just theadded pressure which could causethe dam to break, to put itmetaphorically.2

The testimony of the Eldersinterviewed for this study, whoremember the life the Split Lake Creeonce enjoyed in their tribalhomeland, shows that they, morethan anyone else, realize what theyhave lost.

They speak of a life of freedomand of fulfillment in an environmentthat they knew and cherished. Manyof the Elders recall the time whenthere was no need for moneybecause the very concept of moneywas not a part of the Indian way oflife. Their life in their resource areawas not nomadic, but was anaccommodation and an arrangementwith nature and her rhythms. Thepeople had everything they required– food, shelter, clothing, recreation,medicine, and their relationshipwith their Creator.

More than anything else, theElders speak of the water as thelifeblood of their existence. Water,before the hydroelectric project, wasalways clean. People could get waterfrom the lake and know it was safe.They could fish in the lake near theirhomes and know that they need notfear the possibility of poison fromthe fish. Their nets would not befilled with algae and debris. Theycould land anywhere along thebanks of the lakes and rivers; theshorelines had not yet beendestroyed and desecrated. Theycould navigate the lakes and riversin safety and know what to expect.In the winter time they would knowwhere to travel, where the ice wassafe. These things are no longerpossible.

The Manitoba Hydro project hasso changed the natural environmentthat the Split Lake Cree have losttheir faith and their trust in the landand waters which have alwayssustained them. The Churchill andNelson River basins, which were thebasis of their homeland, have beenradically altered and their resourcesdamaged. Based on their travelsthroughout the resource area, theElders and adults also believe that,in the interior, the wildlife and verynature of the land itself have beenaffected, particularly the low-lyingareas near the streams and rivers.

A bull moose being brought down with stone-tipped arrows.

Chapter 1

Split Lake Cree EarlyHistory

Pre-Contact

AT THE TIME of the firstcontact with Europeans,

the Cree occupied the boreal forestregion of northern Canada frompresent day northern Quebec intoSaskatchewan and Alberta in theLake Athabaska area. There isreliable, archaeological evidence thatthere were Cree in what is nownorthern Manitoba more than ,years ago, a presence which hascontinued through to this day.

The forefathers of Split Lake Creewere hunters and gatherers wholived off the rich resources of thelands and waters. Their way of lifecentred around the lakes and riverswhere wildlife and plant resourcescould be harvested. Fish were aparticularly important source offood and were abundant. Northern

Cree harvested fish with nets madefrom willow and birch roots. Mooseand caribou were also valuable asthey provided large quantities ofmeat, their hides could be used forclothing and shelter, and their bonesfashioned for tools. The illustrationabove shows a bull moose beingbrought down with stone-tippedarrows. Beaver, muskrat, geese,ducks, bear, porcupine and harewere also important sources of food.Caribou was a staple. The ancestorsof Split Lake Cree developed a richarray of tools and technologies toharvest these resources. They alsodeveloped a system of beliefs andcustoms to conduct their lives.3

The Cree were a water people.Living along the shores of the lakesand rivers, they hunted and fished,and gathered herbs and berries fromalong the shoreline. The lakes andrivers were the roads by which theytravelled. The waters, the shorelines, the shallows, the marshes, theriverbanks and willow thicketssupported the fish, plants andanimals that fed and sheltered them.The hundreds of miles of shorelinealong Split Lake and the banks of theNelson River, and the rivers andcreeks running into them, providedthe Cree with their sustenance.Centuries of occupation and use ofthe lands and waters enabled theidentification and selection of themost useful and fruitful areas forresidence and harvesting, in keepingwith the rhythms of the seasons.Prior to contact with the white man,Cree people were living in andaround Split Lake – which in Cree iscalled Tataskweyak, meaning ‘theplace of tall trees’ – and throughoutthe whole Split Lake resource area,as they had undoubtedly done sincetime immemorial.

It is reasonable to assume thatmany of the so-called ‘Home GuardCree’ who lived around York Factoryuntil the late , and who thencame to live at Split Lake, weredescendants of the Cree who hadlived in the Split Lake area forcenturies. It can also be assumed thatboth before and after Hudson’s BayCompany forts were built at YorkFactory and Churchill, many Creecontinued to use the traditional areaof the Split Lake Cree. Because of itsextraordinary richness in all thatwas central to the traditional way oflife, Split Lake itself was a centralgathering spot for the scatteredhunting clans of Split Lake Cree inthe pre-contact era.

Early SettlementsEarly contact with Europeans had

been made by the when theFrench arrived and encountered theCree settled around Hudson Bay. In, Radisson and Groseillierssailed to James Bay and conductedtrade with them.

In , the Hudson’s BayCompany was granted a RoyalCharter over the vast territory ofRupert’s Land, including what isnow northern Manitoba. The RoyalCharter gave the company sovereignownership of the land, withenormous powers of localgovernment including the right to

appoint governors and make laws, aswell as the authority to conducttrade and commerce, including, ofcourse, the fur trade. However, nopowers were given to interfere withthe Aboriginal way of life, except asneeded to protect forts and factories,and to maintain peaceful trade.

While there is scholarlydisagreement about the effects of thefur trade on Aboriginal life, it seemsthat indigenous land use andtraditions continued substantiallyindependent of the demands of thefur trade. A large measure ofautonomy was maintained until themid to late century when

Lay reader Chief William Keche-kesik preparing a sermon before church. Early s.

government and religiousinstitutions began exerting theirinfluence. Rather than establishingthe dominance of one culture overanother, the fur trade relationshiphas been characterized as one ofinterdependence, carried out for themutual benefit of both theAboriginal people and the furmerchants. The Cree acted asmiddlemen between Aboriginal furgatherers to the south, west andeast, and Hudson’s Bay Companyrepresentatives. As a result theywere able to exert control over othertribes and to expand their range. Inaddition, as the Elders point out, thematerials and equipment obtainedby the fur trade with the company,contributed to a better life for thepeople within their traditionallifestyle.

The first permanent Hudson’sBay Company trading post in what isnow Manitoba was established atYork Factory in at the outlet ofthe Hayes River on the westernshore of Hudson Bay, approximately kilometres northeast of SplitLake. It was the most importantsource of European trade goods forthe Aboriginal people in the centraland southern areas of the region. In, the company established FortPrince of Wales trading post atChurchill. However, the furs tradedthere were never half as many asthose at York Factory. After itsdestruction by the French in and subsequent re-establishment,Fort Prince of Wales lost much of itssignificance to the Cree. Othersmaller trading posts or supplydepots in the vicinity appear to haveincluded Flamborough Head andSeal Island slightly southwest of

York Factory, and Paint Lake,Chatham and Sipiwesk Lake Housesin the upstream area of Split Lake.

The Cree who took up residencearound the York Factory tradingpost were known to the traders asthe ‘Home Guard Cree’. It isimportant to note, however, that thisterm is not how the Cree saw ordescribed themselves. The Creeword for the Cree people is Ininewuk(plural) or Ininew (singular), and thatis how the Split Lake Cree havealways described themselveswhether at York Factory or at SplitLake.

Split Lake and Nelson House York boat brigade leaving Norway House. – Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba

The Cree people wereinstrumental in the York Factorypost’s operation, providing meat forHudson’s Bay Company workers,haying, rafting wood, loading andunloading ships, and transportinggoods and furs between YorkFactory and Norway House, kilometres to the southwest. TheseCree were some of the ancestors ofpresent members of the Split Lake,York Factory, War Lake and FoxLake First Nations, all of whomreside within the general boundariesof the Split Lake Cree traditionalresource area.4

It is almost certain that neitherthe ‘Home Guard Cree’ nor theirforefathers originated at YorkFactory, but came to live there fromdifferent locations over a number ofyears. Many of these people mayhave originated from the Split Lake,Fox Lake, and War Lake areas andother places in the interior. YorkFactory was like a boom town towhich some Cree people hadmigrated. Their presence at YorkFactory was a mutually beneficialarrangement with the Hudson’s BayCompany.5

CommunityEstablishment

In response to increasedcompetition from the NorthwestCompany, the Hudson’s BayCompany established a post on SplitLake in . While the post waslocated on the Nelson River route toYork Factory, the Hayes River wasthe main travel route to YorkFactory used by the Cree. Therefore,the post’s utility depended upon theuse made of both routes. As a result,the fortunes of the post at Split Lake,Split Lake House, fluctuated, but itremained in operation off and on foralmost years.

Split Lake mission and trading post, on the shore of Split Lake due north of the peninsula. Early s.– Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba

A new post was established in to meet the requirements ofNorway House and Cross Lake Creewho hunted in the area. It waslocated at the north end of Split Lakenear the outlet, close to the mouth ofthe Assean River. This new tradingpost, located within the traditionalsummer gathering area of the SplitLake Cree, facilitated theestablishment of a more permanentcommunity at Split Lake, as well asencouraging an influx of ‘HomeGuard Cree’ from York Factoryduring the . These latter weresuffering from a scarcity of caribouand game in that area and could nolonger depend upon assistance fromthe declining York Factory tradingpost.

When the many families of YorkFactory Cree settled at Split Lake inthe late , it was necessary forthem to re-establish themselveswithin the resource area whichprovided them with a year-roundsource of fish and was a good placeto hunt caribou and moose. Anotherreason for the York Factory Creesettling at Split Lake was that it waseasier to reach from Norway Housethan from York Factory. After YorkFactory became redundant, material,equipment and food stuffs, that usedto come from York Factory, began tobe shipped north by steamboat onLake Winnipeg to Norway House.Norway House then became thetransportation hub for much of thenorth.

The Split Lake Cree faced somevery challenging times in thetransition from having a closerelationship with York Factory,when it was the port for theHudson’s Bay Company in Rupert’sLand, to living at Split Lake near asmall outpost of the company. Thechanges resulted from the growth ofCanada westward as a nation andother forces over which the SplitLake Cree had no control. However,these were changes with which theycould cope, as they had with themany other changes experiencedover their centuries of life in thearea. It meant re-affirming theirlinkage, and turning inward, toprimary reliance again on the SplitLake resource area. Theirrelationship continued to the landand waters which had alwaysexisted for them, since long beforethe coming of the white man.

Confirmation class at Split Lake with Reverend A. Dewdney. Anglican Church and bell tower are also shown. Before .

In , Anglican Archdeacon J.Lofthouse visited Split Lake whichhad no church, no school and noresident missionary. At that time, heestimated that there were familiesliving all around Split Lake, ofwhom were from York Factory orChurchill. These figures wouldsuggest that the families whowere not from York Factory orChurchill were indigenous to theSplit Lake area. As well, other familygroups were then inhabiting thefurther northern reaches of the vastpermanent tribal homeland.

In , native catechist JosephKeche-kesik arrived in thecommunity and stayed for twoyears. Together with missionaryLofthouse, he built a log schoolhouse. The Reverend Charles Foxcame to Split Lake in andministered to the community until. He spearheaded theconstruction of the first Anglicanchurch and mission house in SplitLake in .6

Joseph Keche-kesik, must havebeen an extraordinary servant of theLord for, by working with theReverends Lofthouse and Fox, hewas able to help establish theAnglican Church in Split Lake insuch a way that had real meaning forthe Split Lake Cree. ReverendCharles Fox learned Cree, and howto travel by dogteam from camp tocamp during the winter months. TheElders say that he was taught to dothese things by the Split Lake Cree.

It is a tribute to these earlyChristians, both Indian and white,that they were able to establish sucha strong Christian presence at SplitLake, a presence which exists up tothe present time. It is not clearwhether or not some or all of theCree who had moved from YorkFactory were already Christians.

Treaty 5 AdhesionIn the late and early

century, the Canadian governmentwas looking to the north in order todevelop and exploit its resourcepotential. The government,therefore, believed it necessary toextinguish Indian title to the land, inthe same manner it had in otherparts of Canada. The vast area ofRupert’s Land controlled by theHudson’s Bay Company wastransferred to Canada in . Thishelped to foster the negotiation oftreaties in order to pave the way forwhite settlement and development.7

In , Treaty was signedbetween representatives of Canadaand the Saulteaux and Cree tribes ofcentral-eastern Manitoba. Inexchange for ceding title to theirtraditional lands, the First Nationsignatories were promised reservelands based on to acres foreach family of five, gifts andannuities, ammunition and nets,agricultural implements, andmaintenance of on-reserve schools.The right to hunt and fish was alsopromised but, in the words of thetreaty, was subject to governmentregulation and to those surrenderedlands required for settlement anddevelopment.

Arecha and Chief William Keche-kesik at treaty signing ceremony in early so.

By the early century, SplitLake Cree First Nation, with theassistance of Anglican Churchrepresentatives including theReverend Charles Fox, hadcommunicated its desire to maketreaty. The federal governmentprepared to sign treaty adhesionswith several northern Manitoba CreeFirst Nations. Federal agents knewthat the Split Lake Cree made theirliving entirely by trapping, huntingand fishing, and as boatmen for theHudson’s Bay Company, freightinggoods down the Hayes River toNorway House. Their harvestingarea was described in asfollows:

The population [of the FirstNation] is about … Theirhunting grounds may be described:

⁽⁾ Draw a line from the pointwhere the Little Churchill Riverjunctions with the larger Churchillsouth westward to the WinteringLake.

⁽⁾ Draw a line from WinteringLake northeastward to Fox Lakeincluding all the Lake.

⁽⁾ Draw a line from Fox Lakenorthward to the junction of thetwo Churchill Rivers, the point ofstarting.8

Apart from their desire topreserve their traditional way of life,Split Lake Cree were particularlyconcerned about protecting theirfishing activities. Next to Split Lakeitself, the most important site for thiswas Waskaiowaka Lake located atthe head waters of the LittleChurchill River. The First Nationwas starting to become alarmed bythe potential infiltration of southernfishing companies, which had creptup to the southern boundary of theTreaty area and were killing offsturgeon, a traditional country food.

In , representatives of SplitLake Cree – William Keche-kesik,Charles Morris and Albert Spence –

signed an Adhesion to Treaty ,relinquishing title to , squaremiles of traditional lands inexchange for the benefits ofTreaty , which included huntingand fishing rights. A gratuity of. per person was also paid. Thissurrender covered all of the areaincluded in the current Split LakeResource Management Area. JosephKeche-kesik was elected at this timeas the first Chief of Split Lake CreeFirst Nation although he is notexplicitly mentioned as such in thetreaty.

Early Split Lake settlement in showing Hudson’s Bay Company buildings and residences.

The Split Lake Cree felt stronglythat by signing the treaty with theCrown, they were asserting,affirming and guaranteeing theirrelationship to their permanenttribal homeland. The Cree did notview their relationship with the landand natural resources as a right, asthe white man interprets a right.Rather, they saw it as a reciprocalrelationship in which respect andresponsibility flow both ways. Theirhope and belief that they couldpreserve this relationship with theirland, waters and resources, was themain motivating factor whichinduced them to sign the treaty.They knew that their brothers to thesouth at Cross Lake and NorwayHouse had signed Treaty with theQueen, who had promised themprotection and the right to hunt andfish and trap in their tribalhomeland as long as “the sun shinesand the rivers flow”.

The testimony of the Eldersreflects the view that the Split LakeCree had of their way of life and itsrelationship to the land and watersand the resources that flow fromthem. The Elders described a way oflife that was a continuation of a wayof life that had sustained them forcenturies, in which they fished,hunted, and trapped, and gatheredberries, roots, and herbs from theland. The Split Lake Cree as a grouphad established themselves in a vastarea of land where family groupsutilized particular areas. This,however, was not done by any stricttype of regulation or enforcement.Their right to hunt in a particulararea was determined by consensusand mutual respect. There wereinstances where people wouldventure into another area but thiswas the exception rather than therule.

At the time of the first survey ofthe reserve in , the populationwas , entitling the Split LakeCree First Nation to , acres. Infact, the amount of reserve landsurveyed exceeded this, as indicatedbelow:

Reserve Split Lake 3,608 acresReserve A Split Lake , acresReserve B Split Lake acresTOTAL , acres

The legal creation of thesereserves was only confirmed byfederal Order-In-CouncilOC/PC -, dated July ,. This would not be the last timethat the reliance of Split Lake Creeon the good faith of the Crown, toact promptly and in accordance withits promises, would prove to beunwarranted. It is beyond the scopeof the present study to determine towhat extent the belated action byCanada to deal with the ‘legalniceties’ respecting the creation ofthe reserves, was related to theKelsey Hydro development that wastaking place at the same time.

Chapter 2

Traditional Life Continuesat Split Lake into the 20th Century

AFTER SIGNING the Treaty Adhesion in , the Split

Lake Cree continued to live in theirtraditional ways, remaining self-sufficient and stable, and dependingupon the lands and waterways fortheir livelihood and identity as theirancestors had done before them.9 Inaddition, they continued to do someseasonal transport work for theHudson’s Bay Company, freightinggoods on York boats between YorkFactory and Norway House althoughthis was to come to an end once therailway was built in the area. Theonly outside assistance consisted ofoccasional food rations from theHudson’s Bay Company duringtimes when big game was scarce, aswell as some clothing provisionsfrom the government.

The community was isolated andonly visited by the government on

treaty days. Northwest Mounted Police visits from Norway Housewere not common. Social problemswere few and were solved in thetraditional ways. There was noformal education, apart from limitedinstruction during the summer fromAnglican missionaries, as theyounger generation were taughttraditional skills by their parentsand grandparents. In , therewere fewer than students, few ofwhom progressed beyond grade twoor three. Family and generationalties were close and the peoplepracticed the Anglican religion.Good health was the normalcondition, a testament to therigorous life and reliance on naturalfoods and traditional medicines.However, already non-Aboriginalinfluences were beginning to maketheir presence felt.

Early aerial photograph of Split Lake community showing old Northwest Mounted Police post (centre).

Resource Harvesting andthe Economy

Although the traditional way oflife was continuing, Split Lake Creewere beginning to be concernedabout the preservation of theirharvesting activities, particularlythe fishery in Waskaiowaka Lake.The reserve surveyor wrote in that:

...they are afraid when therailroad is built that fishingcompanies will come in and fishout the supply at this point(Waskaiowaka) and I wouldrecommend that the Departmentprotect their interests in thismatter insofar as it is possible todo so as a considerable number ofthem live in that vicinity duringthe winter.10

In , the Assistant Secretaryof Indian Affairs requested that theDeputy Minister of Marine andFisheries set aside Split Lake,Waskaiowaka Lake andPukatawakan Lake for the Split LakeCree.11 It is not evident from theavailable records whether or not thisacknowledgement of Split Lake Creerights and interests was everformalized by subsequent action ofCanada. However, the request itselfdoes represent an official acceptanceof the rights of Split Lake Creeguaranteed by Treaty well beforethe federal Natural ResourcesTransfer Agreement, which formallyrecognized these rights. Split LakeCree had not yet come to realize thatthese protected rights would beevident more in the breach than theobservance in their relations withthe governments.

In those days the land and itsresources still provided for almost allSplit Lake Cree needs. Hunting,trapping, fishing and gathering werethe chief forms of economic activityand were carried out all year round,with specific kinds of harvestingbeing more prevalent during certainseasons. Every part of the animalwas used, and animals were usuallykilled when they were fat so thatmaximum use could be made ofthem. For example, a bull moosewould be taken around Septemberwhile the cow would not be killeduntil November or December.

Trapping was carried on from thefall and winter, when beaver washarvested, until the spring whenmuskrat was caught. Furbearerswere generally caught with wood-frame traps capable of a ‘quick-kill’.Traps made of logs, so-called ‘doublelog’ traps, were also used. Foxeswere often captured in the fall and

Left to right: William A. Kitchekeesik, Jonah Flett and Mr. McLeod at Landing (Aiken) River, trading for supplies.

penned until December when theirfur had matured. People trappedprimarily for food, clothing andother forms of sustenance. Inaddition, furs were exchanged withthe Hudson’s Bay Company for foodand provisions, rather than formoney.

Fishing was pursued all yearround, and was perhaps the keysource of food. Fish would be driedand smoked for future consumption.It was also caught as food for thesled dogs and used as bait in fur-bearer traps. Fishing was conductedby means of weirs and with hand-made fishing nets; fish hooks wereused for ice fishing. Moose andcaribou were primarily hunted inthe fall, and were a plentiful sourceof meat. Ducks were also hunted inthe fall, while geese were harvestedin the spring. Small game likerabbits and chickens were easilycaught with snares.

Trees were a rich source ofmedicinal aids which could heal awide variety of ailments. Treatedleaves and fir needles were used toheal wounds. Teething babies’ painwas alleviated by applying thesugary coating of young birch trees,and the ground-up remains of dryrotted trees soothed diaper rash oninfants. Senecca root was a naturalmedicine for headaches. The ashes ofburnt wood were used for cleaningpurposes. Respected, traditionalhealers who possessed knowledge ofAboriginal medicines included MaryKeeper and John Joseph.

Split Lake Cree harvested over avast area that extended in mostdirections beyond the currentregistered trapline boundaries,particularly in the northern region.Resource harvesters travelled northto Billard and North Knife lakes, andsometimes went as far as Fort Princeof Wales and York Factory. Theywent northwest to Fidler and Kiasklakes and as far west as SouthernIndian Lake, as well as east to the

Hudson Bay rail line route. Theymoved southwest on the NelsonRiver to Sipiwesk Lake andharvested fish and game along theGrass River, as well as along theBigstone and Fox rivers in thesoutheast.

Travel was mainly by dog teamor birch bark canoes and later bycanvas canoes. Sometimes largewooden boats were used for freight,and at other times people wouldsimply walk along pulling atoboggan with provisions. Woodframe teepee-like lodges, coveredwith moss or spruce boughs, orcanvas tents provided shelter. All of

these indigenous technologies werethe result of centuries of learnedexperience. They were fashionedwith patience and skill frommaterials harvested from the naturalenvironment, had little or nomonetary cost, and enabled themutually respectful, albeit fragile,relationship between man andnature to be sustained.

Split Lake Cree lived throughoutthe resource area in camps of varioussizes. In summer, large camps wereset up beside lakes and rivers wherefish could be found in abundance.As winter drew near, the summercamps were abandoned to the

Fanny Brightnose and family at camp.

whiskey-jacks and ravens, and thepeople left in smaller groups of fiveto ten families to head for their falland winter hunting grounds. Dayswere filled with the numerousactivities necessary for survival –hunting, snaring, skinning,preparing pelts, making tools,smoking meat, cooking, sewing, andso on. The day began early, withadults up before the dawn to makepreparations for the busy day ahead.

The rising and setting of the sunwas the natural measurement ofdaily time. In much the same way,people followed the natural cycles ofthe moon, and their calendar was thecircle formed by the changing of theseasons from summer to fall, fall towinter, winter to spring and roundagain, as another season wouldbegin anew. In the old days, theSplit Lake Cree would observe thenatural resource calendar, that hasbeen documented and clearlyillustrated by ManitobaKeewatinowi Okimakanak NaturalResources Secretariat. This calendar,shown in Figure opposite page ,

is based upon interviews withseveral Split Lake Cree Elders andforms part of a base of Split LakeCree traditional ecologicalknowledge.

Because Split Lake Cree harvestedresources over a wide expanse ofland, interaction with other FirstNations was common, particularlywith the Fox Lake Cree aroundMoose Nose Lake (Stephens Lake)and Atkinson Lake, where both CreeNations would gather sturgeon inthe spring and summer, and fish inthe fall. To the south, down theBigstone and Fox rivers, members ofthe Oxford House First Nationwould be encountered. In theeastern reaches of the resource area,the York Factory and ShamattawaCree also harvested. To the souththere were also the Cross Lake andNorway House First Nations; and tothe west, the Nelson House FirstNation. Summer gatherings andpolitical meetings were held fromtime to time with Nelson House,Norway House and other CreeNations on their reserves, and at

Southern Indian Lake as well.

Community DevelopmentBy the early years of the

century, the community was alreadya permanent year-round settlement,but mainly housing old people andvarious members of Chief andCouncil. Most able-bodied FirstNation members left the communityin the fall or winter to hunt, fish andtrap, living in semi-permanentcamps. They would return to theSplit Lake community in thesummer, staying a month or twoincluding treaty days. They alsoreturned for special occasions likeChristmas and Easter. The traditionalgathering times were mostfrequently happy social occasions,an opportunity to renew ties amongfamilies and clans. These times werealso when self-governance was mostactively practiced by the Split LakeCree, in lengthy, regular meetingsamong the First Nation members toconsider and take decisions on allmatters of collective importance tothe people.

Gathering at the church in Split Lake.

Recluse Lake, kilometres duenorth of Split Lake and in the centreof the traditional resource area, wasthe site of a year-round settlement,complete with a Hudson’s BayCompany trading post and a church.This site was covered with birchtrees, and there were sturgeondownstream in the Little ChurchillRiver. Throughout the Split Lakeresource area there were severallarge outcamps such as those atAssean, Waskaiowaka and BillardLakes to the north, and AtkinsonLake to the southeast. Other smallercamps could be found at Kettle, Jam,Blackwater, Limestone, Gull andMoose lakes. Figure following page shows the location of many ofthese outcamps, and the main trailsmade and maintained throughfrequent usage by the Split LakeCree to access their resource area.

In the Split Lake communitypeople lived mainly in teepee-likelodges and huts made of wood, treeboughs, animal skins and moss, allheld together with mud. Otherbuildings included police barracks,the Hudson’s Bay Company tradingpost, a church and mission house,and a log school house. There wereno roads but rather well-worn trails.

Country foods harvested from theland were supplemented by rootcrops from local vegetable gardensand abundant fish from the waters ofSplit Lake. Only a few staples liketea, sugar, lard, pork and bakingpowder were available from theHudson’s Bay Company store. Onrare occasions flour could be bought,but there was never any butter.Caribou were so plentiful at timesthat people tell stories of them beingshot right from their homes.

Community supplies were usuallytransported to the Hudson’s BayCompany post along the NelsonRiver. This route was abandoned in when the first stage of theHudson Bay railway was completed.Then provisions came by rail from

The Pas as far as Landing River, andthen by canoe to Split Lake.

The Anglican Church was acentral part of the community in theearly decades of the centuryand people took up Christianity,finding a comfortable fit with theirCree view of the world. Churchofferings were presented three timesannually at Christmas, TreatySunday and at Easter. ThanksgivingSunday was held in early Septemberand functioned as a ‘farewell’ servicefor those who would travel to thefall and winter camps whereThanksgiving would be celebratedagain in the mid-fall. Weddingswere usually held in Split Lake orRecluse Lake, although the localpriest occasionally travelled to theoutcamps to perform some religiousfunctions.

Community GovernanceIn the early days the First Nation

government was not formallyinstitutionalized. Rather, itfunctioned as was needed tomaintain the traditional Aboriginalway of life. The family was the maingoverning and social unit. Next wasthe clan or group of families andbeyond that the tribe followed bythe Cree Nation as a whole. Certainmembers of a clan earned a level ofauthority based on their skills andknowledge in particular areas ofresource harvesting. Clan leaderswould emerge as a result of theirgeneral leadership skills, personalityand effectiveness in dealing withoutside contacts. Leaders could notforce their views on families orindividuals, who were free to obeyor to ignore the leadership and evenmove away if they chose.

First Nation laws and theirenforcement were made andexercised through general clanopinion and concerns. Decisionswere made by consensus. The peoplealready followed the practice ofselecting peacekeepers to maintain

in their own customary fashion thepeace, order and mutual respect thatwas central to the way of life. Eldersreport that their grandfatherscarried out this collectivegovernance function, leaving itsactual origin shrouded in the mistsof time. At any rate the peacekeepershave proven to be a very durableand visible reminder that the peoplehave never ceased exercising theirinherent right to self-governance.

The signing of the treaty in had formalized a relationshipbetween the Split Lake Cree and theCrown. The Split Lake Creeunderstood this relationship asproviding them protection tocontinue to live in their tribalhomeland as they had since timeimmemorial. It is evident from theElders’ testimony that the peoplenever understood the treaty as areduction in their prior rights, butrather as an agreement to share thebounties of nature with the whiteman, receiving in return the modernbenefits that Her Majesty’sgovernment could provide.

Split Lake Cree selected reserveson Split Lake at the site of their mostuseful lands and waters. These weresurveyed by Canada in . Thepeople understood that thesereserves were lands for theirpermanent and exclusive use. TheSplit Lake Cree honoured theirunderstanding of the importance ofTreaty by means of a yearly treatyceremony, at which time treatymoney was paid and other itemspromised under the treaty would begiven out, such as the distribution ofammunition and twine for makingnets. This ceremony was theoccasion of community festivitiesand sharing.

After the treaty was signed, therewas an elected Chief and Councilwho represented the people indealing with government. Inpractice, the new Chief and Councilsystem favoured by the federalgovernment did not change much inthe prior approach to communitygovernance. According to theElders, an accurate picture of thisnew arrangement is of a systemgiving a somewhat higher level offormality to relationships andgoverning practices that hadevolved within the Split Lake Creeway of life over the centuries. TheChief would act as chairman formeetings where local matters weredecided. The Split Lake Cree Elders,while not an elected body as such,were the respected advisors andcounsellors in a decision-making

process that involved the wholecommunity, including regulargeneral meetings where many of themembers actively participated. Infact, the Chief and Council had noactual powers beyond what wasgiven to them by the people. Theformal powers of Chief and Councilset out in the Indian Act were notwell understood, being practicedmore as a result of coincidentalsimilarity between traditionalapproaches and the legislation,rather than by design.

The Split Lake Cree membershipand Chief and Council, over theyears, developed their ownunwritten constitution or set of rulesby which matters were decided. Itwas a system in which the Split LakeCree knew and understood the rulesfor living in the Split Lakecommunity. These rules had a strongspiritual and moral base. However,they were rules and a way of lifewhich were soon to be challengedby the new and dramatic changesthat were to confront the Split LakeCree in the coming decades.

“Split Lake in the summer. In the distance are pine and spruce clad rocky islands. Note the rank grass and flowers. The canoe ispulling a raft of wood; there are no horses and they bring the wood”– Jack Harrison

Figure (opposite): Split Lake CreeTraditional Use Area, Settlements,

Outcamps, Trails and Routes.

Chapter 3

Adapting to OutsideInfluences

Split Lake in the 1920s,1930s and 1940s

DURING THE S, the way oflife of the Split Lake Cree

remained, much as it had forgenerations, within the ongoingprocess of gradual adaptation andchange that had enabled the self-sustenance of the people since timeimmemorial. The Ininewukcontinued to utilize their traditionalterritory in the manner, andaccording to the rhythms theirforefathers had followed. However,external factors were beginning tointrude and make their presence felt.

The final Adhesions to Treaty were signed by the Deer Lake, FortChurchill and York Factory FirstNations in .12 Two years later in, Manitoba’s boundaries were extended north to the parallel, increasing the province’s land base by over , square miles.13 Thisset the stage for the development ofnorthern lands and resources bynon-Aboriginal outsiders.

Although the Cree had beenadapting successfully for more thana century to changes introduced intotheir way of life by Europeans, mostnotably through the fur trade, thes saw the start of an accelerationin the pace and nature of suchchange. Two examples discussed bySplit Lake Elders could beconsidered a portent of what was tocome.

Treaty party at Split Lake in 1930; making lunch. The school is in the background.

Figure (opposite): Split LakeRegistered Trapline Zone.

Some of the Elders spoke of amysterious ‘plague-like’ illness thatkilled many Split Lake Cree over afour month period in the earlys. Many people starved andothers suffered tending to the deadand dying. While the cause of thedisease is not known, it is speculatedthat it was part of the deadly world-wide influenza epidemic of making its way to northernManitoba and Split Lake.14

One story suggests that it mayhave been a York Factory residentwho inadvertently spread thedisease when he travelled across theterritory to warn people at SplitLake not to visit York Factory,where the illness was runningrampant. Whatever the cause,people suffered greatly and it hasbeen only recently that the Eldershave found it possible to talk about“the time of death”.

In the late s, for the firsttime, some children from Split Lakewere sent out to residential schools.They went to Elkhorn and Birtle,Manitoba and some went out-of-province to Prince Albert,Saskatchewan. Usually the eldestchild in the family was selected,with the parents consent, to attendsuch schools. Formal education atresidential schools was for full daysup to grade four. After that studentsspent half of the day in class withthe remaining time taken up by farmlabour. While the precise impact ofthe residential schools of this era isbeyond the scope of this study, itappears that it had only a minimaldisruptive effect on the teaching oftraditional knowledge and skills toyoung people. It was by no means asdevastating as the impact wrought by residential school attendance inthe s when greater numbers of

children attended, and othermodernizing factors also played apart.

However, by far the mostsignificant development at this time,which was to open the door to allfuture change, was the completionin of the railway line throughSplit Lake Cree traditional lands toChurchill.

Reverend Dewdney amidst the congregation at Split Lake in .

Hudson Bay RailwayCanadian National Railways (then

the Canadian Northern Railway)began construction of a line fromHudson Bay, Saskatchewan in and by had completed the trackas far as Wabowden, kilometressoutheast of present dayThompson.15 The Pas, kilometres southwest of Thompson,which had been a fur trading post,agricultural centre and mission,became a divisional point on therailway. By it had become theeconomic and administrative centreof the north.16 Forestry, mining, andrail line employment were its keyindustries and by itspopulation had grown to over,.17

The rail line had been extendedto Churchill by , crossingnortheasterly through the Split LakeCree’s traditional territory andintroducing a new technology intotheir way of life.18 Even though theElders speak of the railway as alargely beneficial development, italso brought other less desirablefeatures that the people would soonlearn were associated with all of theexternally-driven developments.The plan to build the railway andthe selection of the right-of-waywere not matters on which SplitLake Cree were consulted. There wasno apparent consideration of anyadverse effects that might be relatedto this incursion across the resourcearea. No record exists of anythought of compensating Split LakeCree for this use of their traditionallands for the primary benefit ofoutsiders.

The railway was built for theprimary purpose of transportinggrain to tidewater, where it wasstored for later shipment overseas,and its construction and operationwas a key step in opening up thenorth to development. A significantnumber of northern Cree, includingmany from Split Lake who were

noted as some of the hardestworkers, worked on theconstruction of the railway andsubsequently settled along the lineto take advantage of seasonalemployment and transportation.Railway employment introducedSplit Lake Cree to cash remunerationand the goods and services it couldpurchase. It also took them awayfrom traditional activities.

The various communities thatarose at railway section or divisionalpoints quickly became places ofcontact and settlement for Split LakeCree. Some families moved to thesecommunities and often remainedthere throughout their workinglives, although they generallyreturned to Split Lake to retire.Others obtained supplies and tradedfurs at these settlements. Ilford, kilometres southeast of Split Lakeand accessible from Split Lake bythe Aiken River, became a majorpoint of contact with the outsideworld. Another important settlementwas Gillam, kilometres to the eastwhich was directly accessible by railfrom Ilford and Bird.

Indeed, the railway played asignificant role in increasing andmaintaining contact with the outsideworld. By the s more and moreSplit Lake Cree were participating inthe wage economy. During theSecond World War, as the laborforce shrank reflecting the demandsof Canada’s participation in the war,the railway hired men from SplitLake to work as section men. Menwere also hired to go south in thesummer months to help harvest thecrops on the farms. Some men fromSplit Lake also saw action in the war.

In addition, contact increasedwith the Department of IndianAffairs and the ManitobaDepartment of Natural Resources,from their offices in Ilford. Chief andCouncil began to travel more onoutside business. Ilford remained themain point of contact through these

decades, although Gillam had asignificant presence as well. The Paswas still visited for medicalemergencies and for the delivery ofbabies.

Resource Harvesting, theEconomy, andGovernment Involvement

Despite this increased contact,the nature, mode and range ofresource harvesting continued muchas before at Split Lake. Its primarypurpose and greatest valuecontinued to be self-sustenance,rather than commercial gain.However, both the federal andprovincial governments graduallystarted to become more activelyinvolved in the regulation ofharvesting activities.

The federal Natural ResourcesTransfer Act came into force in .By virtue of this legislation,Manitoba received title to all of thelands and resources within itsboundaries, subject to outstandingtreaty land entitlement and toAboriginal rights to hunt, trap andfish for food on unoccupied Crownland.19 Subsequent developmentshave shown that Manitoba was eagerto exercise the rights of ownership,but was rather less observant of therelated responsibility associatedwith the obligation to protectAboriginal rights. Indeed, thehistorical record does not show theprovince having any great concernto protect these rights. Rather, itseems to have been primarilyinterested in seeking ways ofcontrolling trapping activities.

During the depression years ofthe s, many white men camenorth looking for work and to getaway from the bleak economicconditions in the south. Some of thepeople involved in the constructionof the rail line stayed in the north. Alot of these men decided to try theirhand at trapping.

Beaver and marten were the most

commonly trapped furbearers at thistime. However, excessive demand,resulting from good prices as well asnon-native trapping pressures, led tobeaver becoming over-harvested.The government imposed a quotasystem to deal with the depletion ofthe beaver population andNorthwest Mounted Police officersbegan confiscating pelts, sometimeswithout regard for eligible quotas.As a result, significant quantities ofbeaver could only be trapped in thefar northern regions along theChurchill River and beyond.

The new rail transportation linkwas making a difference both for theHudson’s Bay Company and for freetraders, who saw possible profits inthe fur business. Many suchtrappers began to find their way intowhat had once been exclusivetrapping territory for the Split LakeCree and other northern FirstNations. This influx of whitetrappers made the need to share thelands and resources a much moretangible reality. Unfortunately, withlittle planning or consultation, andinattention to existing Cree rightsand usages, the influx disturbed thedelicate balance between the Creeand their environment, resulting inavoidable damages.

Despite the increasing intrusionof external influences on the SplitLake Cree way of life, traditionalharvesting patterns generallycontinued. New technologies wereadapted to support traditionalpractices. Canvas canoes replacedthose made of birch bark, and small-powered motors were introduced inthe early s. Beaver continued tobe scarce throughout the s, andwere still available mainly in thevicinity of the Churchill River. Thecontinuing scarcity was made worseby outside trappers who used poison

to kill the animals. The quota systemremained in effect. The NorthwestMounted Police continued to makesudden searches and arbitrarilyconfiscate pelts.

In addition, with theintroduction of a wolf cull programin the s, the province furtherbroadened its interference withtraditional resource harvesting andmanagement practices. The use ofpoison to kill the wolves, along withits use to harvest beaver, is reportedby the Elders to have been deadly toother animals in the region. At thesame time, Manitoba also indicatedits intention to establish a registeredtrapline system in northernManitoba, a development which wasto have an impact upon the scope oftraditional resource harvesting. Thisproposal to divide up the resourcearea into individual traplines wasinitially resisted by the Split LakeCree.

Registered TraplineSystem Established

Long traditions had governed theallocation of lands and resourcesthrough arrangements among clanleaders and Chief and Council, withthe decisions based upon the good ofthe collective whole, not onindividual entitlements. Accordingto the Elders, the provincialgovernment people did notunderstand the communal aspects ofthe system traditionally used by theSplit Lake Cree. Even though thenew system was meant to keep outthe non-Indian trappers, it wasbased on a concept of individualownership, rather than thecustomary land use relationship.Chief Sam Cook warned that if partsof the resource area were allocated tocertain trappers it would lead totension and in-fighting.

A provincial representative, JackLundy of the Manitoba DepartmentNatural Resources, who was fluentin Cree, persuaded the Split Lake

Left to right: Billy Wavey, William Wavey and Horace Morris having tea on the trail.

Cree that the registered traplinesystem would be beneficial for them.It would prevent outsiders fromharvesting their resources. Inaddition, he argued, Split Lake Creetrappers could be better assisted bythe department, if it knew wherethey were located, for example, incase of emergencies.

The intent of the new system, atleast with respect to conservation,may have been sound, but there wasno real consultation with the SplitLake Cree beyond trying to convincethem of the system’s merits andmaking many promises. While thesystem was sold to the people on thebasis of its ability to keep theresource area for their use, inpractice it resulted in provincialcontrol of the resource area, withprovincial game wardens essentiallyacting as a new type of ‘IndianAgent’ with very strong powers ofenforcement.

Notwithstanding their concerns,and with no effective alternative, theSplit Lake Cree accepted the meritsof controlling the intrusions intotheir homeland by outside trappers.Reluctantly, and after much localconsideration, three Split Lake CreeElders – Donald Flett, Judah Ouskan

and Isaac Spence – described andmarked out the Split Lake Cree’straditional resource area for theprovince. However, regardless of theinformation they provided about theextent of traditional occupation andusage, the creation of the registeredtrapline zone by Manitoba resultedin the formal reduction of the size ofthe traditional harvesting area. Inthe southwest the Sipiwesk Lake-Grass River region was allocated toPikwitonei, although some of SplitLake trappers still retain lines in thatarea.

Nevertheless, despite thenegative effects of the changescaused by the registered traplinesystem, the Elders also report thatgeneral harvesting traditions weremaintained, albeit withprogressively less time being spenton the land. Even though there wasa greater permanency to thecommunity, Split Lake Cree stillmade extensive use of much of theirtraditional resource area. Figure opposite page shows the SplitLake registered trapline zone.

Community DevelopmentIn the s, Split Lake was still

not a permanent settlement for mostFirst Nation members, many ofwhom continued to live in the bushand return to the community onlyduring Christian holiday seasons andthe summer. About people livedyear-round at Split Lake. RecluseLake was still the main settlementoutcamp in the resource area wheresix to ten families lived. Kettle andAtkinson lakes were importantgathering places in the spring formuskrat trapping.

The community of Split Lake wasstill in the early stages ofdevelopment. Settlers were arrivingfrom York Factory, where thewildlife resources had beendepleted, and many Cree arereported to have come in an attemptto escape the worst influences ofnon-Aboriginal culture, whichconflicted with traditional values.York boats still travelled up anddown the Nelson River from NorwayHouse. Their arrival in thecommunity was a major event. Assummer frosts were unusual in theregion and the long hours of summersunlight resulted in rapidgermination, gardens were verysuccessful and produced a richabundance of crops.

The construction of a one-roomschool house in was animportant community developmentleading to the expansion of formaleducation.

The Anglican Church maintainedits influential social presence. Amen’s guild and a guild for teenagegirls were formed in to care forand maintain the church. A women’sauxiliary was established around thesame time. It held quarterlymeetings and provided many gifts offurnishings to the church.

Social problems were still theexception in the community. Bushlife remained the centre of most SplitLake Cree’s existence. Wherever

“The missionary and his wife are in the two sleighs. This is the post at Sand Lake - miles north...”– Jack Harrison

they resided, the church andcustomary enforcement of practicesand mores exerted a stabilizinginfluence.

Although Split Lake was still nottreated as a year-round communityin the s, it continued todevelop. Log cabins began to replaceteepees and tents. Gardenscontinued to be cultivated. The furbuyer, Mike Hatley, opened a smallstore, competing with the Hudson’sBay Company, and was popular withlocal residents. Modern applianceslike radios and wind-upphonographs made their firstappearance.

The great depression, whicheconomically devastated much ofCanada in the s, was onlymarginally felt in Split Lake,existing as it did on the margins ofthe mainstream Canadian economy.While a scarcity of store-boughtitems like flour and baking powder

were noticed, no one starved asthere was always an availability ofcountry foods.

The Anglican Church Minister,Reverend George Cowley, arrived inthe community in . He was to bea key figure in the Split Lakecommunity for the next years orso, acting as missionary, schoolteacher, doctor and generally as the‘Indian Agent’. Social stabilitycontinued. While non-Aboriginalinfluences were growing, ReverendCowley and the Hudson’s BayCompany manager were the onlywhite residents. The presence of theDepartment of Indian Affairs wasminimal despite the existence of thedistrict office in Ilford. The workethic was promoted and no alcoholwas allowed on the reserve.

The community’s compositionand character remained much thesame into the s, although itcontinued to grow. Some people

began to move away from theoutcamps, such as Recluse Lake, andto settle in the community to benearer to Ilford which was theclosest transportation and servicecentre. A seaplane base wasconstructed there. Outside resourceharvesting activities increased in theSplit Lake vicinity and in Indian Affairs built the firstteacherage in the community.

Split Lake’s social and culturalfabric remained strong, as Chief andCouncil and the Anglican Churchboth maintained their positions ofauthority and influence. Traditionscontinued, exemplified by the usemade of medicine men who hadspecial knowledge of the healingattributes of many plants and animalparts. Christian teachings continuedas well and blended with traditionalvalues.

Christmas festivities outside the old band hall.

Left to right: Oliver Lindal, Billy Wavey and Carl Muir outside the local store in Gillam. Late s.

Isaiah Mayham, Tubal Kirkness, William Flett, Billy Spenceand Simeon Beardy

“Some of my class. 1930 - Split Lake, Manitoba”– Jack Harrison

Fanny Dick, Susanna Flett, Labella Kirkness, Emily Nepitabo and Priscilla Kirkness

Left to right: In the foreground, Moodie Nepitabo, James Wavey, Jonah Flett (standing) and John Flett. s.

Left to right: Unknown man, Sarah Brightnose andGeorge Brightnose. c. .

Reverend George Cowley. c. .

Community GovernanceJust as the patterns of resource

harvesting and community lifegradually evolved over thesedecades, so too did the practice oflocal government. Much howeverwas marked more by continuity thanby change. Chief and Council wasthe respected authority in all socialmatters and opposition was rare.Social relations, such as marriages,were governed by Chief andCouncil, many of whom wereAnglican clergy. Theseresponsibilities were rooted veryfirmly in the traditional Creeunderstandings of the role of theleadership.

A larger, more permanentcommunity population as the yearspassed required Chief and Council tospend more time and pay moreattention to dealing with communitymatters that had been less importantwhen people lived with fewer closeneighbours. As a result of theincreasing need to deal with thegovernments, Chief and Councilwere called upon more often torepresent Split Lake Cree interests.For example, when the registeredtrapline system was beingconsidered locally, Chief andCouncil both organized internaldiscussions and spearheaded thedealings with Manitoba.

There was still no permanent staffof the First Nation government, andall required government functions,whether executive, political oradministrative, were carried out byChief and Council, as hadcustomarily been the case.

The peacekeepers continued to beinfluential, contributingconsiderably to the tranquillity andcontinuing mutual respect in thecommunity. It seems most likely thatit was early in this period that thesepositions started to be filled byelection at the same time Chief andCouncil were elected.

Even though the structure ofgovernance was rudimentary, it wasentirely adequate and appropriate tomeet the everyday needs of the SplitLake Cree. Its evolution continuedwithin the essential conceptsderived from the practice ofgenerations of ancestors.

Leaving the church after the Saunders’ wedding in Split Lake. Late s.

ConclusionThe period up to brought

many changes for the Split LakeCree, a number of which challengedtraditional ways of getting thingsdone. The perceived disturbancerelated to the introduction byManitoba of the registered traplinesystem has been noted. For all of thechange, however, life continuedwithin the known, respected andloved environment of the permanent

tribal homeland. Even though thechanges strained the Split Lake Creepatterns of life, they did so to nogreater extent than many otherchanges which the people hadexperienced and accommodatedduring their long occupation of thelands and waters. Unknown to theSplit Lake Cree, however, moredisturbing developments were justaround the corner.

Left to right: Solomon Harvey, John Flett, Peter Beardy, Aaron Beardy and Jack Wavey camping on the trail to Split Lake. c. s

Chapter 4

Traditional LifestyleChanges

Split Lake in the 1950s

BEGINNING IN , in additionto the registered trapline

system, there were forces buildingup from outside Split Lake whichwere to have the effect of forcing theSplit Lake Cree to adapt their way oflife in a manner that had neverhappened before. National policiesconcerning Indian education and theintroduction of the family allowancewould have a major impact on thetraditional lifestyle. Both miningdevelopment at Thompson and theneed for more and morehydroelectric power in the southwould also have far-reachingconsequences on the lives and thelands of the Split Lake Cree.

Split Lake Cree Elders havecharacterized the s as a periodof important change in the history oftheir people. This change can be bestdescribed as the transition from a traditional way of life to a more

modern settled existence in thecommunity at Split Lake, togetherwith the disruption and need foradaptation that such changenecessarily entailed.20

Resource Harvesting andthe Economy

While fur and fish harvestingactivities continued over as large anarea as before, notwithstandingregistered trapline boundaries,several factors reduced the centralimportance of harvesting in the livesof the Split Lake Cree. Resourceharvesting was increasinglyregulated by Manitoba, andconservation officers suddenlybecame more noticeable, althoughthe restrictions imposed wererelatively minor, such as prohibitingthe harvesting of tagged animals.Prices for fur, particularly beaver,began to plummet in the early s

The Lamont house in Split Lake. c.s.

and trapping proved lessremunerative. Caribou migrationstarted to diminish, reducinghunting activity.

In addition, contrary to theforecast benefits of the registeredtrapline system, outsiders wereintruding more and more into theresource area. Outside commercialfishermen like Duke Lindal and BillChorchinsky were fishing lakestraditionally harvested by Split LakeCree, such as Waskaiowaka Lakewhere all of the lake trout eventuallydisappeared. A fishing lodgeestablished on the lake by IndianAffairs passed through a successionof private owners.

Although the outside fishingcompanies introduced modernfishing equipment such ascommercial nets and motor boats,and offered seasonal employment tosome Split Lake Cree, they wereinevitably competing for thisimportant domestic resource. Inother words, the introduction ofoutside commercial fishing

operations, which first focused oncatching sturgeon in the NelsonRiver followed by whitefish andpickerel in Split Lake, was yetanother external, uncompensatedimposition on the traditionalpursuits of the Split Lake Cree.

At the same time, both wageemployment and social assistanceincreased. Wood cutting continuedfor the Hudson’s Bay Company, andmany Split Lake Cree also engaged inother kinds of employment,including freighting andmaintenance work for the railway,as well as for Duke Lindal, and, inthe late s, clearing a route forthe transmission line from Kelsey toservice the new mining town ofThompson. This latter work wasarranged by the Department ofIndian Affairs. Whole familieswould move to the employment site.Split Lake Cree Elders recall thatwages for the clearing project werevery low or even non-existent, withlabour essentially being bartered forfood.

The federal government’sintroduction of family allowance atSplit Lake, with the requirement ofschool attendance by the children,was another major factor inchanging people’s relationship withthe lands and resources. Whereas inthe past groups of families would gointo the bush and trap together, nowonly the men undertook thisactivity. The women had to stay inthe community to care for and raisethe children who were attendingschool. Modern education broughtits own rewards, but the failure toadapt the school year to the rhythmsof Aboriginal life inevitably meantthat the children lost continuity intheir learning of traditionalharvesting skills and knowledge. Aknowledge gap began to existbetween the young and the old, as itnever had in the past.

Community DevelopmentAll of the pressures on traditional

harvesting activities furtherincreased the concentration of

The Flett family at Muskrat Portage, Waskaiowaka Lake.

settlement and activity in andaround the Split Lake community.Many of the numerous trapping andfishing camps scattered throughoutthe resource area were slowlyabandoned as people settled in year-round communities, although therewas still a significant settlement atAtkinson Lake. The community ofSplit Lake had grown to apopulation of more than by theend of the decade.21

There was no electricity yet, butother significant developmentsoccurred. Houses continued to bebuilt of logs from locally availablematerial and, during the s, a logband hall was constructed. Two newsmall school buildings were built.The establishment of these facilities,in conjunction with increased schoolattendance, was a key impetus in thegrowth of a permanent community.

A nursing station was built in, although births and othermajor medical procedures were stillhandled at the hospital in The Pas,which remained the centre for majorservices in the north. The existenceof the nursing station tended toreduce the reliance on traditionalmedicines, although they were stillused. Country foods were still apredominant part of the diet, as they

had been for generations, andcontinued to be stored in theground.

Outside access was still mainly byrail through Landing River in thesummer and Ilford in the winter.Mail was picked up once a week atthe junction of the railway andAiken River. Sigfusson Transportconstructed hundreds of miles ofwinter roads in the resource area,and delivered supplies to thecommunity by winter road on itsway towards Southern Indian Lake.Dog-teams and canvas canoes werestill the primary means of travel, butfloat planes and bombardiers hadmade their appearance and wereused occasionally. More powerfulboat motors were also introduced inthis decade.

A considerable number of SplitLake Cree continued to go to Ilfordto take advantage of employmentthere with the railway. Thiscommunity was still the key point ofcontact with the outside world,although there was also continuedinteraction with other rail linecommunities where First Nationmembers worked, visited andtraded. Ilford was the main supplycentre for Split Lake, and DukeLindal ran a store in the community.

Ilford also had political significancein the region as both the Departmentof Indian Affairs and the provincialDepartment of Natural Resourcescontinued to maintain district officesthere. In addition, it was a majorplace of social contact with friendsand relatives.

York Landing was established in on the southern end of SplitLake when members of the YorkFactory First Nation wererelocateded there by Indian Affairs.This created another communitywhere people could visit neighbourswho shared some of the sameancestors, the ‘Home Guard Cree’ ofYork Factory.

Many Split Lake Cree becameenfranchised both as a result ofworking at outside wageemployment and in order to obtainthe legal right to drink alcohol. Thedestructive effects of this stronglygovernment-encouraged butrelatively poorly understoodpractice of enfranchisement, werenot dealt with until treaty status wasagain made possible with thepassage of Bill C- in .

Even though times werechanging, traditional knowledge andbeliefs still prevailed. The peoplecontinued to oppose alcohol.Although Reverend Cowley left thecommunity during this decade, theAnglican Church maintained itsstrong presence and churchattendance remained important. By, the church’s women’sauxiliary had a large membership.Salt pork and other foods weredistributed by the priest everyFriday. Generally, there was a highdegree of community cohesion, asystem of curfews, and few socialproblems, although drinking outsideof the community was starting tobecome a concern.

Wedding of William and Illa Garson in Split Lake.

Community GovernanceChief and Council continued to

exert leadership and influence, withthe Chief now acting as localmagistrate. Nevertheless, the passingof Chief Sam Cook in the s, whohad led the First Nation since thes, was taken as a sign that theold ways were changing.

The stresses of the s,attributable to the heightened paceof exploitation of the resources ofthe region by outsiders, wereimposed on a structure ofgovernance which was poorlyequipped to manage such relativelyrapid and unknown change. Littlepractical advice and support wasavailable from the governments,which tended to either ignore theimpacts, or to view them as ‘shortterm pain for long term gain’.Outside, independent advisors, whomight have assisted the Split LakeCree Chief and Council in the

autonomous exercise of theirresponsibilities, were unheard of.

Nevertheless, in spite of thedifficulties, central dimensions ofcontinued self-governance, in theform of the peacekeepers and theconsideration of matters ofcommunity import in general bandmembership meetings, weremaintained, and in retrospect quiteprobably strengthened as they hadno choice but to come to grips withnew problems.

First HydroelectricDevelopment

Of all externally-imposed factorsfor change, hydroelectricdevelopment was destined by thegeography of northern Manitobaand the growing energy demands ofindustrial Canadian society to havethe most significant impact on theSplit Lake Cree. There is certainlybitter irony in the nature and extent

of these impacts given the usualdescription of hydroelectricity as a‘clean’ source of power.Unknowingly and withoutconsultation, hydroelectricdevelopment was to result in seriousdisruption of and changes to theway of life of the Cree of northernManitoba. Unfortunately, it alsoneglected to take into considerationthe requirement to protectAboriginal rights.

Until , hydro powerdevelopment in northern Manitobaconsisted of the Laurie River I and IIgenerating stations with a combinedcapacity of only megawatts.These were developed by SherrittGordon Mines to provide electricityfor its mining operations and thetownsite at Lynn Lake,22 and wereunknown to and had no effect on theSplit Lake Cree.

In construction began on alarger hydro facility, the Kelsey dam

Split Lake Cree men hauling freight from the Landing River portage on the Aiken River.

and generating station on the upperNelson River. It came into operationin with a generating capacity of megawatts. This station was notconnected to the southern systems,and was built to provide power tothe INCO mining establishment andthe new town of Thompson. Locatedjust kilometres south of Split Lakecommunity, this was the first directexperience Split Lake Cree had withthe powerful and destructive effectsof hydroelectric development.

The Kelsey generating stationwas a forerunner to the majorhydroelectric projects of thefollowing decades, and representedthe initial phase of what wouldbecome known as the LakeWinnipeg Regulation-ChurchillRiver Diversion project, whichbegan in the late s and wouldhave such a major impact on thelands, waters and livelihood of theSplit Lake Cree.

The Kelsey project was developedwithout any consultation with theSplit Lake Cree, either as to itsconstruction or its impacts. Theywere concerned, but did not knowhow to deal with Manitoba Hydro.This was a decade of rapid changefor the Split Lake Cree, and theywere occupied with coming to gripswith its challenges and problems.With very little understanding orinformation about the nature oreffects of such a hydroelectricdevelopment project, some peoplethought that the development mightbe a good idea as it would providesorely needed work. In any event,Kelsey was completed, establishingthe pattern of ignoring Split LakeCree rights and interests, and failingto provide compensation fordamages until much later. It was apattern that long continued tocharacterize hydro developmentswithin the resource area.

Start of the dock construction at Kelsey from which scows would carry material across the river. September .

ConclusionThe changes of the s

described in this chapterundoubtedly required the Split LakeCree to undergo much adaptation.They were forced by circumstancesbeyond their control to live in onecentral location all year round to anextent that previous generationsnever had. This not only causedmajor changes to their traditionalresource harvesting practices, butalso created new requirements forpeople living in an unfamiliarphysical, and social environment.

While pressure grew even greaterto keep the children in school, andfamilies in the community, there wasno concerted effort to facilitate thetype of local economic opportunitiesthat could provide a self-reliantalternative to the traditional way oflife.

Nevertheless, while the peopleadapted to their new conditions,including the increased cashrequirements of the economy, therestill continued to be strong relianceon the traditional use of lands andwaters, despite pressures formodernization. The way of life mayhave been changing, but theunderlying Aboriginal valuesremained. Moreover, the full effectsof Kelsey had not yet been felt as thedecade drew to a close. While thestresses on Split Lake Cree societywere more noticeable, the people’straditional resilience in the face ofchange was still supporting theiradaptation to the changes within anunderstood, albeit evolvingenvironment.

Kelsey, March , . The coffer dam crib for the last tailrace, ready for launching.

John the Baptist Anglican Church, built in the mid-s by Split Lake residents.

Chapter 5

Advent of the Modern Era

Split Lake in the 1960sSPLIT LAKE CREE ELDERS have

portrayed this phase of SplitLake Cree history as relatively stableafter the changes of the s, as atime of more calm communitygrowth and modernization.23 Therewere, of course, still increasingpressures and influences from theoutside world. Not least, this decadesaw the establishment of two newcommunities within the resourcearea, as well as the direct experienceof hydroelectric developmentimpacts.

Resource Harvesting andthe Economy

Wildlife and fish gatheringactivities still extended beyond thenorthern and southern limits of theregistered trapline zone, but fewer

people would range this far.Nevertheless, trapping remained animportant activity and the return ofa trapper after months on thetrapline was a significant communityevent, as the men went to visit thesuccessful trapper in his home. Furprices remained depressed, asreflected in the records of lowremuneration received by Split Laketrappers during the s. Thecommercial fishery on Split Lakecontinued, but with somewhaterratic catch and financial returns.The Elders have observed that theporcupine disappeared during thelate s. Resource harvesting wasstill pursued primarily for domesticsustenance purposes and affirmationof traditional ways, rather than forcommercial gain.

Wood hauling, building logcabins and freighting were the mainsources of wage employment. Inaddition, employment on the railline still attracted a significantnumber of Split Lake Cree families.From the perspective of aneconomist, Split Lake Cree lived onthe margins of the modern economy,with a growing but still relativelyweak attachment to its cash basis. Infinancial terms the people werepoor, but their continuing use ofavailable natural resources fordomestic purposes meant that lifewas less hard than a simpleassessment of financial means wouldsuggest.

The introduction of socialassistance for adults, primarily formarried couples, in the form ofvouchers or cash, provided somemodest relief from the scarcity ofcash. However, the availability ofsocial assistance also resulted inmore Split Lake Cree reducing theamount of time they spent awayfrom the community trapping,hunting and fishing. More and morepeople were leading an increasinglysedentary and dependent life in thecommunity.

The increase in cash income didnot result in a marked change inconsumption patterns. Thecommunity store was still relativelysmall and was only restocked inwinter. As well, with littleelectricity, there were norefrigerators in the homes for foodpreservation. Country foods likemoose, fish and beaver continued tomake up most meals, supplementedby oats, tea, and bannock.

Split Lake Cree remained largelydependent upon the naturalenvironment, as they had alwaysbeen, for their recreational andleisure activities. Access to theoutside world was limited and travelwas expensive. Even though theeffects of the operation of Kelseywere noticeable, people maintained

their confidence in the quality of thewaters, which are reported to havestill been relatively clear, and whichwere relied upon for drinking, otherdomestic purposes, swimming andboating. Shorelines were usedextensively for camping andpicnicking, and the bird life aroundthe community was extensive. Afavourite activity for young SplitLake Cree was to search for minnowsbetween the rocks in the shallowwater along the shoreline.

Community DevelopmentCentred on the peninsula, the

Split Lake community continued tomodernize. It started to become amore formal, planned communitywith the completion of a planningstudy by Underwood McLellanAssociates in . Figure showsthe extent of communitydevelopment at that time. The on-reserve population was , % ofwhom were young people.24 Somemodern homes were being built and amp diesel electrical service wasintroduced. This was enough topower a few electric lights and aradio. Wood stoves were still reliedon for cooking and heating. For thefirst time radio programmingbroadcast from Thompson includedsome Cree language content.

A new four-room school housewas constructed, but after grade sixmost children were sent to IndianAffairs residential schools inDauphin, Brandon, CranberryPortage or Norway House. Whenthey returned to the community,few took up the traditional life oftheir Elders, and many had lost theirmother tongue. Some slowlyregained it; others never did. Theresidential school experiencewidened the generation gap betweenElders and young people.

This was a time of significantnatural turbulence. In the earlys, a huge forest fire threatenedthe reserve. There was a major flood

on Split Lake in which raisedthe level to elevation feet, thatwas five feet or more above the long-term average. While these eventsthreatened the community for theirduration, people accepted them asnatural occurrences that wereexpected in the centuries oldrelationship between man andnature, which was certainly notalways benign.

There was no road access to thecommunity yet, and few, if any, carson the reserve. Travel by dog-teamcontinued, but snowmobiles becamemore common. The use of motorizedboats expanded further. In bothcases, the traditional paths andtravel routes, over the open orfrozen waters, remained theprincipal transportation corridorswithin the resource area and to theoutside world. These were travelledin safety and with confidence.

Although the community wasmodernizing, social problems are notnoted by the Elders to have beenprevalent. There was still a respectfor traditional values and authority,as illustrated by regular churchattendance, the significant role ofthe priests and by evening curfews.When necessary, individuals wereassisted in physical chores like woodcutting and water hauling. Thecommunity was still close-knit andtraditional, celebrating seasonalcommunity events together.Children would visit the schoolteachers, not least to see the wondersof new technologies such as vacuumcleaners in their modern homes.Wood was gathered for the churchin the early fall, when a communityfeast was also staged.

There were few visitors to thecommunity, which retained many ofits traditional Cree customs. In ,a major community event was themeeting between then Indian AffairsMinister Jean Chrétien and SplitLake Cree on the reserve.

New CommunitiesThe emergence of two new

communities playing major roles inthe resource area brought Split LakeCree into further contact with themodern world.

Gillam, once a small divisionalpoint on the Hudson Bay railway,was a thriving modern town by thelate s. It was developed byManitoba Hydro as an operationalbase for the Kettle Rapids generatingstation and the future plannedhydroelectric facilities downstreamon the lower Nelson River. It wasinhabited primarily by ManitobaHydro personnel. Many Cree in theresource area, attracted by wagelabour opportunities, moved to thetownsite. These were mainly FoxLake First Nation members, butsome Split Lake Cree also movedthere. The settlement at AtkinsonLake was practically vacated bymembers of both of these First

Nations in favour of Gillam. Thompson was the other

community that began to play animportant role after . There hadbeen mining activity in northernManitoba for several decades. Fromthe discovery of gold at Herb Lakenear The Pas in and sulphideores in the vicinity of Flin Flon in, to the development of nickeland copper mines at Lynn Lake inthe early s, the mining industryhad been a major catalyst ofnorthern development andsettlement.25 However, none of thishad had significant impact on theSplit Lake Cree until Thompson.

In , nickel deposits werefound, after a decade of exploratorydrilling by INCO, in the Cook Lakearea.26 This lead to the developmentof the huge INCO mines and theestablishment in of the town ofThompson which grew rapidly.Thompson quickly became the

administrative and service centre ofnortheastern Manitoba and, located kilometres by air southwest ofSplit Lake, its influence would soonbecome pervasive. However, thiswas not felt immediately by the SplitLake Cree.

Train access to Thompson fromSplit Lake was available throughLanding River by way of the AikenRiver, but initially there was no roadconnection. It was not until the lates, when an airport was built atSplit Lake and scheduled air servicewas started, that Thompson becamemore influential. Unlike theexperience with the railway, it isnotable that few, if any, Split LakeCree were employed at the INCOmines. The reasons for this are hardto pin down definitively, althoughlack of local interest in workingunderground and the impossibilityof simultaneously maintainingmining employment and the

Figure 8: Extent of Split Lake Community Development in .

traditional way of life, as well as themining company preference forhiring experienced miners, allundoubtedly played a role. The factthat INCO hiring took place in ThePas was also a factor. Thompsonwould have progressively greaterinfluence on the Split Lake Cree wayof life in following decades, and theearly signs of this future role werealready inescapable.

In spite of the expandinginfluences of Thompson and Gillam,Ilford still continued to be the keyservice/supply centre and point ofexternal contact for the Split LakeCree in the s. Its easyaccessibility by the Aiken Rivereither by winter road or byseaplanes operated by Ilford-Riverton Airways and its direct raillink to the outside assured itsongoing importance in this period.

HydroelectricDevelopment

As noted in the previous chapter,starting in the operation of theKelsey generating station madeManitoba Hydro’s presence well-known in the Split Lake resourcearea. Kelsey flooded land for adistance of kilometres upstreamof Split Lake along the Nelson River,affecting , acres of northernboreal forest. Little, if any, of theshoreline was cleared and tons ofdebris, trees and soil entered theNelson River increasing its sedimentload. Traditional hunting areas onthe upper Nelson River, in particularGoose Hunting Lake and as far asSipiwesk Lake, were lost to SplitLake Cree hunters. The dam raisedforebay water various levels up to feet at the site of the former rapids.

Kelsey was a ‘run of the river’

project which harnessed only amodest portion of the total NelsonRiver, and did not greatly changethe levels and flows of thedownstream reach of the river.However, Split Lake residentsnoticed many adverse effects. Thewater in Split Lake seemed to be lessclear, and algae became morecommon. There was more debrisboth downstream of the dam on theNelson River and in Split Lake. Afterheavy rains water levels on SplitLake seemed to rise faster. In awinter fire at the dam site caused therelease of stored up water andsubstantially raised elevations onSplit Lake, causing slush ice. Theseeffects started the process ofundermining the confidence that thepeople had always had in the qualityand safety of their waters.

The commercial and domestic

Squared log house on the peninsula built by WilliamWavey in the early 1950s.

This stained glass window sits above the altar in John the BaptistChurch. From the original old log church in Split Lake, it was

donated by the women’s auxiliary.

Round log house built by Robert Waveyon the peninsula.

winter levels were increased by anaverage of nearly three feet whilesummer levels were reduced byabout three-quarters of a foot. Agreater frequency of waterfluctuation also resulted.

According to the testimony of theElders, each part of Hydro’s project,particularly Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion and the Kettle dam andgenerating station, caused a largerange of impacts, from bio-physicalto cultural and social, in a domino-like fashion.

Biophysical EffectsTerrestrial and shoreline habitat

was either destroyed by flooding orrendered inhospitable for wildlifeand human use by water level andflow changes. Flooded shorelinesalong the diversion route introducedmud, silt, vegetation and wooddebris into the waterways and madethe water dirtier. The projectsdrastically altered the ice regime. Ice

now formed later in the year andbreak-up came earlier. Higherwinter water flows caused thin iceand slush ice which resulted inperilous travel conditions accordingto Split Lake Cree. Fluctuating waterlevels in winter resulted in verydangerous ice conditions, forexample on Stephens Lake, wherewater levels varied by as much as sixfeet in one week. The seasonalreversal of water flows, combinedwith debris, limited shoreline accessand water-based transportation.

The waterways had been themost travelled transportation routes.The developments of the seffectively left the Split Lake Creewith much reduced, more costly andless safe access to their territory. Thenegative effects experienced withrespect to the waterways, on whichthe Split Lake Cree had alwaysrelied, explains why the Cree cameto call Manitoba Hydro “theflooder”, or o-inski-poo-chi-kayoo inCree.

These extensive bio-physicalimpacts of hydroelectricdevelopment affected every facet ofthe First Nation’s use of itstraditional lands and waters andshook its cultural identity to thevery roots.

Harvesting EffectsCommercial and domestic

harvesting activities were seriouslyaffected. Fur bearers and waterfowlwere destroyed, or driven from theirruined habitats. Moose, deer, andlynx were forced upland as theshorelands could no longer supportthem. Fish habitat was changed bythe increased turbidity, and therelative abundance of variousspecies changed. Mercurycontamination of fish, particularly inStephens Lake, became a problem,and Split Lake Cree were advised notto eat certain species.

There was a local perception thatthe fur and fish that were caughtwere of inferior quality. Trapping

Long Spruce dam and generating station was the third plant built in the Split Lake resource area. Started in 1971, the first unitswent into service in 1977. It is located 16 kilometres downstream of Kettle.

and fishing now requiredsignificantly greater effort andexpense to produce a reasonablereturn. Winter ice conditions,particularly slush ice, was reportedto have been a costly problem for furtrappers. The cost of fishingincreased dramatically as boats andmotors were damaged by debris andshoreline conditions, and nets had tobe cleaned or repaired because offouling by algae, silt, mud and otherdebris. More expensive aluminumboats now had to be used. On theChurchill River, the dewatering oflakes damaged fish habitat. Forexample, Billard Lake could not becommercially fished after . TheButnau River diversion into theKettle River, completed as part of theKettle dam development, made thewater more turbid and damageddomestic fishing in the lower KettleRiver.

Changed Water QualityPeople could not drink the lake

and river water, as had always beentheir practice, without feeling theywere getting sick. As a result theybecame afraid to eat any fish theycaught. The changes to the source ofthe peoples’ drinking watercompleted the loss of confidence inthe wholesomeness and safety of thewater for consumption that hadstarted in the s after Kelsey.These changes in the water qualitymade particularly significant thecontractual guarantee of continuousavailability of potable water whichthe Northern Flood Committee hadsecured under Article of the NFA.

Effects on RecreationThe Hydro projects also

destroyed the aesthetic beauty of thewaterways and severely limitedtheir recreational and cultural use.Dirty water made swimming lessattractive and debris inhibitedboating. Children got sores fromswimming in the lake. Winter

recreation was adversely affected asice conditions made many activitiesmore dangerous. Summer activitieshad to be curtailed because campingand picnicking sites had either beenflooded or left high and dry. Boatingwas dangerous below the Kettle dambecause of severe water levelfluctuations. The Churchill Riverwas completely destroyed forrecreational use and its pristinewilderness values were lost.

The presence of construction andoperational personnel associatedwith the hydroelectric project alsohad detrimental effects ontraditional land and water use. Asdiscussed in the previous chapter,the establishment of the moderntown of Gillam in the late s lefta permanent, new population withinthe resource area who used SplitLake Cree lands, resources, andwaters as if they were their own.Hunting and fishing by thenewcomers also placed increasedpressure upon wildlife and fishresources.

The 1979 FloodThere was not even any

consistency in the changed waterregime. Only three years after LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion, spring and summerflooding in produced some ofthe highest water levels on record,with particularly severe impacts onshorelines, wildlife habitat, anddomestic harvesting. Split Lake Creehad barely begun adapting to thenew ‘normal’ water regime whenthis happened. The occurrence ofthis flood, in spite of Hydro’sassurance that the changed waterregime would behave ‘normally’,even if somewhat differently thanthe state of nature, further erodedpeoples’ willingness to believe thatthe outsiders really understood thecontinuing effects of what they haddone.

Few BenefitsWhile the Kettle and Long Spruce

projects were responsible forgenerating a substantial proportionof provincial power and producedcorresponding revenue, Split LakeCree received only minimal benefits.A few First Nation members workedon the construction of Kettle andLong Spruce. Some people workedin operations and maintenance atKelsey, and one First Nation memberrecently retired from ManitobaHydro employment to reside in SplitLake. One hundred () amp powerwas provided to communityhouseholds, but electrical costs werehigh, imposing a new requirementfor cash expenditures on the people.Benefits under the NFA were slow incoming, and Elders commented thatin the s the cost of the newhydroelectricity may actually haveexceeded the Hydro resourcecompensation programs.

As the power developmentscurtailed traditional land and wateractivities, cultural values weredamaged. Social problems began toincrease in Split Lake. People lostconfidence in the lands and waterswhich had always sustained theiridentity. Negative aspects of modernsociety for the Cree, such as store-bought food and television (madepossible as a result of thetelecommunication towers built byManitoba Hydro and ManitobaTelephone System in conjunctionwith the Kettle development), beganto exert more of an attraction. Thegrowing social disruption wasincreased by the construction ofPR to Split Lake in . TheThompson-Gillam road, serving SplitLake, was built as a result of theLong Spruce development and wascost-shared by Manitoba Hydro.

Chapter 6

Environmental and SocialDisruption

Split Lake in the 1970s

T S ofturbulence and environmental

upheaval for the Split Lake Cree.The Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion projects of- wrought havoc with thewater and shoreline habitats ofhundreds of kilometres of theresource area. At the same time thenegative aspects of other outsideagents of change, such as socialassistance, residential schools andtelevision, were also becoming morepronounced and widespread.Television, for example, wasperceived by Elders as having a badinfluence on young people. At thesame time, other examples ofmodernization, such as electricalappliances and better education,were positive developments.

The community became lesstightly-knit and family cohesion weakened. The environmental devastation and disruption caused inpart by hydroelectric developmentaffected traditional Aboriginalvalues and compounded socialproblems as people foundthemselves cast adrift in a new,strange, and hostile world.27

Resource Harvesting andthe Economy

By far the most significantpressure on Split Lake Cree resourceharvesting and other traditional landand water activities in the s wasthe massive hydroelectricdevelopments which wereprofoundly altering the landscape inways which were far more dramaticand profound than the effects of theKelsey generating station.

One of the major streets in Split Lake. c. .

Although traditional harvestingactivities did continue, fewer youngpeople participated, and theterritory travelled continued todecrease. Dog teams were replacedby snowmobiles, which were moreexpensive to operate and maintain.As a result of increased prices forcertain fur bearers, trappers didmanage to increase the grossfinancial return of their activities inthe late s. At the same time,trapping programs negotiated withManitoba Hydro to offset theadverse effects of the LakeWinnipeg Regulation -ChurchillRiver Diversion project providedincentive for some trappers.However, those people who went tothe north of the resource area talkedso negatively on their return aboutthe impacts on the Churchill Riverthat trappers stopped going there.The commercial fishery on SplitLake continued, although incomewas erratic and it was closed orpartially closed for many of the earlyyears of the decade because ofconcerns about industrial mercurycontamination expressed by theFreshwater Fish MarketingCorporation.

External pressures on harvestingcontinued to be felt. Hunters andanglers from Gillam and Thompsonwere active in the Split Lakeresource area. Gillam residentsbegan illegally constructing cottageson Stephens (Moose Nose) Lakewithout the consent of eitherManitoba or Split Lake Cree. Aboutthe same time, the ManitobaRegistered Trapline Associationcame into existence to give trappersa united voice on provincialtrapping issues.

In addition to the traditionalresource-based pursuits, Split LakeCree continued to work on the railline. As well, some First Nationmembers found temporary workwith outside developers, usually inrelatively low skill jobs. Someyounger people who had secondaryschool education were able to findemployment away from thecommunity. A few local businesseswere established towards the end ofthe decade as a result of fundingfrom Neyanun, an economic

development corporation establishedunder the terms of the NorthernFlood Agreement (NFA).Unfortunately, in spite of all of theinvestment and economic activitysurrounding Split Lake, socialassistance became more widespread,increasing dependency and idletime.

Jigging at the old band hall.

Elders Eveline Wastasecoot, Sophie Spence and Helen Spence.

Community DevelopmentIn the community, development

on the peninsula continued. The on-reserve population had grown to by , and there was an influx offamilies of CN rail retirees to SplitLake.28 A new kindergarten to gradenine school was completed in ,and local teachers began to betrained through the BrandonUniversity Northern TeacherEducation Program. An electricalsubmarine cable allowed for the useof home appliances, as to ampservice became available. Localparty-line telephone exchangeservice was also introduced.

Community standpipes wereconstructed by the Department ofIndian Affairs in , providing arudimentary chlorinated watersupply for the community. Thepeople were told that the lake waterwas no longer safe to drink.According to the Elders, this newsource of supply was, in one sense,welcomed by the people, given thegrowing lack of confidence in thesafety of the traditional lake supply.At the same time the need for thisalternative source deepened people’ssuspicions that the changes beingexperienced would last forever. Thereplacement of easy access to lakewaters with several centralizedsources also increased the effortrequired to access this mostfundamental element of life’ssustenance.

Television was also introducedinto many community homes and itsimpact cannot be underestimated. Itcreated expectations, some false. Itexposed young people to the outsideworld, on the one hand introducingpreviously unknown culturalinfluences, but at the same timebringing readier access toinformation about the struggles ofother Indian peoples, in far off partsof the country, to assert their rights.The greater difficulty and lesssatisfying nature of traditional,outdoor activities tended to maketelevision a substitute, thus isolatingthe youth even more from theexperience of the Elders and thetraditional values of the Split LakeCree.

Since the establishment of a mission at Split Lake in , the Anglican religion has been an important part of community life.Shown here is the existing Anglican church and cemetery.

Reliance on store-bought foodgrew, although country foods stillreportedly comprised the majority ofmeals. In the early s, theHudson’s Bay store encouragedincreased consumption of red meat,at the expense of fish consumption.The perception that the taste of thefish from the lake had changed, andthe associated lack of confidence inits wholesome nature, markedlyincreased the effectiveness of thestore’s advertising. As the dietchanged and sedentary ways becamemore prevalent, the health ofresidents deteriorated and theincidence of modern illnesses,particularly diabetes, became morecommon.

Parents placed increasingemphasis on formal education as ameans of understanding and dealingwith the changes being experienced,as well as of obtaining futureemployment. This, combined withcontinued residential schoolattendance, left many of the youthunfamiliar with the traditional waysof living off the land.

Increased access to Thompsonwith its ‘city ways’ was anotherdestabilizing factor. By the earlys there was scheduled airservice between Split Lake andThompson. Taxi service from theOdei River, near Orr Creek, began inthe mid-s. The completion in of a year-round road,Provincial Road , betweenThompson and Split Lakeconsolidated the link.

As a result of all of these factors,the social fabric in Split Lake beganto erode and young people, alienatedfrom the old ways, increasinglyquestioned the wisdom of traditionallife and values. Church attendancebegan to drop. The curfewdisappeared. Alcohol and drug useincreased, although still mainly off-reserve.

HydroelectricDevelopment Accelerates

There can be no doubt, however,that the most profound factor ofchange in the s washydroelectric development.Manitoba Hydro projects causedextensive flooding along the NelsonRiver, and also dewatered thousandsof acres of land along the ChurchillRiver. These projects permanentlyaltered waterways in the resourcearea, forever changing therelationship the Split Lake Cree hadenjoyed with the natural world sincetime began.

Manitoba, along with the federalgovernment, had established theLake Winnipeg, Churchill andNelson Rivers Study Board in to study the environmental impactsof the Lake Winnipeg Regulation– Churchill River Diversionprojects. However, by the time theboard’s report came out in ,both projects were already nearingcompletion as was the constructionof the Long Spruce generatingstation and initial development ofLimestone on the lower NelsonRiver. The board’s report was alsoconsidered by some environmentalexperts and critics to besubstantially less than anenvironmental impact assessmentthat one would expect today.

In the space of a decade, twodams and generating stations wereconstructed downstream of SplitLake on the lower Nelson River, andthe massive Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion scheme was implemented.The Kettle dam and generatingstation, with a generating capacityof over , megawatts, beganoperation in . It tripled the sizeof the lake that had always beenknown to the Cree as Moose NoseLake, and flooded over , acresof land including many First Nationtraditional harvesting, recreationaland cultural sites. This was notunlike the flood that had occurrednaturally in . However, thistime it was unexpected as Split LakeCree believed that Manitoba Hydrowas now regulating the waterways.At the same time Moose Nose Lakewas re-named Stephens Lake inhonour of a former Chairman ofManitoba Hydro.

Shortly after this flooding,construction began on the LongSpruce dam and generating station,16 kilometres downstream of Kettle.Long Spruce became operational in and water levels were raised feet. Over , acres of NelsonRiver shoreline and tributaries wereflooded. The Split Lake Cree werenot consulted about either of thesehydroelectric projects nor were theyprepared for the range of negativeimpacts that would result. Althoughboth the Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion project and the LongSpruce generating station on thelower Nelson River had beenplanned for a number of years andwere already being built, the FirstNation did not know that its reservelands would be directly affecteduntil .

The Northern FloodCommittee andNegotiation of the NFA

As discussed earlier, allying itselfwith four other Cree Nations whoanticipated and experienced adverseeffects from the Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion, Split Lake Cree FirstNation became a founding memberof the Northern Flood Committee in. The committee was formed, bythe independent action of Split Lake,Nelson House, Norway House, CrossLake and York Factory First Nations,to oppose the Manitoba Hydrodevelopment project. This comingtogether of the threatened Creepeoples marked a fundamental stepin their political development. Thebasis of the alliance was that eachFirst Nation would remainresponsible for its own affairs, butthat there would be cooperation tofight the actions of Manitoba Hydro

and the governments, and to securethe collective rights and interests ofthe Cree.

Initially, Manitoba and ManitobaHydro, refused to acknowledge thelegitimacy of the Northern FloodCommittee and attempted tonegotiate separate compensationsettlements with each of thecommunities and affected resourceusers. However, under pressure tonegotiate with the Northern FloodCommittee from the increasinglyorganized and informed FirstNations, as well as from the federalgovernment, which recognized theLake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion’s certainimpact on reserve lands, Manitobaand Manitoba Hydro finallyrecognized the committee in .

In the face of the hugeinvestments that had already beenmade, and the consensus amongCanada, Manitoba and Manitoba

Hydro that the First Nations shouldnot succeed in stopping what wasseen by the outsiders as ‘progress’,the Cree were not successful instopping the project.

However, even though theprimary objective could not beaccomplished, the Northern FloodCommittee was successful, for thefirst time in the history of northernManitoba, in forcing thegovernments and Manitoba Hydroto recognize the legal rights of theFirst Nations. Negotiations began,but notwithstanding Cree legalrights – related to reserve lands andother interests – they wereconducted under considerableduress, caused not least by thecontinuing construction activitieswithin the resource areas. In spite ofthe difficulties they faced and theunequal bargaining positions, theFirst Nations, under the umbrella ofthe Northern Flood Committee,

Figure : Effects of Kettle Generating Station on Stephens Lake Reach. – Manitoba Hydro

succeeded in negotiating theNorthern Flood Agreement (NFA),which was finalized in andratified in , by the NorthernFlood Committee and the five FirstNations, Canada, Manitoba andManitoba Hydro. Key Split Lakenegotiators included the then ChiefKen Wastasecoot, Philip Garson, andSam Garson, the latter of whomsigned the NFA on behalf of theChief. The signing of the NFA wastestimony to the cooperative effortsof the Chiefs, Councillors and Eldersof the five First Nations, and to theirdetermination and tenacity in theface of very adverse circumstances.This was exemplified by the factthat the reserves of the NelsonHouse Cree were already starting tobe flooded by the ChurchillDiversion even before the NFA wasfinalized.

The Northern Flood Agreementcontained promises, by ManitobaHydro, Manitoba and Canada, toreplace all affected reserve lands ona : basis, as well as to provide awide range of compensatory,remedial and developmentalmeasures to offset the adverse effectsof the Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion. Under theterms of the NFA, the

implementation of the promisedmeasures was left substantially inthe hands of Canada, Manitoba andManitoba Hydro. Unfortunately, theCree First Nations’ faith in thewillingness of the other parties totake all of the promised actions wasfound to be misplaced. Faced withhigh projected costs to implementthe NFA consistent with its language,spirit and intent, the other partiesshrank from the task and proceededwith what can only be described asthe narrowest possible interpretationof their responsibilities. Indeed, itwould be several years before theother parties’ insistence that the NFA

was a ‘political accord’ rather than acontract, would be overturned, firstby the arbitrator appointed pursuantto the NFA, and then by theManitoba Court of Appeal.

In , the Commission ofInquiry into Manitoba Hydro (theTritschler Inquiry) criticizedManitoba’s and Manitoba Hydro’sapproach towards the northernAboriginal communities in thedevelopment of the Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion:

It is clear to the Commission, afterreviewing all of the evidence andlistening to all of the witnesses,

that had the Government andHydro started meaningfulnegotiations with the communitiesprior to and even as late as, the course of events wouldhave been vastly different.The Commission went on to

recommend that:...in the future all Hydro projectsthat will have an appreciableimpact on a community or on theenvironment be given a rigorousenvironmental assessment andreview before authorization.Moreover, the people affectedshould be consulted and fullyinformed long before projectcommittal, so that their legitimateconcerns are taken into account inthe authorized scheme.Government must ensure theseends are achieved.29

Hydro Project ImpactsThe Lake Winnipeg Regulation –

Churchill River Diversiondevelopment became operational in-, prior to the Long Spruceflooding, and, as noted, before thesigning of the NFA. The ChurchillRiver Diversion increased flowsdown the Burntwood River morethan eight-fold, permanentlyflooding shorelines and addingadditional flow down the lowerNelson River. Over , acres ofSplit Lake reserve land were takenfor Hydro water storage purposes.The opposite effect occurred on theChurchill River, in the north of theresource area, where over ,acres of formerly rugged wildernessshoreline were dewatered andBillard and Fidler Lakes weresubstantially reduced in size anddepth.

Lake Winnipeg Regulationreversed the natural, seasonal flowsand levels which the Split Lake Creehad lived with for all time. Theentire Nelson River from LakeWinnipeg as far as the Kettle damforebay was altered. On Split Lake,

Kettle generating station, located on the lower Nelson River seven miles east ofGillam. Construction occurred over the period to . The first turbine units

went into service in .

fisheries were also affected.Sturgeon did not come down theNelson River as frequently as in thepast, which the Elders attribute tothe presence of the Kelseygenerating station. Split Lake Creefishermen noticed cyst-like defectsin fish, particularly in walleye andpike. The mooneye population wasreduced. In the areas not protectedby bedrock and stone shorelines,shoreline bird and furbearer habitatwas damaged; the red-wingedblackbird disappeared from theupper Nelson River area in the mid-s.

First Nation members weregaining their first direct experiencewith the impacts of hydroelectricdevelopment, which, as notedearlier, had been planned withoutany consultation, and certainlywithout the informed consent ofSplit Lake Cree. In spite of theimpacts that the Elders report werebeing experienced by the people as aresult of the operation of Kelsey, nocompensation was paid. The projectwas viewed by the proponents andother northern developers as anadmirable sign of northern growth,

and any costs, to the extent theywere recognized at all, were treatedas the ‘price of progress’. There is norecord of Canada doing anything toinsist on the recognition of SplitLake Cree rights, other than perhapsthe belated creation of the Split LakeCree reserves in the late s.

At about the same time as theKelsey development becameoperational, Manitoba Hydro beganconstruction of the Grand Rapidshydro project on the SaskatchewanRiver between Lake Winnipeg andCedar Lake. The Grand Rapids damand generating station wascompleted in and was fullyoperational by . This severelydamaged traditional resource areasof the four First Nations inhabitingthe Saskatchewan River delta andthe Chemawawin Cree were forcedto completely relocate. Thesenegative effects provided a tragiclesson for Manitoba Hydro and thegovernments. They revealed theinevitable consequences of suchdevelopment on the indigenouspopulation. Sadly, in spite of whatthe governments and ManitobaHydro knew, or ought to have

known, there is little evidence thatthe lessons were applied to thedevelopments that would shortlycreate similar impacts on the SplitLake Cree.

After completing Grand Rapids,described in official Manitoba Hydroliterature as the ‘jewel of thesystem’, Manitoba Hydro turned itsattention to harnessing theenormous power potential of theNelson River. The federal-provincialLakes Winnipeg and ManitobaBoard in and the Nelson RiverProgramming Board in completed reports investigating theenergy potential of the Nelson River,including the regulation of theoutflow of Lake Winnipeg and thediversion of the Churchill River intothe Nelson River.

In , Manitoba and Canadaentered into an agreement thatprovided the basis for the LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion. It specified thatManitoba Hydro would finance andconstruct the Kettle Rapids dam andgenerating station, kilometresdownstream of Split Lake, whileCanada would pay for the

Kelsey dam and generating station located on the Nelson River where it flows into Split Lake. Construction began in and the first four turbines started operating in .

construction of, and own, the highvoltage direct current transmissionlines ( kV) between Kettle Rapidsand Winnipeg. Manitoba wouldprovide the land required for thetransmission line and give thenecessary approvals for the project.Water power reserves along themajor river systems were created inthat same year.

This was the beginning of thehydroelectric project that wouldcause such damage and disruption,and change forever the way of life ofthe Split Lake Cree in the comingdecade.

Community GovernanceEven though the impacts of

hydroelectric development and ofthe new communities in the resourcearea were only beginning to be feltin the s, they created newpressures for the Chief and Council.Such changes had never before beenexperienced by Split Lake Cree. Theimpacts of Kelsey were increasinglybeing raised in the general bandmeetings, but the leadership wasunsure how to effectively voicethese concerns to the governmentsand Manitoba Hydro. It would beanother ten years before thegovernment of the First Nationwould succeed in establishing aforum for doing so, by allying itselfwith other northern Cree FirstNations within the Northern FloodCommittee.

At least during the first half ofthe decade, Chief and Council,comprised of the older First Nationmembers, governed consistentlywith the traditional customs. TheElders continued to exercise themost influence on decisions withinthe community. The functions ofgovernment remained primarilyinward-looking, such as the strictlyenforced daily curfews imposed byChief Alfred Spence and Council.Similarly, Chief and Council had,and used from time to time, the

power to reduce or cut off socialassistance. The Department of IndianAffairs exercised considerablepower, managing directly both thefinances and the externalrelationships of the First Nation. Upuntil at least the mid-s, therewere no direct employees to carryout the everyday functions ofgovernance, which were integratedinto the responsibilities of the Chiefand Council.

The peacekeepers were stillproving to be an enduring force inthe community, a very visiblesymbol of the continuity ofgovernance practices from ancienttimes, enforcing the curfews andgenerally maintaining the goodorder and traditions of the people.The Elders report that at this timethere were still three peacekeepers.The RCMP were viewed generally asan unnecessary outside force, andwere only allowed on the reservewith the permission of Chief andCouncil.

In the latter half of the decade, aspressures continued to mount on thetraditional leadership, there appearsto have been a conscious effort madeto actively encourage theparticipation of the younger men inthe community decision-makingprocess. Today’s leaders talk ofElders approaching themindividually as young men toconvince them of the need for theirmore active role in the regulargeneral band meetings. The age ofthe Council started to reflect thistransition. The late s saw theelection of the youngest Chief in thehistory of the Split Lake Cree.

Frequent general band meetingswere still held, maintaining the age-old tradition of the activeparticipation of the adult membersin the everyday governance of theFirst Nation, while retaining thepower to make decisions whichChief and Council felt obliged to putinto effect.

ConclusionThe s were essentially an

extension and continuation of thechanges of the s. Harvesting ofnatural resources was still veryimportant to Split Lake Cree whocontinued to rely on the lands,resources and waters of theirforefathers, despite being moresettled in a planned and growingcommunity. According to Elders,considerable country food in theform of moose, beaver, whitefish,and pickerel was harvested, blessedand consumed by the people, withcountry food meals still surpassingstore-bought. Traditional culturalpractices and festivals were activelymaintained. The community of SplitLake remained relatively isolatedand stable.

While the changes taking placewere not as dramatic as those of thes, influences, such as thegrowth of northern towns, miningand the first direct effects ofhydroelectric development wereincreasingly evident. As a result, themost central beliefs and trust in awell-understood environment wereshaken by the magnitude ofdevastation seen upstream along theNelson River to Sipiwesk andCauchon lakes. The s providedthe first concrete indications to theSplit Lake Cree that their unendingstruggle for survival and adaptationto circumstances in a known worldwas changing because offundamental changes to the verycharacter of that familiar world.Further serious impacts were soon tocome.

Figure on page illustrates theeffects of the Kettle dam andgenerating station on the MooseNose (Stephens) Lake reach of theNelson River. Visually, the effectsare dramatic. More subtle, butnonetheless profound, were theseasonal reversal effects of the LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion on the immediateenvirons of Split Lake. Figure illustrates the Split Lake waterregime for the pre- and post-LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion periods. Thereversed cycle of low water in thesummer and high water in thewinter periods is particularlynotable.

Community GovernanceNot surprisingly, the s was a

period of rapid transition in the roleof Chief and Council. In order to dealwith the perceived threats to thevery existence of the people, therewas a need to draw upon the more‘modern’ perspectives and educationof younger members, who hadgreater familiarity with the outsideworld. This internal impetus,coming from the older people, topass the torch of leadership soonerthan would have traditionally beenthe case, was reinforced by thereduction in voting age from to in . This substantiallyexpanded the voting age population.

Complicating this generationalshift in leadership was theincreasing requirement for Chief andCouncil to be out of the communityto participate in tribal governingactivities. This contributed to adecrease in their internal authority.While the younger generation tookmore of a leadership role in terms ofpolitical responsibilities, the Elderscontinued to take responsibility forensuring respect for the moral andcustomary practices of thecommunity.

Figure : Split Lake Water Regime: Average Monthly Water Levels for Pre- and Post-LWR–CRD Periods. – Manitoba Hydro

The tremendous efforts requiredfirst to negotiate and then endeavourto convince the other parties toimplement the NFA, began to imposea diverse array of administrative,technical and legal demands uponChief and Council. The very modestnumbers of staff working in the FirstNation government werecomplemented by the Cree staff andother technical and legal advisorsworking within the Northern FloodCommittee. Chiefs during the swere, in chronological order, DanielKirkness, Bill Spence, John Wavey,

Ken Wastasecoot, and Michael P.Garson. John Wavey and KenWastasecoot led the Split Lake Creeparticipation in the struggle tonegotiate the NFA.

Despite the many significantchanges that occurred during thisdecade, there were still significantelements of continuity within thestructure of governance. As noted,the Elders continued to play animportant and respected role, bothinternally and as valued advisors inmeetings among the five NorthernFlood Committee First Nations. The

peacekeepers still represented thewill of the people in the maintenanceof social peace and order. Thegeneral band meetings, while havingto address hitherto unknownchallenges, remained an importantforum for discussions and debate,and a source of guidance andsupport for the leadership.

ConclusionThis chapter has described how

traditional values and customs cameunder increasing pressure duringthe , as the consequences ofincreased modernization and contactwith the outside world were felt.From the Split Lake Creeperspective, hydroelectricdevelopment was by far the mostprofound agent of change, causingboth major physical impacts on thelands and waters, as well as theresulting undermining of the essenceof Aboriginal practices and customs.As a result of externally imposeddevelopments that were beyondtheir control, the people of SplitLake had become casualties ofchange.

While resource harvestingactivities continued, peopleparticipated for less sustainedperiods of time. Many young people,steered towards educationalendeavours, were less capable ofcarrying on traditional activities andbegan to hold animals in less esteemthan had their Elders. The centre oftraditional pursuits had always beenthe shorelines, but shoreline activitydecreased because of the adverseeffects of hydroelectricdevelopment. People lost faith in thealtered waterways and in the naturalenvironment that had alwayssustained them. In short, the suddenenvironmental degradation in thetraditional territories resulted in atraumatic break in the pattern ofevolution and sometimes difficultadaptation that had characterizedearlier eras.

Limestone dam and generating station, the most recent Manitoba Hydro plant, islocated 47 kilometres east of Gillam. Initially started in the s, it was built over

a period of several years, mainly in the late 1980s.

Chapter 7

Decade of Uncertaintyand Reconstruction

Split Lake in the 1980s

The early s were markedby uncertainty and

indecision. Split Lake Cree FirstNation was unsure how to deal withthe deepening negative influences ofthe outside world and, in particular,with the continuing adverse effectsof hydroelectric development whichshould have been mitigated oralleviated by the NFA. From theSplit Lake Cree perspective, theother parties to the agreement hadnot lived up to the promises in theNFA. While, from the outside, thecommunity was perceived to bestable, among members there werereal concerns that it may beoverwhelmed by the new, starkrealities it was facing. By the lates, however, a number ofdevelopments indicated that the

First Nation had again found itsbearings, and was beginning toreassert control over its ownaffairs.30

Resource Harvesting andthe Economy

Hunting, fishing, trapping, andthe gathering of country foods andmedicines carried on in the s.Because of continuing interest inthese pursuits, as well as a growingpopulation, there were moretrappers than in the s, althoughthe number of commercial fishermenremained about the same. Amongresource harvesters there was asstrong an attachment to the land asbefore. However, hydroelectricdevelopment impacts were still amajor limiting factor.

Aerial view of the growing Split Lake community.

On the surface, trapping andfishing appeared productive withlarge numbers of participants.However, the continuing physicaleffects of the Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion, particularly related totransportation impediments, madethese activities difficult to carry outand produced substantial hiddencosts in terms of extra expense, timeand effort. Domestic fishing declinedon Split Lake because of concernsabout the water quality, particularlyafter the flood of . Elders noteda sharp decline in goldeye in theearly s. As well, fur pricesdropped sharply towards the end ofthe decade. Despite all of theseproblems, the people’s attachment tothe lands and waters continued.Country foods still comprised,perhaps, half of the diet. Oneresponse to the hydroelectricimpacts was to move some of theharvesting activities and to fish andtrap unregulated waters andshorelines.

Notwithstanding the continuingattachment to resource harvesting,severe unemployment characterizedthe local economy for most of theyear in the first half of the decade,with a corresponding increase insocial assistance dependency.Women’s handicraft production allbut ceased, with bingo and visits toThompson taking its place. Fewerpeople made snowshoes. Thecustomary division of labour becameblurred as women began to workand men took more of a role inraising children. To some extent thiswas made possible by the gradualexpansion of employmentopportunities in the government andservice sectors of the local economy,particularly in the latter part of thedecade, as progressively morefunctions of government were madesubject to the devolution policies ofthe Department of Indian Affairs.The education and health systemsalso contributed to the increase inlocal job opportunities for women.

In the early eighties, constructionon the reserve was essentiallyconfined to a modest housingprogram. After the middle of thedecade, however, there was arelative boom in this sector. Theextensive construction activity onthe reserve, resulting from theprovision of basic infrastructuresuch as the water and sewer system,improved housing, and local streets,provided many much-needed localjobs for First Nation members.

Hydro construction continuedwhen work on the huge Limestonedam and generating station resumedin . This was the fifth and lasthydroelectric generating station todate on the Nelson River. Some SplitLake Cree participated in skills andemployment training programsthere. Benefits from these programswere slight, however, as skills werenot adequately developed at work orcould not be applied elsewhere asemployment opportunities were few.In addition, those Split Lake Creewith jobs were often overlooked foradvancement.

In spite of the general increase inlocal job opportunities in the lates, the rapidly growing labourforce meant that there wereprobably more people unemployedand reliant on social assistance at theend of the decade, than at thebeginning. This was particularly thecase since most of the people born inSplit Lake continued to reside there,with a very low rate of permanentout-migration. The challenge ofdefining a new basis for theeconomic self-reliance of the SplitLake Cree, which had never beenseriously addressed by thegovernments, remained to be takenup by the people in the future.

Several constuction projects began in Split Lake in the late s.

Community DevelopmentSocial and health problems

seemed to deepen. Lack of respectfor authority increased. Youngpeople became even more alienatedfrom the values of their Elders andbegan asserting their new-foundlegal rights, as individualisticnotions began taking hold, partly asa result of Constitutionaldeliberations and the passage intolaw of the Charter of Rights andFreedoms.

There was conflict betweenexternal values and Aboriginalcultural traditions, which wereweakened and began to beredefined. Traditional religiousbeliefs were practiced only by theElders, who were also the FirstNation members most frequentlyattending church services. Althoughthere was a reported decline inactive church attendance, theAnglican Church and its practicesand moral code remained apredominant influence on everydaylife. Alcohol and drug abuse wasmore frequent, although, as in thepast decade, usually not in thecommunity, given the local ban onintoxicants and active enforcementby the peacekeepers.

Numerous events interrupted orcurtailed a wide range of communityservices in the s. The airportwas closed in the early part of thedecade. The school burned down in and temporary classrooms hadto be used for the next four yearsuntil a new school was built. TheBay store burned down in butwas soon rebuilt. There were poweroutages because of load rejection atKelsey. Electricity was also cut offwhen the submarine cable snappedin . Shoreline developmentbecame restricted because of theManitoba Hydro setback orseverance lines. On top of theseproblems, Split Lake experiencedhigh waters in , and in major forest fires threatened thewhole community.

However, there were also notablecommunity improvements.Household telephone service to theoutside world became available inthe early s. The Split Lakecommunity doubled in size whenadjacent land beyond the peninsula,including the old airstrip, was setaside and developed for communityexpansion. This had beenrecommended by the Hilderman, Witty Community Plan.A major water and sewer projectbegan slowly in as one of thethen major benefits from theNorthern Food Agreement. Underthis program water and sewerinstallation occurred on themainland, providing running waterand bathrooms for about % of thehomes. This was part of a majorwater and sewer infrastructureprogram that took place on all fiveNFA First Nation reserves.

The New SchoolThe response of the Split Lake

Cree to the destruction of the schoolby fire illustrates that no matter howdesperate the situation may haveseemed at times in the late s andearly s, the will to control theirown affairs was never lost. Whenthe school burned, the Departmentof Indian Affairs informed the FirstNation that the children would betaken out of the community toschool until the building could bereplaced. It also indicated its plan toconstruct replacement schoolfacilities on the site of the old school,a site that had always beenconsidered undesirable by the localpopulation.

Chief and Council, supported bythe members, rejected both thesepositions. Using the First Nation’sown money which had been securedthrough negotiations to implementthe NFA, portable classrooms werepurchased, moved to the communityand installed on the old school site.Having succeeded in creating this

new situation on the basis of theirown efforts, Split Lake Creecontinued the pressure to secure amodern, replacement school, withthe goal of providing kindergartento grade education in thecommunity for the first time. At theend of July , two busloads ofSplit Lake Cree arrived in Ottawa tolobby the federal government.Shortly afterwards, approval wasreceived for the construction of thenew school, on the site favoured bythe people. This noteworthy successcontributed to renewed self-respect,and underpinned the major effortsmade by Chief and Council to gainlocal control of education in thes.

Road to Split LakeEven though the Split Lake

airport was closed in the s,access to Thompson, and to southernManitoba, became easier because ofthe completion of PR to SplitLake in . By , the road hadbeen extended to Gillam. Thiscaused an increase in on-reservevehicles, creating added pressure toimprove the inadequate internalroad system. More important,however, was its negative influenceon social stability.

Besides hydroelectricdevelopment, PR has been citedas perhaps the key agent of changeaffecting Split Lake in the late sand early s.31 By making accessto the outside world easier, moderninfluences affected the communitymore, further weakening traditionalsocial and family relationships.

Chief and Council agreed to theroad, which was vital formaintaining a reasonable level ofservices in the community, and wasmade even more necessary as a resultof the deterioration in traditionaltravel routes on the waterwayscaused by the hydroelectric projects.At the same time they were aware ofits potential adverse effects, in

particular, easier access to alcohol.One result of this realization was tomaintain Split Lake as a ‘dry’ reservewhere alcohol was banned. There isno doubt that the road created amajor attraction to take advantage ofservices in Thompson, with verymany Split Lake members travellingthere weekly, if not morefrequently.

Impacts of HydroelectricDevelopment Continue

Adverse effects on the lands andwaters continued as before. Theseasonal reversal of flows and levelson Split Lake, the low flows on theChurchill, and high flows on theBurntwood, were now permanentfeatures of the environment. Whilesome outsiders claimed that naturehad begun to adjust to the unnaturalcycles, the Elders continued tonotice far more signs of negativeeffects than positive adjustment.Traditional pursuits continued to beadversely affected along ‘on-system’waterways and, more and more,hunters, fishermen and trappers hadto go further afield in order toharvest game and fish, incurringadditional expenses.

The spring and early summerflood of , not totally unusual ina state of nature, also causedconsternation, as had the earlierflood of , since such floods werecontrary to the intended effects ofthe Hydro regulation scheme. Bothdomestic and commercial harvestingpractices were seriously disrupted asunnatural ice effects and flooding upto five or six feet beyond the normtook their toll. Extreme events suchas these also caused many ‘hidden’effects on plants, insects and wildlifestruggling to adapt to the regulatedwater regime. These are difficult todescribe and impossible to quantify.The flood seriously affected therecreational use and enjoyment ofSplit Lake, caused communityconcern and anxiety because of its

unpredicted nature, and, perhapsmost troubling of all, seriouslyundermined the theory that MotherNature would be able to adapt wellto artificial interference with hernatural rhythms and patterns.32

Northern FloodAgreementImplementation

Both the perceived failure ofCanada, Manitoba and ManitobaHydro to adequately address theongoing physical adverse effects ofthe Lake Winnipeg Regulation –Churchill River Diversion, and theresulting sense of powerlessness,were symptomatic of the loss ofcontrol felt by Split Lake Cree in theearly s. The people had believedthe promises in the NFA, had trustedthat its terms would provide avehicle to counteract the adverseeffects of the hydro projects, protectthe integrity of their lands andwaters, and foster the social and

economic recovery of theircommunity. The failure of theseexpectations to be realized led tobitter disappointment and mistrust.

The governments and ManitobaHydro failed to implement seriouslythe numerous advantageousprovisions of the NFA, and adequateresources were not made available toensure that its provisions werecarried out. Notwithstanding thedetermination that the NFA was abinding contract, its generalwording left considerable room forinterpretation. Canada, Manitobaand Manitoba Hydro consistentlyused this fact to downplay theirresponsibilities.

The NFA had generatedunderstandable expectationsamongst the Split Lake Cree. Theseexpectations were increasinglyfrustrated as successive Chiefs andCouncils, in alliance with the otherNorthern Flood Committee FirstNations, waged a continual struggle

to obtain the promised benefitscontained in the agreement. TheSplit Lake Cree, like the other NFA

First Nations, had to resort to filingnumerous arbitration claims to try toforce implementation of theagreement.

By the mid-s, almost adecade after its signing, most of theNFA was being implemented onlypartly, inadequately, or not at all.Compensation lands had not beenprovided; drinking water wasconsidered unsafe; sharedmanagement of wildlife wasminimal; and communitydevelopment was not beingaddressed. Normal Indian Affairsprogram funding had been reduced,because of perceived benefits thatwere supposed to result from theNFA. Some benefits that were seenby Split Lake Cree included a fewlocal remedial works, advancepayments on a handful of claimswhich went towards housing

Satellite view of Split Lake area showing main highway and other features. July , . – Manitoba Centre for Remote Sensing

development, and the ManitobaHydro trappers’ assistanceprograms.

One of the key provisions of theNFA not adequately addressed bythe other parties was thecommitment to comprehensivemonitoring of the adverse effects ofthe Hydro projects, including asocio-economic assessment of sucheffects. The first order physical,biological and chemicalconsequences had been suffered bySplit Lake Cree on a continuing basissince , when Kelsey beganoperating. Yet the impacts had onlybeen investigated or monitored in alimited, piece-meal way byManitoba and Manitoba Hydro sincethe early s. The lack ofcomprehensive monitoring ofhydroelectric project impactsrendered such assessmentsmeaningless to the Split Lake Cree,and did nothing to allay theenormous uncertainties associatedwith the projects’ effects.

Political Approach toImplementation

Faced with the continuingintransigence of the other parties,the Northern Flood CommitteeChiefs and their senior staff andadvisors held many discussions tofind a way to obtain the entitlementswhich their people insisted had beenpromised. Finding the NFA

arbitration provisions ineffective atproducing practical results, thedecision was taken to forge a morepolitical approach to secure thepromised benefits of the NFA.

Consistent with this decision, thefive Chiefs travelled to Ottawa inMay to meet then Minister ofIndian Affairs, John Munro, andpress their case. The outcome of themeeting was unusually rewarding,and only six weeks later Canadaannounced the approval of apackage of NFA implementationmeasures, including: ongoing

funding for the Northern FloodCommittee; the commitment tospend the money required toprovide water and sewer services, inrecognition of the obligation toprovide safe water to thecommunities; and a FederalEcological Monitoring Program, tomonitor selected impacts of the LakeWinnipeg Regulation – ChurchillRiver Diversion upon the lands,waters, fish and wildlife of the fiveNFA First Nations.

This almost stunning success,after so many years of frustration,started Split Lake Cree and the otherFirst Nations down a road withmany new challenges. A period ofintensive planning and organizationbegan in order to develop the meansto control and secure the maximumpossible spin-off benefits from theunprecedented infrastructuredevelopment in the communities.Split Lake Cree took on the sharedleadership in proposing to Canadaand receiving approval for theestablishment of the Northern FloodCapital Reconstruction Authority, awholly Cree-owned institution,which would take on and managesuccessfully the completion of thewater, sewer, housing and roaddevelopment project. Local work inSplit Lake was substantiallycompleted by the end of the s.

The efforts to implement the NFA

Article water and sewer programdemanded a large portion of the timeand energy of the leadership of theNorthern Flood Committee and theFirst Nations, until a formalagreement was concluded withCanada in May . Nevertheless,important lessons from this processwere applied to other unmetentitlements under the NFA. SplitLake Cree and the other First Nationsconcluded that political means couldbe effective in asserting their rights,and that the First Nations would dobest to take on direct responsibilityfor implementation measures, rather

than relying on the other parties totake the lead.

Global ApproachOut of this experience was born

the global or comprehensiveapproach to implementing the NFA,based on the concept that the FirstNations should negotiate with theother parties to receive the lands,moneys, authorities and continuinginter-party relationships sufficientto place each First Nation in the leadwith regard to implementation of theNFA. Many workshops were held inSplit Lake, and among the FirstNations, during the late s inorder to reach a consensus amongthe people. Finally, in January ,full four-party negotiations began inorder to try to win the completeimplementation of the agreementthat had been signed in .

For the Split Lake Cree anothercritical factor in reaching thedecision to take this global approachwas the growing apprehension anduncertainty over future impactsassociated with Hydro’s explorationand drilling around Birthday andGull rapids downstream of SplitLake in . That same yearManitoba Hydro announced that theSplit Lake reserve boundaries wouldneed to be re-negotiated because theplanned Birthday/Gull hydrodevelopment option could raise SplitLake by several feet.

Split Lake Cree protestedManitoba Hydro’s lack ofconsultation about these twinprojects as well as the failure toconduct an adequate assessment ofalready existing impacts. Faced withthis strong local opposition,Manitoba Hydro withdrew itsrequest to renegotiate the Split LakeReserve setback lines in late ,pending further investigation andstudy of the flooding effects ofBirthday/Gull. Buoyed by thisadditional evidence of theirincreasing capability to protect their

own rights, Split Lake Cree tookassurance that Manitoba Hydro wasnow more aware of the importanceof joint planning and impactassessment processes. The Split LakeCree approached the globalnegotiations with reneweddetermination and confidence thatthis time things would be different.

Community GovernanceThe struggle to win the

implementation of the NFA,combined with the increasingresponsibilities of the First Nationgovernment flowing from theprogram devolution policies of theDepartment of Indian Affairs,resulted in substantial changes tocommunity governance in the s.Chief and Council became lessinvolved in family issues, andfocused more on the broadercollective rights and interests of theFirst Nation. This transition wasaided by the negotiations, alongwith other First Nations in thenorth, to establish A , anIndian child care agency providingspecialized support, help andguidance to First Nation families andchildren.

Chief Norman Flett took a veryactive role in the Northern FloodCommittee in starting the successfulnegotiation of the Article Agreement of the NFA regardingsewer and water services, over aperiod of three years. Theexperience gained in building fromscratch a major Cree institution, theNorthern Flood CapitalReconstruction Authority, tomanage the construction, added newunderstanding of the ways in whicha modern government could meetthe needs of the people.

The global negotiations whichbegan with the goal of settlingoutstanding NFA obligations,provided valuable lessons on howgovernments worked and therequirements for negotiating for

community development initiatives.These developments were concreteevidence that Split Lake Cree wereprogressively reclaiming control, notonly over NFA implementation, butover other dimensions of communitydevelopment as well. The Chiefswho continued to negotiateimplementation during this decadewere, beginning with the election, Ken Wastasecoot, MichaelP. Garson, Daniel Kirkness, NormanFlett and Larry Beardy.

Another very visiblecharacteristic of the increasinglysophisticated First Nationgovernment was the growth of staff,both executive and administrative,at the local level. At the beginningof the decade there were fewer thana half dozen such staff; by the end,there were as many as four dozen,including those working in theschool and at the nursing station.Although this growth was fuelled toa considerable extent by thedevolution of program managementresponsibilities from the federalgovernment, it was fundamentallydriven by the decisions of the peopleand Chief and Council to take on allresponsibilities possible, and tostructure NFA implementationactivities with the maximumpossible local involvement.

Even with all of the changesresulting from the growth andincreasing sophistication of the FirstNation government, essential aspectsof continuity could still be found.All decisions of vital interest to theFirst Nation continued to be debatedfully in the general band meetings,which were still very well attended.The respected role of the Eldersremained. Indeed, notwithstandingthe pre-eminent role of the youngerleaders in meetings at the NorthernFlood Committee level, Elders werefrequently in attendance and theirwise words of counsel andexperience were highly valued.

The peacekeepers also maintainedtheir prominent communityresponsibilities, and grew in numberover the decade. The persistence andgrowth of this traditional institutionof self-governance is particularlynotable given that senior officials ofthe RCMP and Indian Affairs madeseveral trips to Split Lake to explainthat the peacekeepers could notremain in existence. The peoplelistened patiently, but persisted inthe ways passed on to them by theirgrandparents. This persistence notonly underlines the unbrokenautonomy of the Split Lake Cree, butalso the people’s wisdom, since bythe end of the decade Split Lake wasopenly acknowledged to have thelowest incarceration rate of anynorthern Manitoba Aboriginalcommunity.

ConclusionThe s were a defining

moment for the Split Lake Cree. Atthe beginning of the decade, itseemed to many that the wayforward had become obscure, thatthere was a real danger of losing notonly a known and lovedenvironment as a consequence ofhydroelectric development, but alsothe precious, sustaining links withthose who had gone before. TheFirst Nation showed remarkableresilience and by the mid-sthere was already practical evidencethat this was beginning to change.By the end of the decade, thepractical groundwork had beensuccessfully laid, based on thedecisions of the people to create anew and different basis for futureself-sustenance, building on thetraditions, knowledge andperspectives that had sustained theSplit Lake Cree in their tribalhomelands for many generations.

MV Joe Keeper provides ferry service between Split Lake and York Landing.

Community York boat built to represent Split Lake Cree at York Boat Days in Norway House and at other festivals.

Chapter 8

Community Renewal

Split Lake in the First Halfof the 1990s

EVEN THOUGH it would bepremature to draw definitive

conclusions about the experience ofthe s, community renewal seemsto have been the main feature of lifein Split Lake since . The FirstNation has made major strides inreasserting control over itsdevelopment, its lands and itswaters. Split Lake Cree have beenactively involved in managing theirresources and further developingtheir government administration.They have also overseen theextensive redevelopment of theirreserve community. Rightful pride istaken in the fact that all of this hasalso contributed to a revival oftraditional cultural pursuits, particularly among youngermembers, as well as an increase inthe consumption of domestic food.33

Community DevelopmentSeveral important physical and

other community developmentinitiatives have been completed inthe last five years, building on thefoundation laid in the s. A newband office was constructed in .A modern kindergarten to grade school was opened in September, allowing students to completetheir high school education in thecommunity. By water andsewer services had been provided toabout % of the expandedcommunity. To meet communitypower needs a direct transmissionline from Kelsey was completed in, for the first time ensuring theavailability of reliable, unrestrictedamounts of electrical energy. Thearena was finished in . Mailservice increased to three times per

Construction of the , sq. ft. Chief Sam Cook Mahmuwee Education Centre in Split Lake.

week. Figure on page showsthe extent of development in thecommunity by .

Split Lake Cree are still carryingon traditional pursuits despite theongoing effects of hydroelectricdevelopment. Recent activities havehelped foster a revival of culturalpractices throughout thecommunity; the sharing of countryfoods is but one example. Thespiritual aspect of Cree culture hasassumed more significance.Although problems of contemporarysociety continue – the increase indiabetes is particularly disturbing –Split Lake Cree are better able tohandle them, equipped as they arewith both Aboriginal values andmodern science and technology.

Indeed, the community appearsto be moving towards a way of lifewhich is blending both traditionaland modern practices and values.Several examples illustrate thistrend. Resource harvesters stillwinter in cabins in the bush, but atthe same time they watch the NHL

playoffs on portable televisionswhile they are there. Split Lake Creeyouth are educated in a modernschool, learning computer and othercontemporary skills. At the sametime they also express increasinginterest in Split Lake Cree traditionsand Aboriginal culture. Creelanguage is taught in the Chief SamCook Mahmuwee Education Centre,and field trips to traditional land usesites are common. Despite their tastefor chips and cola, many youngpeople are also eating more countryfoods.

Northern FloodAgreementImplementation

The global negotiations toimplement the NFA that began inearly , resulted in divisionsamong the member First Nations ofthe Northern Flood Committee, justat the time that a comprehensiveimplementation framework had beennegotiated. The details of this periodare recounted in the Introduction tothis study. Faced with the decisionof either abandoning years of workand departing from the cleardirection provided by the people, orproceeding alone if necessary, SplitLake Cree First Nation chose toproceed, and committed itself tocontinued negotiations.

These negotiations, carried out inthe face of what many assessed to beoverwhelming odds, resulted in thesigning of the historic NFA

Implementation Agreement, on June, amongst Split Lake Cree,Canada, Manitoba and ManitobaHydro. Chief Norman Flett, ablysupported throughout by theCouncil, First Nation staff and the

people, guided Split Lake throughthe negotiations between and.

The agreement providedadditional financial compensation of$ million, making for a totalimplementation package worth morethan $ million, along with tens ofthousands of acres of new reserveland at Waskaiowaka Lake andAssean Lake, and titled landsthroughout the resource area. Just asimportant, new institutionalarrangements were created amongthe parties, in terms of themanagement and use of Split LakeCree traditional lands, resources, andwaterways, as well as the enhancedenvironmental monitoring capabilityof the First Nation. Additionaldetails on the specific provisions ofthe Implementation Agreement areprovided in Appendix . The SplitLake Cree are convinced that thisagreement has been, and willcontinue to be, of central importancein the First Nation reclaiming itsrightful share of control over itslands and waters, as well as enablingit to reaffirm its Aboriginal identity.

Elder Joseph Morris assists in opening the new arena at Split Lake. The Implementation Agreement helped fund construction of the arena.

HydroelectricDevelopment Effects

As in the s and s,hydroelectric project impactscontinue to affect Split Lake Creelands and waters and, through bio-physical linkages, their social,economic and cultural systems.While the wounds inflicted by theresidential school system and othernegative aspects of change arebeginning to heal, and while somenegative effects of modernizationcontinue, the Hydro-related impactsand damages may never diminish.Nevertheless, Split Lake Cree areconfident that they are betterequipped than ever to deal withthem.

Community GovernanceThe growth in the size and

sophistication of the First Nationgovernment that took place in thes, has continued as the ninetiesunfold. Government staff nownumber about , the TataskweyakEducation Authority employs people, and the Tataskweyak Trust,responsible for the implementationof activities related to the agreement, has employees. Inaddition, relationships with thefederal and provincial governmentsand with Manitoba Hydro, definedin contract as well as politically, areactively managed through multi-party structures created under the Implementation Agreement.

This agreement also provided theopportunity to formalize several ofthe traditional forms of self-government. These include theElders’ Tribunal to resolve certaindisputes, the autonomous financingof the peacekeepers, and the role ofgeneral band meetings indetermining implementationobjectives and expenditurepriorities.

Figure : Extent of Split Lake Community Development in .

Overseeing all of these activities,with strict accountability to thepeople, Chief and Council todayperform the legislative functions of amuch more complex government.Even here traditions are maintained,as bi-annual elections continue toreturn a Council which is broadlyrepresentative of both the familyand age groups in the community.

ConclusionThe Split Lake Cree have chosen

the path of blending the old andnew in order to gain control of theirlives and destiny with confidenceand determination. The people,faced with new challenges, arecontinuing, as their forefathers did,to exercise their inherent right togovern themselves, across a widespectrum of governmental functions.While the First Nation is employing

modern means of doing this throughvarious new institutional andoperational arrangements, these arerooted in practices passed downthrough the generations.

The Split Lake communitycontinues to modernize and evolvebut traditional pursuits and respectfor cultural practices and customsare not forgotten; they are growing,and are forming part of an excitingnew synthesis of the traditional andthe modern. One could fairlycharacterize the past decade in SplitLake as a time of communityrenaissance.

Victor Spence manages Split Lake’sTataskweyak Environmental Agency.

Without him this report would nothave been possible.

Today, Split Lake is a thriving community of nearly people.

Signing of the Split Lake Cree NFA Implementation Agreement in Split Lake onJune , . From left to right:

Hon. Thomas Siddon, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development; Chief Norman Flett, Split Lake Cree First Nation;

Hon. James Downey, Minister of Northern Affairs, Manitoba; Mr. John McCallum, Chairman, Manitoba Hydro-Electric Board.

Split Lake Elders and other members at the signing ceremony for the Split Lake Implementation Agreement.

Split Lake ‘New Core’ showing band office, Tataskweyak Trust office and security office.

Chief, Councillors and Elders cutting the ribbon at the opening of the new band office.

Table

. norman flett

SPLIT LAKE CREE FIRST NATIONCHIEFS SINCE 1937

Split Lake peninsula in 1927 (above)and in 1990 (inset).

Since 1992, a joint board of Split Lake Cree and Manitoba appointees controls land use andmanages the resources throughout the , sq.mile Split Lake Resource Management Area.

Meeting of the Split Lake Resource Management Board at Recluse Lake on August , .From left to right: Bill Kennedy; Bryant Keeper (B); Loretta Clarke (B); Chief Norman Flett; DougBarrett (B); Harold Smith; Samuel Garson (B-now deceased); Michael Garson (B); Don Cook (B);

Eric Wilson (B); John Garson (B); Lazarus Kitchikeesick (B); Bernie Osiowy (B); and AnthonyMayham. The (B) denotes board member.

Overlooking Wasakamew (Troy) Lake, one of many beautiful Split Lake area views.

Chapter 9

Concluding Summary ONLY A PORTION of the longand vibrant story of the

Split Lake Cree is presented in thisstudy. It concentrates on the century, and attempts to identifyand analyze the developments whichhave changed forever the FirstNation’s environment and ancientway of life. Undoubtedly, the mostprofound of these has been theimpact of hydroelectric projects onthe lands and waters, as well as onSplit Lake Cree cultural, social, andspiritual traditions.

This report has been completed asone of several studies in the jointstudy program of Split Lake Creeand Manitoba Hydro that has beenunderway since . It is also partof Phase One of a joint Post ProjectEnvironmental Review ofhydroelectric project impacts whichSplit Lake Cree and Manitoba Hydroare conducting. It should be read inconjunction with the other PhaseOne reports dealing with thehistory, extent and impacts of hydrodevelopment in the Split Lakeresource area and withenvironmental impacts of suchdevelopment on the Split Lake Cree.

The ancestors of the Split LakeCree have lived in what is nownorthern Manitoba for generations.Here they hunted, trapped, andfished, relying on the oftenabundant wealth that Mother Natureprovided to sustain them and to givemeaning to their lives. Although theworld was changing, theirforefathers adapted within thecontext of their own culture and,well into the first half of the century, continued to find theirlivelihood and their identity fromthe lands and waters in their vastresource area. A proud, self-reliantpeople, they still had little contactwith the outside world andcontinued to rely on their ownstrength and social cohesion.

However, by the s, theoutside world was beginning tointrude into the lives of the SplitLake Cree, challenging theirtraditional ways and values. Thistrend continued with increasingpersistence, such that by the sthe changes it brought could nolonger be ignored. The registeredtrapline system, residential schools,the Hudson Bay railway, familyallowance – all of these had animpact on the way people lived.They affected the Cree culture invarious and complex ways, all ofwhich reduced the traditionalreliance on and use of the lands andwaters. People no longer harvestedresources as extensively as they hadin the past, some of the youngergeneration did not have theopportunity to learn the traditionalskills, and more and more peoplebegan to live in one central locationyear-round at Split Lake. Socialimpacts did not occur immediately,but the stage was being set forfuture problems.

Split Lake Elders say that by thes people were adapting. Theywere getting used to the newrealities and beginning to accept themodernization that could not beavoided. However, just as thecommunity was getting used tothese changes, the first signsappeared of what was to be the mostdevastating change of all. With theoperation of the Kelsey dam andgenerating station, Split Lake Creegot a first taste of what was to themthe totally inconceivable – dramaticchanges to the nature of their landsand waters such as had never beforebeen known. While they were juststarting to take in the magnitude ofwhat was happening to their sacredland, they also had to begin dealingwith the social consequences ofother outside influences. Thedevelopment of Thompson as aregional centre, the coming ofelectricity, television, modernappliances, and perhaps moresignificantly, the completion of anall-weather road to Thompson – allof these had destabilizing effects onthe community.

These changes were compoundedby the drastic manipulation of thewaterways that occurred in thes with the Lake WinnipegRegulation – Churchill RiverDiversion project, and the relatedconstruction of major generatingstations. The effects of Kelsey weretame by comparison. The lands andwaters that Split Lake Cree hadrelied on since time immemorial, thatformed the very centre of theiridentity as Cree people, wereuncompromisingly altered by anoutside force over which they hadno control. People becamedisoriented as they tried to graspwhat was happening to them andcome to terms with an uncertainfuture.

Joining together with otherimpacted First Nations in theNorthern Flood Committee, SplitLake Cree found themselvesfrustrated in their efforts to have the Northern Flood Agreementimplemented. Just as they hadtrusted the Crown when they signedtheir treaty at the beginning of thecentury, so they had believed thepromises that, through the NorthernFlood Agreement, they would atleast be compensated for thedevastation they had suffered. Yet,as the s and s wore on, theyseemed to be getting nowhere andthe community, weakened by theloss of its traditional ways, facedever deepening social problems.

Finally, as the s progressed,the First Nation managed to reassertcontrol of its destiny. Its decision toconclude the global Northern FloodAgreement negotiations, by itself ifnecessary, signalled the beginning ofa new era. In June , Split LakeCree First Nation finally concludedthe NFA Implementation Agreementwith Canada, Manitoba, andManitoba Hydro to compensate forthe losses it had suffered. Thearrangements entered into with theother three parties under the termsof the agreement will lead to boththe physical renewal of thecommunity at Split Lake and sharedcontrol by the First Nation ofdevelopment throughout itsresource area.

The proud Split Lake Cree havere-established the foundation fortheir development, combining thebest of their traditional ways andvalues with the benefits of themodern world.

Numerous influences haveaffected and changed the lives of theSplit Lake Cree in the century.While hydroelectric developmenthas had the most dramatic impact, itmust be seen in relation to otherforces which have also changedforever the old way of life. Otheragents of change, like residentialschool and family allowance, hadmajor but transitory and manageableeffects. Features of modernizationlike formal education, electricappliances, and water and sewersystems became easily blended withtraditional values. However,hydroelectric impacts, some ofwhich were permanent, wereprofound and directly contrary tothose values.

This study has documented someof the key changes that haveoccurred in Split Lake Cree resourceharvesting activities, particularly asthey have been impacted by thehydroelectric projects. Many of theother effects of hydroelectricdevelopment are unseen andimpossible to measure. They can bedirect or indirect but are,nonetheless, just as real. Thedamages to Split Lake Cree cultural,social, and spiritual identity havebeen the most disturbing, touchingthe very core of their being. It willbe the task of Phase Three of theManitoba Hydro-Split Lake jointPost Project Environmental Reviewto establish an environmentalbaseline from which to measurefuture potential hydroelectricimpacts.

The Kelsey generating station on the Nelson River at Split Lake was the first of four generating stations in the Split Lake resource area.

Appendix 1

Wildlife HarvestingImpacts

The harvesting of wildlife forsustenance and commercial purposeshas continued throughout therecorded history of Split Lake CreeFirst Nation. Harvesting traditionsare still maintained and are anessential ingredient of members’identity as Cree people. Spring andfall hunts are an annual rite bindingthe community together. Countryfoods are a staple of the diet and stillcomprise much the same animalsthat the forefathers of Split LakeCree depended upon - moose,beaver, muskrat, whitefish, pickerel,waterfowl, including ducks andgeese, and small animals like rabbitsand chickens. Wild berry crops likegooseberries are consumed, and gulland duck eggs are a treasureddelicacy.

However, many factors ofchange, in different ways and atdifferent times, have affected theamount and the success of wildlifeharvesting activities. These factorshave complex and cumulativeeffects. They include natural forcessuch as wildlife population cycles,migration patterns, disease, andhabitat destruction/creation by fire.Production factors such as fur andfish prices, the influence ofmarketing agents, and distance frommarkets also play a part. In addition,‘modernizing’ influences, likeresidential schools, access tocommercial facilities, and reliance onother forms of income, have affected

harvesting patterns. Other externalfactors, such as greater competitionfor game and fish from outside theregion resulting from increased roadand rail access, and from inside theregion in the form of growingpopulations in places like Gillam andThompson, have also had an effect.Hydro facilities, transmission lineconstruction and related activities,like the construction of PR ,construction roads, trails, andstream crossings have opened up theresource area for greaterexploitation.

By far, the most significant factorof change, however, has been thehydroelectric development whichhas permanently altered the landsand waters. The range of impactsfrom the dams and generatingstations, the multitude oftransmission lines, and the waterdiversion and regulation schemes, isdescribed in detail in previouschapters. It is very clear that since, when the Kelsey generatingstation began operating, thesehydroelectric developments havehad profound and continuousnegative effects upon the wildlifeharvesting pursuits of the Split LakeCree and other Aboriginal people inthe region.

It is very difficult, however, toscientifically measure the relativeimpacts of any one of these factors ofchange, including hydroelectricdevelopment. Harvesting data eitherdoes not exist, is not reliable, or failsto accurately portray the completerange of impacts of any one factor.This last deficiency is particularlycritical.

Usher and Weinstein (), note:

Although development projectsmay lead to certain predictablephysical, biological andinstitutional changes, how theseare perceived and experiencedlocally cannot be predicted withoutreference to the historicalexperience, culture and social

organization of the communityitself.34

In short, new indicators and dataof relevance to Split Lake Cree arerequired.

Given this reality, the graphsincluded in this appendix cannotpossibly provide an accurate orcomprehensive portrayal of theprofound and far-reaching impactson Split Lake Cree harvestingpursuits that have resulted fromthese historical developments.Therefore, they should beinterpreted with caution and at bestcan only illustrate trends withrespect to a limited number ofindicators.

Subsistence Harvesting Harvesting for food over the

resource area has been, andcontinues to be, a cornerstone of theSplit Lake Cree way of life. Informalsurveys of Elders and otherknowledgeable people indicate thatdomestic food consumption, whilevarying, has comprised much of thediet in the latter half of this century.In the s, it comprised about% of all meals eaten. This declinedto % in the s, reaching a lowof % in the s. As the SplitLake Cree have begun to heal andagain value the Aboriginal way oflife, domestic food consumption hasstarted to increase, reaching about% of all meals in the first half ofthe s.

Many influences have beenresponsible for this variation incountry food consumption. SplitLake Cree acknowledge that thesehave, of course, included theavailability of store-bought food,particularly in the early s whenthe Bay store was activelyencouraging people to eat red meat.However, the effects ofhydroelectric development havebeen the primary negative influenceon country food consumption. Theflooding, destruction of wildlife and

its habitat, and enormous obstaclescaused by reduced access to sometraditional harvesting areas, have alltaken their toll. In addition to thegeneral impacts, the flooding in and severely curtailed seasonalharvesting activities.

It is practically impossible,however, to ascertain or quantifywith any accuracy the impacts ofany one of these factors on domesticfood gathering. The necessary dataare either non-existent, as in the caseof small game and waterfowlstatistics, or highly suspect becauseof the lack of scientific rigour indata-gathering methods.35

Commercial Fishing Most of the commercial fishing in

the resource area dates from the lates. The commercial fishery hadtrouble getting started due to delaysin the construction of the fish plant.Historically, community residentshave fished mostly in Split Lake,which on average has produced thelargest catches of any lake in theresource area. Almost all of the off-system lakes are fished by non-SplitLake residents. Table 2 (above)shows historical commercial fishinguse, quota and production by lakefor the Split Lake resource area. TheSplit Lake commercial fishery hasbeen mainly a summer operation.Whitefish, pickerel, jackfish, and

sauger comprise most of the catch,with whitefish being the mostplentiful.

A review of the literature revealslittle detailed information on thehistory of the Split Lake fishery,particularly those factors whichhave influenced production,participation and value levels.Conservation officer reports between and acknowledge thefishery but offer little analysis ordata concerning this harvestingactivity, unlike trapping whichreceives far greater attention.

Split Lake has been affected byfinancial factors which have affectedthe entire northern Manitobacommercial fish harvest. However,

Total Seasons Years Fished Avg. Avg. Avg.

LAKE R NR Fished S W Duration Quota Weight $ Value MenOn-SystemSplit X – 28 28 1 1954-88 45,000 21,834 16,239 14Stephens X – 5 4 2 1979-84 20,000 2,325 4,843 2Billard – X 7 – 7 1966-76 7,000 7,976 3,501 3Fidler – X 17 7 10 1959-87 11,000 7,733 3,266 4Total 31 29 12 1954-88 83,000 26,138 17,449 16

Off-SystemAssean X X 9 9 – 1965-88 5,000 13,611 6,025 5Atkinson – X 22 13 12 1958-87 23,000 13,839 7,903 4Buckland – X 8 8 1 1967-88 9,000 9,485 4,539 2Butnau X – 3 – 3 1968-83 2,000 1,545 180 1Caldwell – X 3 2 1 1971-83 11,000 3,235 1,789 2Campbell – X 3 2 1 1965-71 11,000 8,535 1,260 3Christie – X 4 3 1 1965-72 7,000 2,598 786 4Dafoe – X 19 8 11 1958-88 14,000 7,659 4,385 3Holmes – X 10 8 2 1961-73 20,000 17,636 4,553 4Kiask – X 4 2 2 1963-72 5,000 3,206 594 3Moose Nose – X 10 10 – 1968-87 5,000 5,862 3,235 1Myre – X 2 – 2 1961-63 2,000 1,907 529 3Settee – X 8 3 5 1957-69 5,000 4,234 1,297 3War – X 24 11 14 1950-86 2,000 2,621 1,524 2Waskaiowaka X X 11 10 6 1954 – 73 23,000 17,454 4,158 8Total 34 23 25 1950 – 88 144,000 36,444 15,154 13

R = resident; NR = non-resident S = summer; W = winterSource: Usher and Weinstein ()

Table : Commercial Fishing Use, Quota and Production: Split Lake Resource Area, by Lake.

Figure : Split Lake Fish Harvests – ⁄ to ⁄.

the extent to which this is aconsideration is not clear. Morethorough research, analysis, andconsultation with Split Lakefishermen would be required todetermine how certain variablescommon to the northern fishery as awhole have impacted upon thefishery at Split Lake.

The establishment of theFreshwater Fish MarketingCorporation in as the solepurchaser/marketer of fish inManitoba has been cited as a keyfactor in the decline of the northernfishery after .36 However,production, participation and valuelevels for the Split Lake fishery havegenerally increased since . Theimpact of the Freshwater FishMarketing Corporation on the SplitLake fishery is not known.Transportation costs have beennoted as one of the key problemsaffecting northern fisheries.Provincial transport subsidies were

introduced in 37 but the natureof the effect of this upon the FirstNation is not well understood.

Another general issue mentionedin the literature is parasiticinfestation of whitefish,38 but,unlike other fisheries, the Split Lakecommercial fishery has been able tomaintain its status as a lake withexport quality whitefish.

Mercury contamination,particularly in jackfish and pickerel,has also affected northern fishharvesting. For example, commercialquotas were not met in ⁄,when the Split Lake fishery wasclosed early because of a concernover potential mercurycontamination of fish. Over the nexttwo years, the lake was closed allyear for the same reason. It was alsoclosed in ⁄ and ⁄, butfor all species on these occasions.

In most cases the mercury isnaturally occurring, buthydroelectric development has been

linked to higher mercury levels. The final report of the FederalEcological Monitoring Programconducted by Environment Canadaand the Department of Fisheries andOceans, noted that mercury levels injackfish and pickerel wereuncharacteristically high for all lakesincluding unflooded lakes in theprogram study area. It wasspeculated by the Federal EcologicalMonitoring Program that the sourceof the fish mercury in Split Lakemay be due to the earlier flooding ofthe Kelsey forebay on the upperNelson in the s.39

Figure shows level of catch,value and participation for the SplitLake fishery between the mid-sand early s. It indicates that allthree variables, while fluctuating,have generally increased.

Existing data does not present afull picture of the effects of agents ofchange upon the commercial fishery,in particular the impacts of

hydroelectric development.According to Split Lake fishermen,the cost of fishing has increasedbecause of the additional effort andexpense required as a result ofdebris damaging boats, motors andnets, as well as the increasedtravelling distances required. Theseincreased costs have reduced thefinancial return for the fishermen.

Ramsey and Patalas () notethat the pickerel catch has decreasedby % since , while sauger hasincreased by an unspecified amount.This may be due to the sedimentbuild-up at the mouth of theBurntwood outlet into Split Lakecaused by the Churchill RiverDiversion, but further investigationis required.40

Trapping The Split Lake trapping block,

created during the early s whenthe provincial registered traplinesystem was established in northernManitoba, consists of activetraplines covering about ,square miles. These traplines areregistered to residents not only fromSplit Lake but also from Gillam,Ilford, Bird and York Landing.

Historically, many factors haveaffected fur harvesting, and theliterature contains much usefulinformation in this regard. Althoughmany of the sources refer tonorthern trapping in general, somefactors would undoubtedly haveimpacted upon the Split Lake Creefur harvest, although the extent ofthe impact is not clear. These factorsinclude furbearer population anddisease, fires, bad weather,alternative sources of incomeincluding wage employment, andmost importantly, fur prices.

After reaching high levels ofeconomic value in the s,trapping declined in the s ands primarily because of low furprices for beaver. Trapping returnsrepresented a substantially reducedportion of annual income. Arecovery in the mid-s and earlys is reflected in the Split Lakeharvesting data. This was likelybecause of higher prices for long-haired species such as lynx. Inrecent years, trapping has declinedin value and, not surprisingly,participation, province-wide. Thisalso appears to be the case in theSplit Lake trapping block.

Figure : Split Lake Registered Trapline Zone: Value of Furs ⁄ Number of Trappers–⁄ to ⁄.

Trapping, requiring intensiveeffort, has never generated a highfinancial return. Reliance onalternative sources of income hasbeen common. For example, one ofthe factors which precipitated thetrapping slump in the s, andhelped foster a decline in trapping asa family activity, was theintroduction after World War Twoof federal relief for Indian people inCanada. By , this was being paidin cash, in place of payments in kindsuch as food vouchers.41

Federal income maintenancesupport was another monetarysource which deterred trappers fromfur harvesting. In particular, familyallowance, which was introducednationally in ,42 has been citedas a key factor that has adverselyaffected Aboriginal trappingparticipation in Manitoba:

The institution of the FamilyAllowance system since the war,with its requirement of regularschool attendance, has all buteliminated family participation intrapping.43

The rise in school attendance byyoung Manitoba Aboriginals, eitherat reserve day schools or inresidential schools off-reserve,resulted in young people notacquiring the skills and experiencerequired for trapping, which mainlytakes place in the fall and winter. Tocounter this loss Split Lake Creemade an effort to provide acommunity trapline where youngpeople could learn trapping skills.

It is important to note that theprovision of relief and other federalfinancial assistance was not the sameall across Canada during the post-war period. It varied from region toregion, partly at the discretion ofChiefs and Councils and, inparticular, of the local IndianAgent.44 Split Lake Elders reportthat the community began receivingfamily allowance in the mid-s,and social assistance, in the form of

vouchers and cash, around .Overall, the commercial value of

fur harvested on the Split Lakeregistered trapline has generallyincreased since the early s. Thenumber of trappers has alsoincreased as Figure shows. Usherand Weinstein () conclude thatthe probable reasons for this werethe rapid increase in fur prices in thelate s, as well as the incentiveprovided by Manitoba Hydro’sTrapline Compensation Programfrom to .45 However, bothvalue and participation variableshave been subject to widefluctuations since the s. Dataalso show that the beaver andmuskrat harvest is not as abundantas it once was and other species likemarten have assumed moreimportance.

However, the existing data donot capture the full impact thatchanged conditions have had on thetrapping activities of Split LakeCree. For example, trappers haveincurred increased costs andexpenses because of traveldifficulties caused by hydroelectricdevelopment, particularly slush ice.These additional costs have to beconsidered in any determination ofthe value of the fur to the trapper.Unfortunately, such data are notavailable.

Additionally, as Usher andWeinstein point out, existing furvalue records do not give a reliableindication of the real effectshydroelectric development has hadon actual harvests or on thepopulation of any particular speciesof furbearer, as they combineharvest and price changes. Nor dothe records measure other factorswhich affect harvesting levels, suchas customary use arrangements andforest fires. They also note potentialinaccuracies in the existingnumbers.46

ConclusionWildlife harvesting, in both the

commercial and domestic sectors,continues to be actively pursued bythe Split Lake Cree. Numerouschanging conditions have affectedthe extent and success of theseactivities. However, as far as SplitLake Cree First Nation is concerned,it is Manitoba Hydro’s projects thathave affected these activities mostnegatively. The effects are hard todetermine scientifically because ofthe limitations of available data, inparticular the lack of indicators tomeasure real, but as yet unassessed,impacts. Given the continuing andeven increasing use of wildlife andfish resources by Split Lake Cree,and the probability of futureimpacting hydroelectric projects, amajor challenge for both the SplitLake Cree and Manitoba Hydro willbe to develop baseline informationwhich will allow for the monitoringof existing impacts and for thediscernment of anticipated impactsfrom future development.

Appendix 2

Summary of NorthernFlood Agreement Benefits

OverviewVarious dimensions of the

substantive provisions andimplementation process of theNorthern Flood Agreement (NFA)have been discussed throughout thisstudy. Even though anycategorization of these matters maywell be inadequate, there is areasonably sensible division that canbe made by looking both at theexperience related to the originalNorthern Flood Agreement, datingbetween when ManitobaHydro first made compensationpayments and , and at theexperience since the NFA

Implementation Agreement. Theother sections of this paper haveaddressed in some detail the processrelated to negotiating the twoagreements. The following is a briefsummary of the substantive terms ofboth agreements, including thepayments made.

1975 to 1992Beginning in , Manitoba

Hydro began to institutecompensatory and remedialmeasures to offset the adverseimpacts of its hydroelectricdevelopment projects on the SplitLake Cree. The informal basis ofthese early payments was replacedwith a contractual arrangement in⁄, the Northern FloodAgreement.

The NFA obliged ManitobaHydro, Canada and Manitoba to takea broad range of actions, in the formof remedial, compensatory anddevelopmental measures, in returnfor the use of Cree reserve lands forthe Manitoba Hydro projects, andfor the damages expected to becaused to First Nation rights andinterests, including those of the SplitLake Cree. Entered into by thegovernments and Manitoba Hydroas a result of pressure from the FirstNations of the Northern FloodCommittee, the NFA promised thatappropriate actions would be takenby these parties to deal with anyconcerns of the signatory FirstNations that might arise and whichwere attributable to the projects.

The agreement was couched inquite broad language leaving verysignificant room for differences ofinterpretation. Binding arbitrationprovisions were written into the NFA

to deal with any disputes whichmight arise. The NFA arbitrator wasgiven very broad plenary power tofashion equitable remedies leavingno party worse off than if theprojects had not been built. Perhapsnot surprisingly in retrospect, giventhe matters at issue and the potentialfinancial liability of Hydro and thegovernments, the agreement provedto be incapable of effectiveimplementation. Arbitration casesproliferated to the point that eventhe extensive powers of thearbitrator could not hope to resolvethe many matters in dispute.

Without trying to attributeresponsibility for this impasse, itneeds to be pointed out that the NFA

itself actually made provision for allof the matters about which SplitLake Cree and the other First Nationswere concerned. At no time did SplitLake Cree, or the Northern FloodCommittee on its behalf, seek moreextensive measures than werecontained in the original agreement.Nonetheless, by the late s all ofthe parties to the NFA wereconvinced that a newcomprehensive negotiation was inorder to arrive at mutually agreedterms for its implementation.

From up to the time that theSplit Lake Cree NFA ImplementationAgreement was signed in June ,each of the other parties had paidsignificant money to Split Lake Cree,as is set out in the financial scheduleto the agreement. Specifically,Canada had spent ,,inclusive of the Article water andsewer initiative; Manitoba hadcontributed ,,; andManitoba Hydro some ,,;for total payments of ,,.

Mitigation ProgramsThe following are some of the

main compensation and remedialmeasures included in the ManitobaHydro payments:

• The to traplinecompensation program helpedSplit Lake Cree trappers to attainpre-diversion trapping returns byproviding cash payments, as wellas covering incidental expensesfor cabin construction andtransportation improvements.According to Manitoba Hydro,the program covered traplines,with trappers participating,with total payments between and of ,..

• In , in a six year settlement ofClaim , Manitoba Hydro, withthe support of Manitoba,provided $239,325.77 as trappingcompensation retroactive to ,and an additional , tofund a trapping developmentprogram between and .This included a capitalcomponent, grubstake funding,equipment assistance, accessimprovement and managementcosts. Manitoba Hydro also spent, to clear trails andimprove access in the Split Lakeresource area.

• As a partial settlement of Claim97, Manitoba Hydro funded afisheries development programcosting ,.. This wascomprised of capital requirementsand subsidies for costs incurredas a result of damage toequipment and nets, caused bydebris.

• Manitoba Hydro also spent,. for remedial works atSplit Lake, mainly for clearingdebris and portageimprovements.

• Between and , ManitobaHydro spent ,. oncompensation to individuals fordamages to motors, docks andother property losses, and in asettlement for a drowning.

1992 AgreementOn June , , Split Lake Cree

First Nation, Manitoba Hydro,Manitoba and Canada signed theSplit Lake NFA ImplementationAgreement, which provided for anagreed implementation of all termsof the original NFA, and thesettlement of outstanding arbitrationclaims.

The financial terms of theagreement provided that anadditional total of ,,would be paid by Canada, Manitobaand Manitoba Hydro. Hydro’s shareof the compensation was,, in bonds issued atyearly intervals between and, advance payments of,, in cash, and ,,in cash shared with Manitoba.Manitoba contributed ,, inaddition to the payment shared withHydro. Canada agreed to makeannual payments between and totalling ,,.

The First Nation settled,, in various accounts ofthe Tataskweyak Trust, which isheld for the benefit of, and managedby, the Split Lake Cree. Of this total,almost ,, was allocated forimmediate development measuresover the first several years followingthe signing of the agreement. Theremainder of the funds, a total ofmore than ,,, will be heldas continuing capital of the Trust,divided into accounts for thefollowing purposes, in the followingamounts: • Implementation ,,• Environmental

Monitoring ,,• Resource

Compensation ,,• Remedial Works ,,• Economic and

Social Development ,,

The new reserve and titled landsunder the agreement provide asignificant amount of land located atstrategic locations within the SplitLake resource area. The entitlementto new reserve land, whichamounted to , acres under theoriginal NFA, was increased to about, acres, consisting of twoblocks, the larger along AsseanLake, contiguous to the existingreserve, and a much smaller block atWaskaiowaka Lake. The titled lands,which are held by the Split LakeCree Land Corporation on behalf ofthe First Nation, consist of a total of, acres of land located in separate parcels on differentwater bodies within the Split Lakeresource area. The total acreage ofnew reserve and titled landsamounts to about , acres ofadditional lands owned andcontrolled by the Split Lake CreeFirst Nation.

In addition to the financial andland provisions, the page long NFA ImplementationAgreement contained a variety ofother provisions to fully implementthe terms of the NFA. These include:

• the definition of the post projectwater regime on all hydro projectinfluenced waterways in the SplitLake resource area, settingstandards for monitoring anddeviations, processes to deal withfuture deviations, and jointplanning with regard to possibleHydro development of Birthdayand Gull rapids including anenvironmental review of theeffects of existing development;

• formal recognition of the SplitLake resource area, comprisingalmost 7% of the total area of theprovince, by Manitoba and SplitLake Cree, and establishment of aResource Management Board toundertake joint planning andmanagement of all lands andresources in the resource area;

• provisions for the establishmentof a four party EnvironmentalMonitoring Committee, anddefinition of roles with regard tocontinuing cooperativemonitoring of effects of theHydro project, including theestablishment of the TataskweyakEnvironmental MonitoringAgency;

• economic and social developmentmeasures, including personalcompensation arrangements, anda definition of responsibilitiesproviding the lead roles to SplitLake Cree through, among othervehicles, the TataskweyakDevelopment Corporation;

• resource compensationarrangements for commercial anddomestic resource harvesters,including the establishment of anElders’ Tribunal to determineappropriate compensation foradverse effects;

• provision for the financing ofnecessary remedial works andmeasures, and the operation andmaintenance costs related to suchworks;

• arrangements for thecomprehensive implementation ofthe agreement, defining the leadSplit Lake Cree responsibility andaccountability standards tomembers, and establishing theongoing four party ExecutiveImplementation Committee;

• arrangements for dealing withthose Indian moneys paid underthe agreement for the taking anduse of reserve lands, includingthe commitment by Canada topass legislation to ensure thatsuch moneys would be under thecontrol of the Tataskweyak Trustrather than Canada;

• provisions governing assuredcontinuing access by Split LakeCree to normal program fundingfrom Canada and Manitoba;

• arrangements to assurecontinuing good faith efforts bySplit Lake Cree and ManitobaHydro, with the cooperation ofCanada and Manitoba, to provideaccess to Split Lake Cree membersand businesses with regard tofuture project employment, withagreement that if disputes arisesuch disputes will be addressedunder the contractual provisionsof the NFA;

• arrangements between Split LakeCree and Manitoba Hydro toenable the future establishment ofa Split Lake Cree electricaldistribution company, if feasible;

• releases and indemnities amongthe parties, with respect to theoriginal NFA provisions andoutstanding arbitration claims,and definition of the continuingManitoba Hydro liabilities underthe terms of the NFA for:a) personal injury and deathcaused by the project,b) deviations from the postproject water regime caused bythe project,c) unknown and unforeseenadverse effects caused by theproject,d) disabilities, injury or deathresulting from eating mercurycontaminated foods, ande) future obligations of ManitobaHydro related to projectemployment;

• mechanisms for settling any futuredisputes among the parties orwithin Split Lake Cree FirstNation related to the agreement.

Even though the NFA

Implementation Agreement is in itsinfancy compared to its total life,which will last as long as the Hydroproject operates, all parties to theagreement are pleased with theimplementation efforts to date.There have not yet been anydisputes among any of the partiesregarding the meaning of itsprovisions and attendantobligations. A further indication ofits perceived success as a means tofully implement the ⁄ NFA isthat all of the other four NFA FirstNations have either signed or are inthe process of negotiating similaragreements with Manitoba Hydro,Canada and Manitoba.

Endnotes Split Lake Cree Elders and Adults interviews,

translated into English from Cree, March .

J. I. Keeper, Executive Director, NFC, The NorthernFlood Agreement as an Instrument for Social andEconomic Equity, Presentation to a Conference on theEnvironment, Montreal, November .

Information in this section is substantially fromHistorical Resources Branch, Manitoba Department ofCulture, Heritage and Recreation, , TheOldtimers: First Peoples of the Land of the North Wind,pp. , and ; and S. L. Hill, Fox Lake FirstNation Land Use and Occupancy: Living Memory of theFox Lake Cree, Practicum Submitted in PartialFulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree ofMaster of Natural Resource Management, Universityof Manitoba, April , pp. -.

Except where noted, information in this section isfrom Hilderman, Witty, Crosby, Hanna andAssociates, Split Lake Community Plan, March ,p. ; Hill, pp. -; Manitoba KeewatinowiOkimakanak Inc., Keewatinook Okimowin:Mechanisms and Solutions, A Presentation to theRoyal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, November, pp. and ; E. Ross, Beyond the River and theBay, University of Toronto Press, , Map ; G.Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History, Universityof Toronto Press, , pp. -.

J. E. Foster, The Home Guard Cree and the Hudson’sBay Company: The First Hundred Years, Native People Native Lands, Carleton University Press, .

Information in this section is from Hilderman, Witty,p. ; D. S. Tessier, A Social and Cultural Study ofSplit Lake, Manitoba, With a Special Emphasis onEducation, , pp. -; Ross, pp. and ;Hill, pp. -; and from Mrs. Rev. G. Cowley, .History of Split Lake Mission, reprinted, Spring .

Parts of this section dealing with the background toTreaty No. are from Hilderman, Witty, pp. , and ; the paragraphs dealing with the terms of thetreaty are from Indian and Northern Affairs, TreatyNo. Between Her Majesty the Queen and theSaulteaux and Swampy Cree Tribes of Indians atBerens River and Norway House with Adhesions, ,Queens Printer, pp. -.

Tessier, p. 164.

Except where otherwise noted, this chapter is basedon Split Lake Cree Elders and Adults interviews.Also see Tessier, pp. , , and -; S. L.Hill, Split Lake Cree Traditional Land Use MappingProject, interview with Split Lake Cree Elders,February , ; and Cowley.

Hilderman, Witty, p. .

Ibid.

Treaty No. , pp. -.

W. C. Morton, Manitoba: A History, University ofToronto Press, , p. .

Dr. M. Clearsky, physician, Split Lake nursingstation. June . Personal communication.

G. Buckingham, Thompson: A City and Its People,, p. .

Morton, p. .

Statistics Canada, Census.

Hilderman, Witty, p. .

Constitution Act, , - George V (Imp.) c. .

Elders and Adults interviews; Tessier, pp. -;Cowley.

Underwood, McLellan and Associates Limited,Community Study for Split Lake Indian Reserve, ,p. . Based upon population of , using agrowth rate of % per decade.

The history of hydroelectric development in this andsubsequent paragraphs in this subsection are derivedfrom G. Cowie, Hydroelectric Development in NorthernManitoba: A Critical Analysis, A Major PaperSubmitted to the Faculty of Environmental Studies inPartial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degreeof Master of Environmental Studies, York University,, p. ; Elders and Adults interviews; andManitoba Hydro, History and First Order Effects ofManitoba Hydro Projects in the Split Lake Cree StudyArea, prepared for Split Lake Cree - Manitoba HydroJoint Study Group, .

Except where otherwise noted, this chapter is basedon Elders and Adults Interviews; Manitoba Hydro,History and First Order Effects; Cowie, pp. -, .

Underwood, McLellan and Associates, p. .

Morton, pp. , , , .

Buckingham, p. .

Except where otherwise noted, this chapter is basedon Split Lake Cree Elders and Adults interviews; andManitoba Hydro, History and First Order Effects.

Reserve population is from Hilderman, Witty, p. .

Commission of Inquiry into Manitoba Hydro, FinalReport, December , p. .

Except where otherwise noted, this chapter is basedon Elders and Adults interviews.

For example, see Hilderman, Witty, p. .

Information on the impact of these floods is fromSplit Lake Cree Negotiating Team, Adverse EffectsRelated to Summer and Fall Floods on Split Lake,November .

Except where otherwise noted, this chapter is basedon Elders and Adults interviews.

Usher and Weinstein, Towards Assessing the Effectsof Lake Winnipeg Regulation and Churchill RiverDiversion on Resource Harvesting in NativeCommunities in Northern Manitoba, prepared for theFederal Department of Fisheries and Oceans, , p. .

Ibid, pp. -.

D. J. Green and A. J. Derkson, The Past, Present andProjected Demands on Manitoba’s Fresh Water FishResources, prepared for the Department of NaturalResources Fisheries Branch, , p. .

Ibid., pp. -.

Ibid., pp. -.

Environment Canada and Department of Fisheriesand Oceans, Federal Ecological Monitoring Program,Final Report, Volume , Chapter , , p. .

D. Ramsey and J. Patalas, Impact of the LWR andCRD on Fish Populations in the Rat-Burntwood andNelson River Systems, prepared by Agassiz NorthAssociates Ltd. for the Manitoba Department ofNatural Resources, July , pp. -.

N. B. Hawthorn, A Survey of the ContemporaryIndians of Canada, prepared for the Department ofCitizenship and Immigration, , p. .

Ibid., p. .

S. Jamieson and H. Hawthorn, The Role of NativePeople in Economic Development in NorthernManitoba, -, prepared for Committee onNorthern Manitoba’s Economic Future, , p. .

Hawthorn, p. .

Usher and Weinstein, p. .

Ibid., pp. and .

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