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AN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

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Robert Harry Lowie

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ANINTRODUCTIONTOCULTURALANTHROPOLOGYANINTRODUCTIONTOCULTURALANTHROPOLOGYANEWANDENLARGEDEDITIONBY ROBERT H.LOWIE,PH.D.PROFESSOR OF ANTHROPOLOGYUNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIARINEHART &COMPANY,INC.PUBLISHERS NEWYORKFirstPrinting April, 1940SecondPrinting February,19)1ThirdPrinting Junc,19J,'fFourthPrinting March,19^6Fifth Printing October,19't6SixthPrinting June,1947COPYRIGHT,1934, 1940,BYBOBERTH. LOWIBPRINTEDINTHEUNITEDSTATESOFAMERICABYJ. J. LITTLEANDIVE8COMPANY,NEWYORKALLBIGHTSRESERVEDTOMYWIFEPREFACETOTHESECONDEDITIONTheoriginal purposeof this book was toprovideatopical surveyofculture,with theemphasisonelemen-taryfacts. Forlack of suchpreparatory orientation,IbelievedandI continuetobelieve,advancedstudentsofthe socialsciences, including anthropology,and evenyoungscholarslaunchedonaprofessionalcareer,remainpitiablyatsea.Theyaresometimesfoundworkingwiththe subtlestproblemswhentheyhave not the faintestidea howthese fit into thegeneralframework of civil-ization.Apparentlythe book has fulfilled its humblemission in theEnglish-speaking world;and the Frenchtranslation,Maniield'anthropologieculturelle(Paris:Payot, 1936),is saidtohaveprovedusefulinFrance andin SouthAmerica.However,teachers ofanthropologyin thiscountryhaveurged amplification, requesting chapterson Lan-guageandTheory,aswellasdescriptionsoftypicalcul-tures in theirtotality.Thepresentedition is meanttosatisfythesedemandswithoutundueenlargement.The tribalsketches,whichoccupyalarge portionofthesupplementary space,have received.specialcare.First,I havetried to demonstratetherangeof culturalpossibilities by bringingoutqualitativedifferences aswell asvaryingdegreesofcomplexity. Hence, chapterson^Albania and Western civilization no less than onFuegiaandAustralia;onincipientand on intensivefarmers;on cultivatorsof riceandofmaize;onhuntersandon herders. Butpedagogicallylittle isgainedbyamultiplicityofnames;for that reason the number ofthese sketches is limitedand,so far aspossible,tribesalreadyratherfullyconsideredin thetopical surveyareviii PREFACETOTHESECONDEDITIONreintroduced in Part II so thatcross-referencing mayeconomizespace.Second,even at bestdescriptive completenessis notpossibleand should not be aimed at even in outline.Indeed,the effort to treat allpeoples accordingto oneschemedistortsthepictures.Theproperprocedureis toviewanyonegroup accordingto its distinctiveempha-ses:governmentcannotbeignoredin the merestsketchof theShilluk,butrequiresnoexplicitdiscussion in achapteronFuegians.Ontheotherhand,cultural indi-vidualityis bestdepicted by contrast,andaccordinglycomparisonshavebeenfreelyused.Finally,thepeoplesdealtwitharenotmerelyso manyspecimensof socialpatterns,but alsoexemplifybroadprinciplesof culturalprocess. Accordingly,these havebeenstressed at theclose of theseveralchapters.CarefulperusalofwhatisnowPartI didnotsuggestthe need for radicalrevision,but somesupplementaryinformation is offered under the head of Addenda. Incompliancewithspecial requestsI have also added anAnnotatedReadingList over and above the Bibli-ographicalNotes.Tothe several firms and institutions that authorizedreproductionofcopyrightedillustrations I once moreexpress myobligationabove all to TheAmericanMu-seumofNaturalHistory,whichprovidedthe half-tonesfor thechapteronArt;to Field Museum(Chicago);the Baessler-Archiv(Berlin); Anthropos (formerlySt.Gabriel-ModlingbeiWien,now inFribourg,Switzer-land);Institutd'Ethnologie (Paris);F. A. Brockhaus(Leipzig);Albert Bonnier(Stockholm);and the Uni-versityof Minnesota(Minneapolis).ROBERTH.LOWTEBerkeley,CaliforniaApril,1940PREFACETOTHEFIRSTEDITIONConsiderableteaching experienceindicates that moststudents of culturalanthropologyand other social sci-encesareveiyslowinacquiringanelementaryknowledgeofculturehistory,andthat manyfailtoacquiretherele-vant facts andconceptsevenyearsaftertheyhavelaunchedonaprofessionalcareerasanthropologists.Theresult isprolongedandneedlessfloundering.Thisbookis anattemptto forestall such wasteful confusion. De-liberatelyavoidingtheoreticaldiscussion,it endeavorstopresenttheessentialfactstopically. Naturallytherecanbe differences ofopinionas to what is essential for anintroductorytreatment.Accordingto myownfeelinginthematter,itisindispensabletostressthesimplesttribeasuchastheFuegiansandAustralians, and,ontheotherhand,to link the culture of illiteratepeopleswith thehighercivilizations, pastandpresent.Boththeseobjec-tiveshavebeenratherconsistentlykeptinview.This definition of aim throwsopenagreatmass ofgood descriptivematerial forpossible use,and selectionhas to be made. Tribes have been chosenmainlyfortwo reasons: becausetheyillustratesignificant pointsandbecausetheyhavebeenthoroughlydescribed. Forexample,theShillukillustratecontiguitytoahighercivi-lization and selectiveborrowing,as well as asharplydefinableconceptionofroyalty. Further,theyhavebeendescribedbyaveteranBritishanthropologist,aGermanats fromit;to besure,his womenkeepitspotlesslyjlean. Butstepstowardgreatersophisticationoccurelse-where.ManyAfrican tribesuse stools(PI. 15,fig. 2;PL22, fig. 3)for comfortor assymbolsofroyalty; simpleseats occurin SouthAmerica;and inPolynesiathe So-cietyand Cook Islanders carvedfour-leggedstools out)f solid blocks. Plains Indians had at least a backrest)f willows tiedtogetherwith sinew andhungfrom a;ripod;while Turkish orMongoltents abound in felt*ugsandcarpets.Foraproper perspective, primitivefurniture mustbecomparedwith that ofEuropean peasants.AtypicalScandinavian home ofonly300years agohad aclayJoor,inwhichaheavyplankwasrootedforatable. Forack of achimneythewalls,chinked with mossor cow-lung,were black from the constant smoke. The seatsvere immovablebenchesalongthewalls;atnight theyjvere turned into bedsbya litter of straw for mattressindafewskins for blankets.Holiday'clothingand sil-verwerestoredinchestsinarearchamber. Sucha homeras notgreatly superiorto an Indian house in BritishColumbia,withitssettee-bedplatformsanditsabundanttvell-shapedwooden trunks for thestorageof food andtreasures. Bothdwellingswere heated and illuminatedDyanopenfireplace,with extralightfromthedoorandi smallhole in theroof. TheIndianfishermenandtheNordic farmer were not farapartin their accommoda-tions.HOUSESANDSETTLEMENTS 103Settlement. Residenceinvolvesmorethanabuildingtechnique.First ofall,there are thebasicrequirementsof allcamping: water, food,fuel. Whennot one smallfamilybutawholecommunitymustbeprovided for,thematterisnaturallycomplicated.Forabiginitiationwithpossiblyseveralhundredparticipants,the Onacarefullydetermine the site. There must beplentyofdrinkingwaterandgame;failureofguanacoatoncecausesashiftofquarters.Theindispensablenecessaries ofresidence,however, playadifferentpart accordingtogeographicalconditions. In arid countries water is the factor. TheHottentot in South Africa scornsgood grasslandsforhis herds because he dare not movetoo farawayfromtheOrangeRiver. So in Turkestanhabitation is linkedwith thesupplyofwater: where it isabundant, populationclusters;and if cities aredestroyed theyare rebuilton the same sites. The CaribouEskimo,on the otherhand,findfreshwateralmosteverywheresothatsuitablesnowfor hutsin the winterandthemovementsof theirgamedeterminethe distribution of their settlements.Modes of settlement arevariouslyinfluencedbyen-vironment. Chaco Indians live invillages,butamongtheYuracareofBoliviasinglefamiliesformasettlement,separatedbymilesfromtheir nearestneighbors. Livingin thetropicalforest withoutclearings, theyfound ithard to createlarge plotsfor cultivation without thewhite man's axes.Butmanhasto contendwithenemiesas well aswithnature,and thismaymakehimforegocomfort in favorofsafety.TheHopi,harassedby marauding nomads,built theirhomesonsteep ridges overlookingthe desertplain.Their womenhad tocarry every dropof wateruptheheights,and the men traveled several miles totheircornfields; yetfromconservatismmostofthemcon-tinue this inconvenientarrangementeventodaywhenhostilitiesarenolongertobefeared. Forprotectivepur-posesourEasternIndiansoftensurroundedtheirvillageswithpalisades,asdidtheMaori. Theselatter,however.104 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYoften combined theadvantagesof aloftysite with astockade.Manyof their settlements wereveryeffec-tively fortified, consideringtheweaponsavailable for anattack. Therewerescarps, rampartsand trenches. InasamplevillagesketchedbyCaptainCookthebesiegers,afterbatteringdown an outerpalisade,would have tofaceadeeptrench;aboveit rosearampartwithanotherstockade and alofty fighting-stage,from which the de-fenderscould hurlrocksandspears.TheYuracarecaseshowssinglefamiliesconstitutingasettlement. Morefrequentlythere are several familiesinasinglelargehouse. InBritishNewGuineaDr.A.B.Lewisfoundacommunalstructure490feetby117feet,and 70 feethigh.Suchcooperativetenements for awholevillageoccur in the northwest Amazonregion,where200ormorepersonsreside in acommondwelling.Naturally, specialsubdivisions are allotted to individualfamilies.Often, however,thefamilyunit is set aside for resi-dentialpurposes, cleavage followingother lines. Mela-nesians often have adormitory-clubfor all the adultmen,while womenwith theirdaughtersand asyetun-initiatedsonsoccupytheirseveralhomes. Soin BoliviatheChacobomensleep, work,loungeanddancein abighallflankedbytwolongstructuresfor thewomenofthesettlement. StillanotherplanisfollowedbyAustralians,whooftenhaveaseparateencampmentforthebachelors,whilethe AndamanIslanderssegregatenotonlybachelorsfrom marriedcouplesbut both from the adultsinglewomen.Whereasettlementcomprises morethanonestructure,manytribesrequireno definitearrangement.But thePlains Indiansusually pitchedtheir tents in aregularcircle,theOmahaevenallotting special segmentstopar-ticular clans. AShillukvillagewassimilarlylaidout,withfamily dwellingsin aring enclosingthe dancegroundwith the sacredtree,thetemples,and stables(PL 13, fig. 1).Onthe otherhand,thecoastalpeoplesHOUSESANDSETTLEMENTS 105ofBritish Columbiahadtheirresidences in asinglerowfacingthe beach some distance abovehigh water;andWest AfricanNegroessometimes buildfairly regularstreets ofstrung-outoblonghouses.InEuropethe need for walledprotection deeplyaf-fectedthegrowthoftowns.Inevitablyhousesandstreetswerecrampedwithin the fortified area.Occupantsofupperstories in British townscould shakehandsacrossthe street. Givenacrampedspace,Scandinavianbuild-ersnaturallymadetheirgablesfront amainthorough-fare so as tohaveamaximumnumberofhouses in con-tactwith it. Thefamousboulevardsof Paris datebackonlyto LouisXIV,whotoredowntheancientbastions;and thecompletebreak with medieval narrowness wasonly inaugurated byNapoleonIII in 1853. In Viennaprogress lagged, thoughthe old restrictions ofspacecaused terriblecongestion:in the firstfifty yearsof theNineteenthCentury,thepopulationrosefrom220,000to431,000,butthenumberofhousesin 1850wasonly8,898asagainstthe earlierfigureof6,739.Not until 1858were the fortifications razed andthewaypavedfor themagnificent "Ring"avenue nowgirdlingthe "InnerCity".Thechangefromruraltourbanlife createdotherprob-lemsthatwereonlyslowlysolved. Asalreadyindicated,old-fashionedbuildingswereoftenfiretraps,sothatwholetowns wereagainandagain destroyed.InNorwayitwasnotfeasibletoreplacetimberwithstone,soanothersolutionwashitupon. Towns,asBergenandTrondhjem,were laid out in wideintersecting thoroughfaresso thatconflagrations mightbe moreeasily preventedfromspreadingtonewquarters.Yetthere were otherperils.Untilthelast hundredyearssanitation remainedevery-where on averylowplane.In the SixteenthCenturypigsroamedfreelyover such cities asCopenhagenandBerlin. As late as 1860 Viennese citizens drank waterthat had sometimes cometrickling through cemeteries;andguidebooksstill warntravelersagainstthepolluted106 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYwaterofFrench cities. In 1787 Paris lackedfoot-pave-ments,so that a shower madewalking horriblyincon-venientfor menandimpossibleforawell-dressedwoman.Even without rainpedestrianswouldinevitablybesplashedwithmudbythepassingcoaches. With suchconstantaccumulationofdirtandwithhygieneandmed-icine linmriim far behindprogressin otherrespects,oneplague naturallyfollowed another in thehistoryof Eu-rope.Between 1550 and1554,forexample,the schoolsofCopenhagenhadto be closed andthe court fled fromthecapital,whichseemedabouttobedepopulated.Yettenyearslater anepidemicreappearedin the North ona stilllarger scale, corpseswere burieddayandnightandrif interred atall,were thrown helter-skelter intolarge pits. Altogether,thirteenmajor plaguesdevas-tated Scandinavia within half acentury.In thelightof suchoccurrences, conflagrationsalmostloomas bene-factorssinceforthetimebeingtheydestroyedthegermsof disease.Inshort,whenmenbegantolive inlargecommunitiestheyhadtomeetthesameoldproblemsofcampingbutunder far more difficult conditions. Acamper escapesdangerif he takeselementary precautionsabout waterandfireplaces;andprimitiverovers such as the Onachangedtheirquartersso often that disease could notbe fostered as it needs aninadequatelycleaned town.It hasrequiredall the resources of modern science tomakeurban centers safe and comfortableplacesto livein;and eventoday city planningstill admits of muchImprovement.VIIIHANDICRAFTSConditions ofCraftsmanshipSkilled Labor. Even in the rudest societies somein-dividualsgreatlyexcel the rest in manualskill,so thatdifficult tasksareentrusted to them. AllOnamenmustspendmostof their timehunting,hencenoone can setupas aprofessional artisan;and at apinch everyonemustknowhowto make all theimplementsconsideredindispensable. Nevertheless,eventheseFuegiansrecog-nizesuperiortalentandhonoritbyaspecialterm. Such"masters" havenoregular customers,buttheyarepaidfor delicatework forputtingthefinishingtouch onanarrowheadormakingthebridalbowthattakestheplaceof anengagement ring.Even thegermof trademarksappears,foreacharrowpointchipperhassometechniqueofhisownandcanbeatonceidentifiedbyhisproduct.Morecomplexsocietiescarry specializationmuchfur-ther. The Shilluk haveblacksmiths, boatwrightswhoarealsotomtom-carvers,androof-thatchers;andinPoly-nesia thetattooers,architects and canoe-builders weretrueprofessionals.Samoan chiefs had to coddle theirbuilderslesttheyleaveinahuff;fortheywereorganizedin tradeunionsandnostrike-breakerscouldbefound tofinish thejob.These artisans thus formed a favoredclass. Elsewherecertainoccupationsare treated as con-temptible. Notwithstandingtheir value to thecommu-nity,blacksmiths are the outcasts of the Masai of EastAfrica; theymustcamp apart, maybe abused atwill,andareneverallowedtomarryaMasaiproper.InotherpartsofEastAfrica,aswellasinIndia,tannersaresim-107108 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYilarlytreated. Crafts are thus sometimes linked withdifferences in social rank.Sexual DivisionofLabor. As hunters' wivessupplyvegetable fare,so there isamong nearlyallpeoplesanindustrialdivision of laborbetweenthesexes. Thisfre-quentlyhasnothingto dowith the inbornaptitudesofmenandwomen,but is amatter of convention. Toustanningdoes not seem afemininekind ofwork,but inmost of North America it is woman's distinctive occu-pation.In theSouthwest,on the otherhand,men dowhateveris connectedwithhides. NorthAmericanbas-ketsaremostlymadebywomen,butamongmanySouthAmericans the craft ismasculine, thoughat thetipofthe continent the Onawomenareagain responsibleforbasketwork. InArizonatheHopimenspinandweave,jobswhich their next-doorneighbors,theNavaho,allotto women.Indeed, extremelyfewgeneralizationsholdforthewholeworld.However,menusuallycarve,workmetals,plough,andturnpotteryonwheels,while womenarebyfarthe mostcommonmakersofhand-madeearth-enware.TribalSpecialization.Less common,yetfarfromneg-ligible,is localspecialization.In New Guineamanytribes ownpottery,but it is manufactured inrelativelyfewvillages,which act asdistributingcenters. Somedependfor foodwhollyon theirneighbors,whomtheysupplyin return with their earthenware or shell tradespecialty.Anotherregionof intensespecializationisGuiana. There all the tribes usehammocks, canoes,curarepoison,andmaniocgraters,buteachconcentratesonproducingaparticulararticle. Curarewasespeciallyproducedbyonegroup,whichwashandsomelypaidforit with finishedblow-guns.Sometimes several distinctgroupsinhabit the samecountry,eachplyingits owntrade,so* tospeak.Thishappensin variouspartsofEastAfrica,wherearace of herdershavesubjectedthenativepeasants,whoperformall theusefulworkexceptstock-breeding.InRuanda,Congo,athirdclassisaddedHANDICRAFTS 109thePygmyhunters,manyofwhomhavesettleddownandapplythemselvesto such industries aspottery.Thenatural effect of localized concentration is inten-sivetrading.Thisin turnbringstogetherdiversepopu-lations andspreadsother features than thoseprimarilysoughtbythetraders.GeographicInfluences.Somecraftsarelimitedorex-cludedbynatural conditions.Althoughstonewasgen-erallyworkedbyprimitiveman,itsimportancehasbeenoverrated,for considerable stretches ofterritoryare andwerewithoutthismaterial. AfewmilesfromtheAndestheChacoiswhollylackinginstone;thenativessimplysubstitutedbone, shell, teeth,and hardwood,for rockscannotbeconvenientlyimported.Forlikereasons,na-tivesofOceaniancoral atollshadtomaketheir adzesofshell.Bynomeansall stone isequallysuitable forim-plements,henceagaintheneedfortravelandtrade. InCentral Australia axes wereground onlyif the nativeswereneardioriteorcouldgetitinexchange.Onaarrow-makerspreferredaslatyrockfortheirpointsandwouldgo greatdistances to secure it from favoredspots.Inothercasesacraftcanexistonly bycontinuedintercoursewiththeoutsideworld. SinceSwedenhasnotin,forin-stance, only foreigntrade lifted theprehistoricScandi-navians to thebronze-usinglevel.Tools and Devices.Everycraftsmanrequires tools,andeverytradehasitstricks. Primitive workmenlackedmanyaids that are obvious to us.Nails,forexample,werelargelyunknown; Polynesianarchitectslashedraft-ers andbeamstogetherwithcordage,and so did SouthAmericanbuilders. EventhePeruvians,whohadsmallcopper nails,used themverylittle.Again,needles arelimitedtoafewareas;boneonesexistedinwesternEu-ropetoward theendof theOldStoneAgeandare usedbymodern Eskimo. And the Peruvians madecopperneedlesbeforetheirdiscovery.ButwhenanAustralianwomandidanysewingshepunchedaholewithaneye-lesspointedboneandpulledthroughitathreadofopos-110 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYsum orkangaroosinew.Similarly,an Onaseamstresspiercestwostripsof skin withherboneawl,thenmois-tensasinewfiberandpushesitthroughthehole.Onlyafewyears agoone could watch Plains Indian womendoingtheverysamething.Scissors arepeculiartohighercivilizations; Europewaswithoutthemuntilafterthe beginningofourera. Asforthesimpleideaofpatch-ingahole,eventhe Peruviansmendedonlybydarning.The most common andtypical primitivetools are:knives; axes,often usedasadzes,i.e. with theedgerun-ning"transverselyto thelongaxis of thehandle; scrap-ers;anddrills.AQueenslander'stool-kit includes naturalpebbles.Fixedintoahandle(PL 17,fig. 8)oneofthesewillcrackhard nuts and loosen sheets of bark fromtrees;un-mounted,it strikes flakes from a core of rock(PL 17,fig. 9),whichtherebyassumes a characteristicappear-ance(PL 17, fig. 10).The samepieceof stonemayyieldshortstumpyandlongthinslivers,suitable forscrapersandknives, respectively.Sometimes severalhundredblowsarestruckbeforeasinglegoodknife flakeis obtained. Still anothertypeof tool in thisarea,blocked out first and thengroundto anedge,is an axoradzeaccordingtothemethodoffixingit to ahandle(PL 17, fig. 6), being used, respectively,forfellingatree orhollowingacanoe.Astoneknifemightbeawkwardtohold; Queensland-ers and otherAustraliansembedthe head in alumpofcement(PL 17, fig. 7)for agrip,sometimesekingthisoutbyaflatpieceofwood. Suchknivesmakenohead-waywith hard materials but do cut flesh and skins.Thickerandlongerflakesofthesametypeweremountedaspick-orspear-heads (PL17, fig. 3).The Australian at timesproduces something vastlysuperior. Bypressurewith abone tool he canmakeaflake into aspearheadthe whole surface of which isnicelychipped.Such"pressure-flaking" appearedmuchlater intheOldStoneAgethanthestrikingoff of flakesHANDICRAFTS 111112 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYfromacore,andobviouslyit demandsfargreaterskill.Butwecan notgradepeoplebytheirknowledgeorig-norance of this art. ThePolynesians,inmany wayssupreme amongilliteratepeoples,knewnothingofit,whilethesimpleFuegianswereadepts,firstblockingouttheirarrowpoints byblows on alumpof slate with astonehammer,thendelicately pressingoff slivers withpiecesofguanacobone(PL17,fig. 2). Bysuchpressure-flakingCalifornia hunters madesuperbobsidian bladessometimeswell over afootlong.Asstatedabove,theimportanceof stone workin hu-manhistorymust not beexaggerated.The Samoansshapedstone tools forsomepurposes,butgroovedshellwithnaturalsliversofbasaltandcutupflesh orfishwithastripof bamboo. In the stoneless Chaco the Indianssimplyused hard wood forscalingorgutting fish,andon the coral atolls of Micronesia the shell of thegiantclammadeagoodsubstitute for stone.Stoneaxesoradzeswithgroundedgesarewidespreadbutwereunknownto thesavagesof theOld StoneAge,andafairnumberofliving peoplesdowithout even anequivalent.Inprocuringthe timberfor his hutanOnahadto lasso branchesandbreakthem off at thecrotch,hence hekeptthe frameworkstanding mainlyto savehimselfthistroublesomeexertion. Californianssplitlogswithanantlerwedgedrivenbyanunworkedstonemaul.In the southernpartof the state even this device wasabsent so that trees wereneverfelled;theMohavetiedstones to handles and hackedawaysmaller limbs fromwillows, burningthe brush about the butt to kill thetree andleavingthestump standing.The earliestax, datingback in westernEurope per-haps100,000yearsandmore,wasnotgroundbutmerelyworked from a mass of rockby strikingoffchipsfromit;theremainingcore was then wielded as a hatchetwithouthandle. Crudeandheavyatfirst,these cleav-ers becamemoreshapelyandlighterinsubsequent pe-riods. But it was not until well into the New StoneHANDICRAFTS 113Plate 17: STONE TOOLS.1.Fuegian Scraper [Lothrop (25) Plate8a] 2.FuegianArrowPoint[Lothrop (25)p.113]3. FlakedSpearhead, Queensland[Roth (32) Fig.41J 4.Celt, Queensland [Roth (32) Fig. 62]5.Scraper, Queensland [Roth (32)Fig. 96]6.Haftingof the samecelt in twoways,as anaxandas anadze, Queensland[Roth (32)Figs.56,57] 7.Knife,Queensland[Roth (32) Fig.132] 8.Hammer,Queensland [Roth (32) Fig. 154]9. Hammerstone in the act ofstrikingacore withaviewtoremovingaflake, Queensland [Roth(32) Fig. 23]10.Core,afterremovingaflake, Queensland[Roth(32)Fig.35]114 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYAgethat man learned the use of agrindstone.Thismeantprogress,but thegroundax can not be used asatestofahigherculture. WhetheranAustraliangrindsornotdepends entirelyonwhetherhehas access to di-orite orequallysuitablerocks;and the finer kinds' ofpressure-flakedtoolscertainly requiredmore skill thanrubbingonestoneagainstanother. It is alsoimportanttonote thatonlycertaintools,such as axesandchisels,areimproved by grinding;there would be no sense ingrindinganarrowpoint. Accordingly,the samepeoplewillchipsome tools andgrindothers.Since theirquartziteknives donot serve foranybutsoftmaterials,CentralAustraliansattack treeswithaxesofdiorite,wheneverthatisaccessible.Theyfirstroughlyblock out theshapeof apebblewith alumpof hardstone. Crude as thisflaking is,itrequirescare lest thecraftsman remove apartof the intendededge,whichwouldspoil everything.He must alsoguard againstdealingtoo hard a blow andbreakinghis stone in two.The nextstepis to level the surfaceby tapping awayforhours,onpossiblytwodays,at thediorite toremovefragmentsuntil the surface is covered withtinydentsand allroughnessesare removed.Finallycomes thegrindingitself,forwhichaslab ofsandstoneissprinkledwithfinesandandwater. Theoperatorrubshisaxheadbackward andforward, addinga little sand from timetotime,until heproducesthe desirededge.Samoansquarriedtheirrawmaterialforadzesbystrik-ingthe rock with anotherrock,and selected a suitablepieceforchipping. Theystruck this with astoneham-mer until ityieldedtheproper shape.Thentheytookthechippedblade to astream, dippeditin,andrubbeditagainstthebasaltstandingin thewater.Theyrarelybotheredtogrindmuchmorethanwasnecessaryfor thecuttingedge,butmanyotherOceaniansnicelypolishtheentire surface. Sincethis in nowiseaddedtoefficiency,the extra labor must have beenputin on behalf ofaestheticeffect.Clearly,then,groundtoolsareproducedHANDICRAFTS 115byfirstusingthe Old StoneAge processofstrikingoffslivers of stone and thenaddingasharp edge bythelengthyandarduousprocessofgrinding.In contrast to the fist-hatchet of the Old StoneAge,theaxes,adzes,and chisels of later and recentperiodswerehafted(PL16;PI.17,figs. 6,8).Thisaddedpowerandrelieved thetiringrebound of thehand inwieldingthe tool. Thebladecaneitherbestuckintothehandle,or tied toit,orpiercedfor a handle to beput throughthehole. SomeSwissbladesoftheNewStoneAgewereset in a slit of thehandle,amethod also used at timesin Australianpicks.But Central Australiansusuallyheat themiddle ofastem to makeitpliable,thenbendit double around the blunt butt of the stone and tiethe two halvestogether, fixingthe blade withresin,whichcoversthebentpartofthewithy.Thisisacrudemethod,forahardblowcrackstheresinandloosenstheaxhead. Farsuperioris thePolynesianwayoflashingonthehandlewithcordage,theelbowofatreelimbbe-ingfitted to the blade. Melanesiansvarythis(PI. 16,fig. 2)withmorecomplexdevicesbywhich theblade isdirectlyattached to aseparateholder that is tied to theshaft(PL 16, figs. 1,3)or stuck into aperforatedshaft(PL 16, fig. 4)-Some of thesespecimensenable theworker to turn hiscutting edge.Aspecial subtype,foundoccasionallyinAustralia(PL17, fig. 4), verycom-mon in North America but rare inprehistoric Europe,had the stonegroovedso the cord could befirmlyat-tached.Drillingaholethroughastone axwas difficultforStoneAgetechnicians,hencerelativelyrare andap-pliedtoigneousrocks rather than to flint.In theBronzeAgeofEuropethe bronzeblade devel-oped wingswhichultimatelyunited to form a socket.Thisimplied,ofcourse,that the blade was nolongerstuckintothehandlebutviceversa. Theformcontinuedinto theIronAge.InAmericasocketedcopperaxesareknown from theArgentine, Peru,andEcuador,and a116 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYsampleingoldhas been found in the last-mentionedcountry.Scrapersarecommonwhereverskinsareworked; theygobackto themiddleportionsof the OldStoneAgeofEurope,occurabundantlyinarchaeologicalFuegiansites(PL 17, fig. 1),and arehighlycharacteristic of NorthAmericanandSiberian life. TheCaribouEskimoalonehave severaltypes,each for aspecial purpose,but allheldinonehandandmovedawayfromtheworker. Onekindservesto freetheskinofthetissuebelowtheouterlayerandtoremoveremainsoffleshandfat. Themate-rial is of the shoulderblade or some similar bone of acaribouormusk-ox. Forcrushingthe fibers of theskinthere is abeak-shapedstone tool madefrom sandstonehewnwithanotherrockandthenground.Forthinninga skin the nativesancientlyhadvery sharp scrapersofhardbone;and sometimestheysoften stiffened skinswithanantlertoolsharpenedandcutwithparallelsidesexceptfor a short curved branch left at thetopfor agrip.Plains Indians likewise have severalimplementsfordressing hides, notablyachisel-shapedflesher forcleaningthe inner surface and a stone blade set in ahandle of elk antler forremovingthe hair. Acommon"beaming"toolconsists of thesharpenedlongboneof adeerorsimilarspeciesbrokenlengthwise;intypicalfash-iontheHavasupaiworkergraspsit withbothhandsanddraws it downthehidehungoverasmoothpole.Aus-tralians made the short slivers knocked off from stonecores intoscrapers,someofthemworkedintoaconcaveedgeforsharpeningthetipsof woodenspears (PL 17,fig- ).Drillsareeasilymadeofsharpbitsofhardstone,shellorteeth, suitablymounted. TheHavasupaiand someMelanesianstwirlthewoodenshaftexactlyastheywouldinfire-drilling (p.55).OtherMelanesiansandalsoPoly-nesiansimprovedonthisbysettingaperforatedwoodenflywheelon the lowerpartof theshaft,and above thedisk acrossbar tiedbyeach end to thetopof theup-HANDICRAFTS117right.Theoperator beginsby twirlingthe shaft so asto windupthe cords from which the barhangs,thusraisingthe bar.Pressingdown on thehandle,he un-winds the cords andmakes theuprightrevolve so thatthecordsarewoundupin theoppositedirection. Thustheshaftgoesonrevolvingbackand forth. This is thepump-drillelsewhereusedwith abluntertip (p. 56)formakingfire(PI. 7, fig. 2).TheEskimoandYukaghir,whorevolvetheir fire-drill withabow,use thesameap-plianceforboringholes(PI. 7,fig. 1).TheEskimoevensubstitutethisprocessforsawingbone,makingoneholebeside another and thenwedgingthe boneapart.Butrudecultureshadstillanothermethodattheirdisposalthatofboringwithahollowreed;thisnaturallycausedaholebythedroppingoutofacylindricalcore. Primi-tivedrillingwasgenerallyaidedbythe use ofsandandwater.ProcessesCertain craftsfiguresoprominentlyinhistoryas torequire separatetreatment. Theseare: thepreparationofskins, felting,barkclothmanufacture,basketry,weav-ing, pottery, carving,andmetallurgy. Theyarenotuni-formlydistributed overspaceand time. Some excludeothers: skinclothingmilitatesagainstwovenfabrics,andbarkcloth tendsto limitbothskinandloomwork. Bas-ketryappearsonmostlevels,butpotteryandloom-weav-ingrestonatechnicalbasisthatmakesthemimprobableon ahunting plane.Some craftdevelopmentscan beplausiblyaccountedfor. Peruhadbothexcellenttextilematerialin theformof wooland alsospecialization,someyoung girlsvirtu-allydevotingtheir lives toweaving.Othercasesarenotso clear. Whilethepeopleof western British Columbiahadsplendid timber,theircarpentrywasdisproportion-ately superbascomparedwith that of otherwise com-parabletribes. NorthAmerican skindressingisgreatlysuperiortothatofAfricanNegroesevenwherethelatter118 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYareotherwisetechnicallymoreadvancedandlive insim-ilargeographicalconditions.The several crafts consideredbelow,some of whichaffected theevolutionof art itself(p. 182), instructivelyillustrate man's inventiveness in various environments.Preparation ofSkins.Peoplewho use hidesgener-ally tryto increase their resistance toweatheringandrotting,either bymechanical,orbymechanicalandchem-ical,means. Thecombination of the two is called tan-ningandresultsinleather. Peltisconvertedintoleatherby vegetableorbymineralmaterials, bybothjointly,orby oilysubstances. Intanningthe mechanicalpre-liminariesuncoverthtportionoftheskin,the"corium",which ischemicallyaltered.When an Ona hasflayedaguanaco hide,his wifestretches it fordryingand after severaldays laysit ontheground,wool side down. She kneels on the stiffrawhideandlaboriously scrapesoff thefattytissue andthetransparent layerbelow it with herquartzblade.Afterawhileshekneadstheskinpiecemealwithherfists,goingoverthewholesurfacerepeatedlyandevenbring-ingher teeth intoplayuntil it is softened. If the hairis tobetakenoff,thatisdonewiththesamescraper.Inorder toimprovetheappearance,the womansmears amixtureofredearthandfatoverthehide. TheShilluklikewise mainlykneadandrubafterfleshingthestretchedhide withstones; dung, ashes,and fat render it flex-ible and there arefrequent applicationsof fat. WhilemanyEskimogroupssteepskins in a vessel withurine,theCaribouEskimouseonlymechanicalmeans, thoughveryfattyhidesmayundergosomeunintendedchemicalchange. Thoughnottreatedchemically,the fresh skinsof thesepeopleare said to bequiteon aparwith thetanned skins of Canadian Indians.Typically, however,North American natives tannedwithsomespecial preparationof brains. Afterbeaming(p! 116),theHavasupaisoak,rub,wringoutandpulltheskin,whereuponit isreadyfortanning.TwoballshavePlate 17A.Dakota Man's Skin Robe with Black War BonnetDesign. (CourtesyofAmerican Museum of NaturalHistory.).DecoratedSkinBagsforPipesand Tobacco,DakotaIndians.(CourtesyofAmerican Museum of NaturalHistory.)HANDICRAFTS 119beenprepared,the first to be usedbeingfrom roasteddeerbrains,theotherfromthemarrowof adeer'sspinalcanal. The ball is workedupin water into asoapyliquor,whichissprayedinmouthfulsoverthehairysideand the ends of thefleshyside. The skin is rolledupand set asidelong enoughto be soaked with thetan,thenit isspread,dried,andvigorouslyrubbedandpulleduntil soft.Similarlythe Plains Indian leather-makerrubbedoilybrainsofgameanimalsinto thescrapedandfleshed hide and allowed this material to soak in withexposureto the sun.Manytribesgivea final touch tothemanufacturebysmokingthe leather overasmolder-ingfire.InsteadofusingbrainstheKirghizsteeppeltsfordaysinamushofflourandsourmilkor in apapof theashesfromburnedsteppegrass.Inclassicalantiquitytanningwasduetothetanninofoakandotherbarks.Similarly,in Indiathemechanicallypreparedskin is formedintoasack and filled with bruisedbark;the tannerpoursinwater,and thisgraduallysaturates the skin.Hides,rawortanned, playalarge partin themanu-factures ofsomepeoples.Leatherbottles aretypicalofAsiaticnomads;SouthandEastAfricanNegrotribesuseskinclothingandshields. ThePlains Indiansdressed inskinrobes, shirts, dresses, leggingsandmoccasins; theycovered theirtents,cradles andshields withskin,storedsmokingoutfits and sundries in soft buckskinpouches,andpreservedmeatin rawhidecases.Felting. Feltingis thetypical industryofTurks,Ti-betans,andothernomacjs,whoseherdsprovidethemwithamplewool and hair. The essentialprocessisrolling,beating,andpressingthe material into acompactandeven mass. Thistechnique spreadto ancientIndia,China,GreeceandRome. TheancientGreeksworeraincloaks andtight-fittingconicalcapsoffelt,and theRomans borrowed thepractice.The ChineseadoptedtheindustryfromtheTurkishandMongolnomadstothenorth,thoughthewilderpeoplesofthesouth,suchasthe120 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYLolo,stillwearafeltblanketorsleeveless coatthrough-out theyear. However,with the trueChinese,as withGreeks andRomans,felt was a minor trait that couldhavebeeneliminatedwithoutdeeplyaffectingtheirlives.In contrast to themthe Tibetans dressed in felt beforethe Chinese fashion of silkgarmentsfoundfavor,andstill wear feltboots,rainponchos,and hats. Feltrugs,tentcovers,mittensand mattresses are commonamongtheTurks,and the medievalMongolsevenworshipedfeltimages.Thefollowingaccountgivesthe details ofmanufacture in atypicalcase. TheKirghiz spreadthewooloveramat,sprinkleit withwater,thenbeatitwithrods,rollupthe mat astightlyaspossible,and tie itwithcords. Thispackageis rolledbackandforth, pulledalongthegroundwith arope by experts,andpushedwiththefeet. Whenunpacked,thewoolis rolledupandrerolled for hours while water iscontinuously sprinkledon it. Thereareusuallytwolayers,alower ofcheaperbrown wool and anupperof white wool. These arefinallyspreadoutanddriedinthesun,makingasmoothfelt cloth.Bark Cloth.Feltingwas neverpracticedoutside ofAsia andEurope.Neither theEgyptianswith theirsheepdatingbackthousandsofyearsnor the Peruvianswith their llamas ever invented theprocess.But thecomparabletechniqueofbeatingbast,i.e. theinnerbarkoftrees,into cloth is foundinAfrica,CentralandSouthAmerica,IndonesiaandOceania. Theuniversaltool is awoodenmallet, usually grooved.The Bakuba of thesouthernCongowear barkgarments onlyforfestivals,themen'scostumebeingmadeofasinglepiecewhilethe'women's is a mosaic of small barkpatchessewed to-getherwithpalmfiber. InUganda,on the otherhand,everydaydress was of barkcloth,and it was a man'sdutyto clothe thehouseholdjustas it wasthe wife's tofeed them bananas. The worker first made incisionsaroundhis tree andlengthwise, putaknife blade underthebark,andpeeledit off. Thenhescrapedthe outerHANDICRAFTS 121side,left itovernight, scrapeditagaininside andout,andthen tooTt it to aspecialshed. Therehespreadthebark on the smooth surface of a 6-footlogsunk in thefloorandbeganbeatingit withmalletsgroovedwithdif-ferentgradesof fineness. Hecontinued until he had asheetasthickaspaperandmeasuringsevenoreightfeetwidebytwelvefeetlong.Pieceswithflawswerecutout,otherpiecesbeingfitted in andneatlystitched.NortheasternBolivia is oneof theoutstandingcentersfor thisindustry,both sexesmanufacturingcloth fromthe bast of certain trees. Shirts for men andwomen,1',andbagsare all made of this material.However,notallspeciesprovidesuitablebark,hencetheart isgeographicallylimited. On the otherhand,itsgreat development naturallyeliminates the need forwovenfabrics,soloomworkismeagerin this area.ThoughinUgandaonly menmakebarkcloth,itsprep-aration is a feminineindustryinPolynesia.Theplantgenerallyexploitedisthepaper-mulberry.Afterthebasthas beenpeeled off,a Samoanscrapesit with varioustools madeof aspecialshell. Then shesmooths,driesand folds herstrips,eachseparately, pressingout asmuchmoistureaspossible.Nowcomestheactual beat-ingon a woodenanvil,which is followedby stretchingthe sheets whiledampanddryingthem. Patches arepastedoveranyholes,andtheseparatesheets are simi-larlystucktogetherinto desired sizes and thicknesses.In easternPolynesiathe bast is soaked in water for aconsiderabletime,allowed todrain,andthenbeatenoutin one continuous sheet to therequiredthickness. ^Inotherwords,thestripsarejoinedbythefelting togetherof the fibers. Butin Samoathe bast is soakedonlyforabrief timeand is soonscrapedwith shell tools. Henceit is sodrythatwhenseveralstripsare beatentogether,the material from each comes outseparately;in otherwords,it isnotfeltedtothatofotherstrips.Themalletals6 differs in the tworegions,the Samoan formbeingeitherplainoronlycoarselygrooved.Intheeast, plain122 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYbeaters are usedonlyin thepreliminary pounding,theworkeralways finishingher cloth withclosely groovedmallets. Beaters of the lattertypehave beendredgedupin a New Zealand harbor. TheMaori, therefore,broughttheeasternPolynesianart ofbark-clothmakingto their newhomebutabandoned it because thepaper-mulberrywouldnotthrive in thatclimate.Basketry. Basketrydiffers from felt inconsistingoftworegularlyconnected sets ofelements,thewarpandthewoof(weft).In"plaited"or"hand-woven"basketrythere isinterlacingof thetwo,as in loom-weaving;buttheplaiter'selements are not soft and narrowthreads,whichmighteasilygetentangled,butcomparativelystiffand widesplints of, say,coconut andpandanus leaves,acaciatwigs,conifer roots. Asecondtype,"coiled" bas-ketry,isreally sewing,a foundation ofsplintsorgrass,correspondingto thewarp, beingstitchedtogether (PI.18, fig. 5)withtheaid ofaboneawl,theusualprimitivesubstitute foraneedle.Each of these maintypeshas numeroussubdivisions,butonlya few forms of the hand-woventypeneed beconsidered here. If each element of the woof set alter-natelycrosses overandunderoneelement of thewarp,"checkerwork"results(PI. 18, fig. 4)andit isimpossibleto tell fromafinishedsamplewhichhasbeenwarpandwhichwoof."\\MI,\' i I'.'-s'k'' differsonlyinhavingarigidwarp (PL 18, fig. 1).Ifmorethanoneelement isregu-larly crossed,thetechniqueis"twilling",whichreadilyleads to decorativedesigns (PL 18, fig. 3). Finally,"twined"basketryhas two or moreintertwiningweftelementsholding togethertherigid warp (PL 18,fig. 2).Thesetechniqueshavedefinitedistributions,somepeo-plesusingonlyalimitednumber. TheOnaknowasingleform ofcoiling.In Samoa coiledbasketrywasorigi-nallyunknown,butcheckerandtwillingabound. Twin-ingflourishes in northern California to the exclusion ofcoiling,which isequally typicalof the southernpartofthestate.Elsewhere,however,variousprocessesareusedHANDICRAFTS 123Plate 18:TECHNIQUESOP BASKETRY.1.WickerWeave[Kroeber(18)p.289]2.Twining[Kroeber (18)p.292]3.Twilling[Roth (33)p.318]4. Checker Weave [Roth (33)p.34415.Coiling[Kroeber (18) p.302]124 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYsimultaneouslyand withequaldeftness. The Porno ofcentralCalifornia, conspicuousfor theirbasketryamongAmericanIndians,twined baskets forstone-boilingandcoiled ornamentalware,have wickerworkseed-beaters,andsundryvariations offundamentalprocesses.Acul-turegenerallyreservesonetechniqueforaparticularob-ject: theHavasupai,forinstance,twinewaterbottlesandburdenbaskets. Ontheotherhand,theybothtwineandcoil theirtrays;andaHopimatmaybepartly twilled,partlywicker,andbordered incoiling.Thebasketry technique yieldsagreat varietyof ob-jects.TheHavasupaiuseburdenbaskets,waterbottles,shallowbowls,cooking-bowls,parchingtrays.Theirbot-tlesarecoatedwithpitch,butvarioustribescanproducewatertightbasketry.Thereare stiff basket-workshieldsin theCongo; basketry capsand cradles inCalifornia;fans,knapsacks,mats,satchels,boxes,fishcreels,innorth-ern South America. Inshort,the uses areindefinitelyvaried andso,ofnecessity,are theshapesand sizes.Thedevelopmentofbasketrydoesnotdependoncul-tural level.SimpleCaliforniahunters,thePorno,aresaidtoexceltherestoftheworldinthisart,whileskilledpottersandweaverslagbehind them in the earlier andsimplercraft.Adequatesubstitutesexplaintheanomaly.Earthenwarevesselsarebetter forcookingthanbaskets,andothercontainersserveequallywell forstone-boilingorstorage. Oddly enough,theAshluslayin the Chacoweaveonlooms,but neitherplaitnor coilthoughsuit-ablepalmleavesaboundintheircountryandthebasketsofnearbytribesmightstimulate imitation. Thereasonis that theAshluslayhavespecializedin nettedbags,whichservenearlyallthepurposesofbasketsbesidesbe-ingmorereadilycarried andstored.Howeverthisbe,themanufacture ofbasketry every-where demandsnotmerely manualskill butvariedknowl-edge.TheHavasupai reject mesquiteinselectingma-terial forwarpandweft,treat cottonwood and willowtwigsasinferior,andprize"cat's-claw" acaciatwigsasHANDICRAFTS 125thebest. Butthesearenotsimplyusedasnatureoffersthem. Ifdry, theyaresoaked;inanycase the leavesarestripped,and the butts of thetwigstrimmed off toyieldtwo different sizes. Thelonger twigsaresplitinthreebythe use of the teeth andthehands,the centralthirdbeing discarded;and the two outsidestripsarescrapedto uniform thickness with a knife. There is adefinitebeginningfor twinedbaskets twopairsoflongtwigs crossingeach other atright anglesand as sheproceedsthemakerconstantlymoistenstheweftstokeepthempliable.Whencoatinga waterbottle,she mustfirstapplyanappreciablebodyofempiricalinformation.Sherubsthesurfacewithadrycorncob to fill the inter-stices, sprayswater over thebasket,smears and rubssoapweedpasteonit,addsamixtureofpulverizedpaintandwater,thenallowsthevesseltodryin thesun.Onlythen is the boiledpinon pitch pouredinside thebottle,which iscontinuouslyturned over near a bed of coalsso the heat willpreventthepitchfromcoagulatingbe-fore the interstices are filled. Acoatingwith the samematerialfollows. Oncehardened,thepitchdoesnotmeltappreciablyin the sun.Abilityto use the heat effec-tivelyonthehighlyinflammablepitch impliesconsider-able rule-of-thumbknowledgeofphysics.Weaving.Trueweaving,likebasketry,differs fromfelt inhavinginterlacedmaterials,andfrombasketryinthesofterandnarrowernatureofthematerials,whichre-quirealoomformanipulation.Inotherwords,weaversusespun material, stringor thread.Spinningis thuspreliminarytoloomwork.WhileweavingislackingamongAustraliansandPoly-nesians,as well asmanyAfrican and Americantribes,spimfmuis universal. Its function is tolengthenandstrengthensuchnaturalfibers aswool, cotton, silk, hair,bast. This isfrequentlydone withoutany implementwhatsoever.Ashluslaywomenscrapeanddrythefibersof Bromelialeaves,thentwirl themwith their handsontheirthighs.InNewGuinea thestringforbagsis com*126 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYmonlymadeof the shredded bast of certain treesbyasimilar maneuver. The Paviotso ofnortheastern Cali-forniarolled twostrands ofsagebrushbarkonthethighseparatelyonthedownwardstrokeandcombinedontheupwardstroke,thusproducingtheusualCaliforniatwo-ply string.Old Worldpeoples ancientlyinvented aspindlewithawhorl,thelatteractingasaflywheelwhenthespindlewasdroppedwithatwirlandthusgivingtwistandten-sion totheloose threadsoflinen orwool. American In-diancotton-growersdiscovered that cotton can not beeffectively spunon thethighlike otherfibers, .hencetwisted it between thefingersand then wound it on ashaft,which also bore a whorl-like disk(PI. 20, fig. 4)-Butapparentlythis was a mereguardforkeepingthethread fromslipping off,for there is no evidence of thenatives' everdroppingtheshaft;inPeru,wheretextilesweremosthighlydeveloped,thewhorlsweretoosmalltomakeeffectiveflywheels.This makestheAmericanspin-dleessentiallyabobbin or reel.Spunthreadisthematerialforloom-weaving.Aloomis aframe in which thewarpis stretched so that eachwoofthreadcanregularly passoverandunderthewarpelements(PL 19, fig. 1).At each thrust thosewarpthreadsmustbeabove thewoofwhich in theprecedingandsucceedingthrustslie below. Inotherwords,weav-ingis adevelopmentfromplaitingwith threadshungover a frame substituted forsplints.Yet even that isnot the basic difference. There is aform ofplaitinginwhichthreadsare alsohungfromaframe,as inmakingtheblanketsof theAlaskanTlingitorthe Maori. Thisisnotweaving,becausetheworkerpullsthewoofthreadssinglythroughthewarp.Inatrue loomthewoofyarniswoundonashuttleandunwindsitselfastheshuttle isshot across awarpprearranged bymeans of a "heddle"sothatallwarpthreadsmeanttolie abovethenewwoofelement can be raised as a unit. Thatis,at the firstthrust all theoddwarpelements are raisedtogether,atHANDICRAFTS 127Piaie jf5: TRUEWEAVINGANDPOTTERY,1. ASimpleHand LoomfromAssamandIndonesia[Ephraim(6)p.40]2- Detail ofsame, showingPosition of Loom-Stick and Heddle. 3. APotter'sWheelfromBrittany[Horwitz (14)p.754]128 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYthesecondallevenwarpelements,andso forth(PL 19,fiff. 8).Progressintechniquelies inrelievingthe worker ofas muchmanuallabor aspossible.In all earliertypesthe handshad to throw the shuttle with the woof andalso tend to the mechanism forkeepingodd and evenwarpthreadsapart.InancientEgypt,IndiaandChina,as well asamongpeoplesinfluencedby them,the feetpresseddown twopedals alternatelyso as toregulatethisseparation.Powerloomsaroseonlyin westernEu-rope,andnotbeforetheendoftheEighteenthCentury.Though mechanically inferior, however,thesimpletreadleless looms ofpeopleswhospecializeinweavingproduce extraordinarilyfine work. TherugswovenbyCentral Asiatic Turks are famous for the closeness oftheirweave,and ancient Peruvian textilesduplicatenearlyeverytrick ofourmodernfactories.Pottery. Potteryis work in firedclay.Some wellmodeledclay figuresof bisongoback to the Old StoneAge,butfired earthenware is notpositivelyknownuntillater. One reason is clear. Old StoneAgemen wereroving hunters,andpotteryvessels wouldinevitablybeconstantlybrokenontheirmigrations.Inhistoric timesseveral Plains Indiangroupsabandonedpotterywhentheygaveupfarmingtohuntbuffalo. Hunterssuch astheOnaand Australians likewise lackearthenware,andthemuchhigherpastoralnomadsof Asiagenerallysub-stituteleathercontainersforpots.Inshort,awanderinglifetendstoeliminatepottery.However,this isnotthewholestory.Evensuchveryskilful artificers as thefarming Polynesiansmade noearthenwareevenwhengood claywasavailable. Prob-ably theyonce had the art but lost it in the course oftheirmigrationsoverthe SouthSeas,for in order togettotheirhistoric homestheymusthavepassedMelanesia,wherethere arefairlymanypotters.Thequestionherewouldbewhytheydidnotreinvent it. andapartialan-sweris thattheyhadtakensolargelyto earth ovensasPlateWB.PileClothoftheBakubaNegroes,ConRo. (CourtesyofAmericanMuseumof Natural History.)HANDICRAFTS 129not torequireearthenware vessels forcooking,whiletheir artistic senseexpresseditself in otherways. This,however,does notadequately explainthe facts. TheBritishColumbiaIndiansboiledfoodwithstones,so cer-tainlycould have usedpotstoadvantage; yetwith alltheirprogressin otherlines, theywerenotpotters.Thepointis that truepottery representsa technicalachievement that is notlikelyto be oftenduplicated.Firstofall,noteverykindofclaywilldo. It isnotfrommerefussinessthatnativeexpertsinsist ongettingtheirmaterial fromparticular spots.Potter'sclayconsistslargelyof silica andaluminumoxide,but theirpropor-tionsvarygreatly;intwoSouthAmericansamplesfromdifferenttribestheratiowas45.60:37.00and57.75:22.56,respectively.Inthe lattercase thepotterscompensatedfor the excess of silicaby addingalarge percentageoffusible substances.Claymust bereadilymoldedwhenwet,andif it isoversuppliedwithsand, somethingmustbe added to make it moreplastic.Onthe otherhand,it isequallyfataltohaveclaythatsticksto theworker'shandsandcracks indryingorunderheat. Thatiswhypotters, taught by experience, gettheir material fromtried localities. Butgood clayis noteverywhereto befound,hencelongtripsmustbemadetosecureit.That,however,isnotalwayspracticable,andthealternative istoimproveuponnatureby addingsuitableingredients.Thus,the ancientEgyptiansaddedquartz,the Chinesefeldspar,the Greeks lime.Similarly,South AmericanIndianstemperedunplasticclaywithmica,andoverplas-ticclaywithpoundedpotsherds, shell, sponges,or othersubstances.Nigerian Negroes similarlymix sand orcrushedpiecesof oldpotswith theirclay.In otherwords,successfulpotterymeansa certainknowledgeofapplied physicsandchemistry,and this holds notonlyfortheshapingbutalsoforthefiringofthevessel,whichalone makes it durable. Failure to heatuniformly,anunexpectedrain showerduring firing,theunpredictablekick of avagrantdomestic beastagainstadrying pot,130 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYwilldestroyhours of arduous work. Thesurroundingsof Indian huts north of Lake Titicaca are thus strewnwithfragmentsofpotsmarred in themaking.Inshort,theinvention,like thepractice,isverydiffi-cult. Thatiswhy manypeoplesfailedtoproduceearth-enware,andwhyits inventioncannothaveoccurredfre-quently. Indeed,manyscholarsbelievethat in Americaitoriginated onlyonce,somewherebetweenMexicoandPeru,andtraveled from thesehighercenters tosimplerpeoples.That wouldexplain whythepeoplesof Brit-ish Columbiamade no earthenware:theywere too farfromthestarting-pointoftheinventionto beinfluencedfrom thatsource,andthe rise ofpottery dependson somanyfavorablecircumstancesthattheyfailed todupli-catethetechnique.Potteryis eithermoldedbyhandormechanicallyonawheel(PL 19, fig. 8).Thepotter'swheelwasinventedinEgyptabout3,000B.C.andspreadfromtheretootherOldWorldcivilizations.Verygraduallyit also reachedless civilizedpeoplesofEurope.In theearlyMiddleAgestheGermanicpeoplesstillmademostof theirpot-tery by hand,and this held for the Slavs until about1,000A.D. IntheNewWorldnotribe either borrowedorinventedthepotter'swheel. Inotherwords,allprimi-tiveand all Americanpotteryare classed ashand-made.Hand-madepotteryusesessentiallyone of twoproc-esses: eitheralumpofclayisshapedwiththehandsintothedesiredform;orthebodyofthevessel isbuiltupbycoiling,that isbyaddingonesausageofclayto anotherin aspiralformation. Coiledpotteryisextremelycom-monthroughouttheworld,but its manufacturers oftenshapethebasein alumpand coil therest of the vessel.Alsothesamepeople,asinsouthernYucatan,havebeenknown toshapesmallpots directlyand to coillargerones.Insouth-centralCalifornia,aMonoor Yokutswomanstartswithahandfulofclay,whichshe rolls intoaballof evenconsistency,then flattens the ball into a diskHANDICRAFTS131,'SOjO O"I.Scoris-2W)13.20r^ .a o132 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYandturnsuptheedgeasabase for the first coil. Thisbottom is set in the middle of a roundbasketry tray(PL 20, fig. 1),andfromnowon thepotgrowsbysuc-cessive rolls ofclayfitted to the circumference(PL 20,fig. 2\thejunctionbetween two coilsbeingsmoothedoutbytheworker'swettedfingers (PL20, fig. 3}.Witha smallpieceof wood orpartof an acorn husk shesmooths the inner andouter surface aftereverytwo orthree inches ofcoil-building.When thebodyis com-pleted,thepotterrubsthesurfacewithalittlesoapstonepolisher.Topreventthepotsfromcrackinginthefiring,theyhave to becompletelydried in the sun. The fol-lowingdaya fire is built in apitandthepotsareputalongtheedgetosubjectthem to the heatgradually.Whenreadytheyare shoved to the fire withpolesandset in the hot ashes in the middle of thepit,with thefirereassembledaboutthem.Cooking-potswereexposedto the heat for at leasttwenty-four hours,often twicethatlong.Towardtheendtheyaresharplytappedwithahardstick,a clear metallic sound'being proofof ade-quatebaking.If deemedfit, theywereagainsetalongtheedgeto makethem cool offby degrees. Maricopapottersalso followed thecoiling processbut combinedwith it thewidespreaddevice ofholdingastoneorpot-teryanvil inside the vessel whilebeatingthe coils withapaddleuntiltheymergedin thebodyofthepot.Ifshapedclayisonlydriedandhaswateraddedtoit,it becomesplastic again,in otherwords,is transformedinto amerelumpofclay. Firingat thetemperatureofat least 400Centigradeis essential toprevent this;itseemstobetheapproximateheatattainedbyearlyNewStoneAge pottersinEurope,but laterthey producedmorethan twice thattemperature.In the Old as wellasin theNewWorldfiring progressedfromopen-airex-posureofthepotstoenclosingtheminaheatedchamberakilnorfurnace.Potsmayhave all sorts ofattachments,such aslugs,rims, legs, ringbases. Butthesearenotat all essential.HANDICRAFTS 133Thepotsof theupperNile lack allhandles, thoughtransverse decorativestripes roughenthe surface andthusyieldasomewhat bettergrip.Apartfrompuredecoration,potterymayhavetechni-calrefinementsintheformofcoatings.Glazeis aglassycoatingmeltedpnthesurfaceofapottomakeit water-proof,forevenwell-firedpotteryremainsporous.Someoftheextinctnativesof NewMexicousedacoatingthatresembledglazeinappearance,butitwasneitherofglassnordidit servetopreventporositysince it wasonlyap-pliedtoportionsofthebody,hencewasmeredecoration.Glassandglazeoriginatedin ancientEgyptandtraveledtootherhigh cultures,butdid notreach centralEuropeuntilafter800A.D. Thesimplerpeoples madetheirves-sels lessporous, perhaps unintentionally, by smokingthemandsmearingthemwith fat. SouthAmericanIn-diansofthetropicallowlandsappliedavarnish ofmeltedresin, partlytopreventthewaterfromoozingout, partlyfor decoration. In thehighercultures the vessels re-ceived a surface coat ofclayfiner than thebodyof thevessel in order to havepainteddecorationappliedto it.Thisconceivablyalsoservesapracticalpurpose,sincethefiner,morehomogeneous"slip"islesspermeabletowaterand can be moreeffectively polishedand hardened.Technically,this is agreat achievement,for thecoatingand the foundation musthaveacommon coefficient ofevaporationandreactsimilarlyinfiring.Themost remarkabledevelopmentofglazedware isporcelain.TheChinesehadcoiledpotteryin theirNewStoneAgeandlateradoptedthewheelfromcivilizationsto the west. Whenthey ultimatelylearned aboutglasstheyat first used itsparingly. Finally, however, duringthe Handynasty (206B.C.-220A.D.), they begantoglazeearthenware. Soonaperiodofexperimentationsetin,andbythe SeventhCenturythe Chinese achievedtrue whiteporcelain,i.e. that form of earthenware inwhich theglazeis nota merecoatingbutevenly pene-trates the entire vessel. This invention was notdupli-134 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYcatedinEuropeuntiltheEighteenthCentury.Hereweseeagainhow several divisions of mankind collaboratetobringabout asupremeresult.Potteryingeneralisthe achievement of someNewStoneAgepeople; glass,glaze,and thepotter'swheel must be credited to theBronzeAgeofEgypt;andporcelain,anoriginalcombi-nation and furtherdevelopmentof theseideas,is theundisputedcreation of the Chinese.Thepotterytechniquehashadmanyapplications,andcorrespondinglythere is asmuchvariation inshapeandsizeaswithbasketry(PL21).Therearenotonlyearth-enwarecooking-pots,waterjarsandcups,butalsoladles,parching pans,ceremonialvessels, figurines, funeraryurns,andtobaccopipes.InthenorthernChacoa womanstores thefamilyornaments in a treasurejar,and inGuiana there were burial urns over five feet inheight.Inregardtoshape,somepotsarepointed,othersround-bottomed;some arespherical,others have a collar orshoulder orflaringmouth. The decoration ofpotterybelongsundertheheadof art. Itmayconsist in incisedmarks,inpainted designorsculpturaleffects.Wood-carving.Someformofshapingwoodintopails,weapons,drumsordollsis common;butasawell-definedcraftwood-carvingis more limited. Excellentpot-ters,forexamplethe PuebloIndians,are indifferentcarvers. And in thePlains,whereskin-dressingflour-ishes,there isverylittle woodwork. Abundanceofgoodtimberand suitable toolsaccompanythehigh develop-mentof the art. InthenortheasternCongotheMang-bettuexcelinwoodworkpartlybecause,unlikesurround-ing tribes, theyhavenottwo-edgedbutone-edgedironknives(PL23, fig. 5)andareabletocontrolfinermove-ments of the bladebyholdingthe bluntedgewith theforefinger.Thisprocessispreceded by rough-hewingwith an adze(PL 23, fig. Jf).In ancientEgypt,it hasbeensuggested, groundaxeswerecommonin the Bada-rianperiod (p. 9)because at that time the climatewasmorehumidandsupportedtimberivhichcarpentrycouldHANDICRAFTS 135^ftlMs "136 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYexploit;when the wooddisappeared,the tools and theart, too,vanished. TheAzteccarverswerefavoredbythedenseforests thatoncecoveredtheenvirons oftheVal-leyofMexicoandalsoenjoyedthe useofcopperadzes.Tomtoms(PL 2%, fig. 5),decoratedspear-throwers (p.214),andmasks(PI. 22, fig. 4)are characteristicprod-uctsoftheirart.Melanesiansproduce remarkablydecoratedhuts,canoes, masks, weapons,and utensils(PL 22, jigs. 1, 6),their toolsbeingstone adzes and boars' tusks. WestAfrica is anothercenter,and there we find aprofusionoffigures,someof themgrotesquelyshaped,masks(PL22, fig. 2), elaboratelycarveddoors, chests,and stools(PL 22, fig. 3).African woodworkersalmostinvariablycarve from a solidblock, usingnojoineryor nails orglue.Like theirneighborstheMangbettucarve anelaboratewoman's stool from one solidblock,nilhoughthere are threedistinguishablesections: afoot,astem,andaconcave disk. Buttheyalsoproducea setteebytruejoinery, fitting stripsofraphialeaf stalks intogroovesoftheframeshanksandpeggingtheseveralpartstogetherat the corners(PL 15, fig. 8).Thesepeoplefurther have the trick ofburyingtheir wood in moistearth,therebygivingitanebony-likeblackening.But it isprobablythe coastal Indians of BritishColumbiawhoexcel all otherprimitivesinmanipulatingwood.Theysplitthewoodof theredcedarandworkitintoplanks, smoothingthemwith stone or bone adzes.Forextrafineeffectstheycontinuedthisprocessuntilthesurfacewashighlyfinished,thenpolishedit offwithgritstones anddogfishskin. Somehousehold utensils weremadebyheatingtheboardstilltheycouldbebent,sew-ingthe sides andcalkingthejoints.Thusboxes couldbemadeintostone-boilingvessels. Thelarge dugoutshollowedfrom a cedar trunk and worked to an eventhickness,thensteamedandspread,were amongthe mostnoteworthyresultsoftheindustry.HANDICRAFTS137138 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYMetallurgy. Metallurgydoes not meanmerelytheuseofmetalswhichsomefortunatechanceplacesatone'sdisposal.InnorthernCanadatheYellowKnivesworkedknivesoutofpiecesofmetalscatteredontheslopesofamountainin theirterritory,andthe IndiansaboutLakeSuperiormade much use of the nativecopperto befound there.Similarly,the Andaman Islanderspickedupiron thatcameto themthrough shipwrecks,and theEskimoobtained this metalin meteoric showers. Noneof thesepeoplecan berated as metalworkers,fortheytreatedcopperand iron likestone,i.e.by* '.them cold.Metallurgy, then, impliesasuperiortech-niqueindealingwith thesematerials, notablytheappli-cation of heat. Acomplete metallurgy,i.e. one inde-pendentof the outsideworld, naturally .requirestheabilityto smelt metalsfrom the ore as well as toforgetools from the result. Undermetallurgywemaycon-sidercopper, bronze, iron,and thepreciousmetals.Copper.InEgyptandBabyloniathe treatment ofcopperasamalleableandfusiblesubstancegoesbacktoabout4,000B.C. It wasprobablyfirst worked on thepeninsulaofSinai,whereoreswereabundant. Presum-ablyaluckyaccident showedhowthe ore could be re-ducedby heat,and thisexperiencewas thenappliedintentionally.The island ofCypruswas asecondarycenterforthediffusionoftheartbecauseof its richsup-plyofthemetal,andfromitsnamemostEuropeanwordsforcopperarederived. Atfirstcopperwasusedlargelyforrings,bracelets and otherornaments, thoughsome-what laterdaggersand axesappearinEgypt.Purecopper yieldsgood daggersand fair axes butonly poorknives; accordingly,sometimes itssuperiorityto stonewas notrecognized. Consequentlythe users of stonetools in some areas did notrejecttheir familiarimple-ments untilthey acquired bronze,which wasobviouslybetterthanstone.Copperistakenfromthefurnaceintheactofsolidify-ing,brokenup,andthenremelted incrucibles,the con-HANDICRAFTS139tentsbeingpouredinto molds. In order to increase itshardness,theedgeofacastingmaybehammered.Bronze. Bron/o i< analloyofcopperandtin. Atfirstmen'"doubtless"happenedto usecopperorecontainingcertainimpurities; theynoted that chanceimpuritiesgavebetterresults andthentriedtoproducethematwill.Whenthis wasachieved,the BronzeAgebegan.How-ever,there is animportant geographicalfactor to beconsidered. Tin isrelatively rare,hence the inventionmust have occurred where acopper-using peoplelivednearsuppliesof thismetal(see p. 109).ThisconditionholdsfortheBabyloniansintheOldWorldandthehigh-land Peruvians in theNew;the former were more ad-vantageouslysituatedthantheEgyptians,thelatterthantheir brethren of the coast. InBabyloniathe BronzeAge probablybeganabout3,000 B.C.,in Peru about1000or500A.D. Bothcountriesbecamecenters for thespreadof bronzecasting;butsince it wassomuchmorerecentin Americaandmeansoftransportationwere in-ferior,it neverextendedveryfar there. ThePeruvianshadbronzeknives,chisels andclubheads;but amongtheAztecsucharticles wereinferiorandrarer. InYucatan,wherevirtuallyno oresexisted,theMayaIndians of1492werestill intheStoneAge. Indeed,eventheAztecstill usedstonesolargelythattheywereratherin astateof transitionto aMetalAgethanfull-fledged represen-tatives ofsuchastage.Theratio of90% copperand10%tin isregardedasideal,butthiswasbynomeansuniformeveninthehigh-estOldWorldcivilizations.InearlyEgyptiantimesthepercentageof tin didnotrise above2.Also,thereoftenareothermaterialsin thebronzewhichcharacterizecer-tain areas: Chinese and Siberianbronzes,forinstance,are rich in zinc. In late Peruvian times the coastalbronzes containedfrom3%to 6%tin. A somewhatgreaterproportionoftin, say 10%insteadof5%,doesnotnecessarilyimplygreaterhardness,for thePeruviansmadeupfor the differencebyhammering.140 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYIn the Renaissanceawidelyused bronzeprocesswasthe "lostwax"technique.It waspracticedalso in Peruandon thewestcoastofAfrica,wheretheNegroesmayormaynothavebeenstimulatedbyEuropeaninfluence.Thisingeniousmethodconsists inmakingaclay figure,coveringit withwax,andthiswithaclay coat,air holesbeinglefttopourinthemetallater. Thefigureisheatedand the wax meltedout,then the molten bronzepre-paredmeanwhileispouredinandthemoldisdestroyedwhenthealloyhascooled.Iron. Iron is still harder than bronze and far morewidelyfoundthantin. Thesequalitiesmakeit themostdesirable material for tools andweapons. However,itsearliest usewasfor ornament.Someveryearlyiron beads occur inEgyptiangraves,butthemetalhasturnedouttobemeteoricinoriginsothat its occurrence is no moresignificantthan the useofmeteoricironbytheEskimo. Deliberatesmeltingofironprobablybegansometimebetween2,000B.C. and1,500 B.C.,south of theBlackSea,in aregionwithrichoredepositsand a civilizationhigh enoughtoprofit bythem. Actualproofof iron tools is several centurieslater about1,300B.C.wehearofashipmenttoEgypt.Egyptians, indeed,were slow to use the newmaterial,andapparentlytheAssyrianswerethefirsttoarmtroopswholesalewithironweapons. Again,therewasdiffusion,butatafairlyslowrate. AtthetimeofHomer,thatis,about900B.C.,theGreekswerestillpartlyusingbronzeimplements,andtheChinesedidnotpassintotheirIronAgemuch before 500 B.C.Outlying partsofEurope,such asScandinavia, lagged behind;and thesimplestAsiatic and Africanpeoples,as well as theOceanians,AustraliansandAmericanIndians,nevereitherborrowedorinventedthetechniqueofiron-smelting.Acuriouslyintermediatepositionwas takenbyvarious Indonesianpeoples. Theylearned toworkiron tools andevenper-fectedadistinctformofbellows;buttheyimportedtheHANDICRAFTS 141Plate 23: BLACKSMITHINQ.1. AdzefromtheMangbettuFSchweinfurth (37)PlateXVIII,No. 11]2. Cross-section ofSmelting Furnace, Jur, tipperNile[Schwemfurth(37) PlateII,No. 20] 3. Blacksmith'sTongs, Bongo, UpperNile[Schwemfurth (37)PlateV,No.8} 4.Stepsinhammeringa knife bladefromametalstrip,Lobi [Labouret (21)PlateIV]5.Single-edgedKnifeforWood-carving,Mangbettu[Schweinfurth (37)PlateXVIII,No.13]142 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYironmaterial,thusremaining dependenton outsidesmelters.TheAfricanNegroes,then,remaintheonlytrueprim-itiveswhohadanindependentblacksmith's artpriortorecenttimes. Howfartheywerealtogetherindependentofwhiteinfluenceisamootquestion. Accordingtosomescholarstheythemselves hituponthe idea ofreducingironores;othersinsistthattheymerelycopiedEgyptianmodels. However thismay be, nearlyallNegroeshadblacksmiths at the time of theirdiscovery,andanycol-lectionfromnativeAfricaatoncecontrastswith similarassemblagesfrom America or Oceaniabythe enormouswealthofironarticles. Thereis anotherremarkablefactabout theNegroIronAge.While theEgyptians,Chi-nese andBabyloniansfirstusedbronze,theNegroesneverpassed throughthisstagebutprogressed directlyfromstone to iron. Some of themmadecopperand bronzeobjects,butsimultaneouslywith iron ones. This is oneof the clearest instances ofhowdifferent races need notpassthroughpreciselythesamestagesof civilization.Iron iseasilyreduced from certainores, requiringatemperatureofonly700-800Centigrade.A charcoalfire can thusproducemalleablewroughtiron. But noteventhemostadvanced nations ofEuropewere able tofuseironuntilabouttheFifteenthCenturyA.D.,forthatrequires highfurnaces and ahigh-pressureblast. TheChinese,interestinglyenough,appliedto ironthecastingtechniqueoftheBronzeAgeandproducedexcellenttem-ple bells,whiletheirwroughtiron knivesandswordsre-mainedinferior.Allmetallurgyrequireshighlyskilledlaborandspecialappliances.ThePeruvianshadnobellows,andsmeltedmetal withcopper blowpipes.Elsewheremetallurgists,Caucasian orotherwise,used bellows. AShilluk black-smith'soutfitincludesanironorstoneanvil,twochisels,a hammer and a bellows of twogoatskinsfitted withhandlesat thetop (PL 4> fiff- )Thefar endmergesintoawoodentubewith an ironcontinuation,andthatHANDICRAFTS 143intoaclaypipein contactwiththe fire. Anapprenticeraises agoatskinto admit air andalternately pressesdownthetwoskins, drivingthe air into the tubes. An-other common African form occursamongother tribesof theupperNilearea(PL 24, fig. 1).Heretheforgergetshis blastby alternately pressingdown the.hidesstretched over two earthen vesselsplacedsidebysideandopeninginto a tube that leads to the fire. Whensmeltingheallowsfourofthesebellowstoconnectbyasmanytubeswiththeclayfurnace,whichrisestoaheightof5feet. Therestofhisequipmentissimple: hewieldsanunhaftedrockforahammeroverananvilofthesamematerial(oraslabofiron)andhandlesthered-hotmetalwith asplitstick fortongs (PI. 2$, fig. 3).Thesucces-sivestepsbywhichaWestAfrican smithforgesaknifeareshowninPlate23, fig. 4.TheTanalaofMadagascar,thewesternoutpostoftheMalay stock,use thetypicalbellows of their brethrenin JavaandSumatra. It consists of twowoodencylin-ders3 to 5 feethighwith a6-inch bore(PI. 24, fig. 2).Eachhasapistonworkedbyalonghandleandawoodenheadwith aclothring looselytied to its lower side(PL24, fig. 3).Ontheup-stroketheringfallsawayfromthehead so that the airenters;on the down-stroke thefriction of thecylinderwall forces thering up againstthe head andcompressesthe air below. Two bamboopipes,eachinsertednearthebottomofonecylinder,con-vergetowardaclaytubeandconducttheblast into thefireastheoperatoralternatelypusheshispistonsupanddown(PI.24,fig. 4).Precious Metals. Gold wasamongtheveryearliestmetalsto beworked,andwhile it could notassume theplaceofcopperorironinpracticallife,its usestimulatedthemetallurgicalarts. In Mexico it wasfound innug-getsonthesurface,butmainlyinthesandsofriverbeds.Itwaskeptindustformincanetubes,ormeltedinpotswithhollowreedblowpipesandcast in bars. Thegold-smiths,whoranked as an honoredprofession,beat the144 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYPlate24:TYPES OF BKLLOWS.1.ClayBellowsof theBongo,UpperNile [Schweinfurth (37)PlateV,No.6] 2. PistonBellowsoftheTanala, M :! i: .: [Linton (24) p.81]3a and 3b. Details ofsame, showinginside 01cylinder[Linton (24)p.81] 4. Use ofsame [Linton (24)p.81] 5. HandBellows of the Shilluk[Hofmayr (13) Fig.22b]HANDICRAFTS 145metalwith stones andembossed it with apointedtool.The Peruvians madebowls, saucers, drinking-cupsandear-ornaments of bothgoldandsilver,and fashionedhollowsilverfiguresofllamasandalpacas.InColombiathe Indians had no bronze but made anextraordinaryalloyofcopper, goldandsilver calledtumbaga.Anawlof this materialprovedto contain55%,33%and12%,respectively,of thesemetals,andtestsprovethechisels,hoes,and awls oftumbagato bequiteon aparwithbronzeinpointofhardness. Herewehaveagainaproofof aningenious specializedinventionbyAmericanIndians.MetalWorkasaCriterionofCulture. Ifatribeprac-ticesinc(nllurdoes not thus excludepre-eminent individual claims. The Caribou Eskimo allowanyone to huntanywhereover theirland,or to usemeans ofproductionthat would otherwise liefallow,such astrapsor salmonweirs;a findermayretain lostarticles,aborrower need notreplacea borrowed articledestroyedin use.Nevertheless,even within onehouse-hold,akayakbelongsto thehusband,apotto thewife,andneither sells the other'sproperty;theverychildrenmustindividuallyconsent to a sale of theirpossessions.What ismore,even Eskimo communism as to food isinvadedby legalin contrast to moral claims. Of twohunters,the killer takes an animal'sforepart,the com-panionthe hindpart.Ifmanyarepresent,those whohave taken no activepartin the chase receive nosharebutmerelyasubsequent presentof meat. Inshort,individualownershipappearsevenwheresuperficiallyitseemsabsent.Quitedifferentfromcommunism,withits denialof allspecialized property,isjoint ownership,whichmaybevested in afamily,amanand his eldestson,aclub,acommunity,oranyotherassociationofindividuals. Suchcollectiveownershipis common and caneasilycoexistwithindividualpropertyrightsconcerningotherobjects.MovableProperty.Movablepropertyincludesdress,utensils, weapons,andalso live-stock. Tosomeof thesechattelsproperty rightsare attachedbythe act of cre-atingthem. Thusawoman isundisputedownerof herpot,amanofhisbow.However,thiswouldnotholdinall stratifiedsocieties,becausethereasuperiorsometimesexpropriatesthe manufacturer or forces him to workforlittle,ifany, compensation.It is notevenalwaysacase ofcoercion;if the chief is considered divine sacri-fices arewillinglymade.Live-stock is often branded to advertiseownership.RANK,ETIQUETTE,ANDPROPERTY279Cattle are useless withoutpasturage,hencepresupposeaccesstograzingland. Thisconditionhasbeenafertilesource of strifebetweendiversenomadicpeoples,as wellas betweennomadsand farmers(p. 53).InRuandathekingis intheoryownerof all thelive-stock in thecountry,the individual noblemanbeingmerelya feudal holder of his herds.However,inprac-tice the ruler no moredispossessed anymemberof theupperclass than thekingofEnglandin recentcenturiesasserted his theoretical title to all land.Slaves are aspecialform of chattel.Thoughliable toabuseonoccasion, theyare often treated asmembersofthefamily.Not all slaves wereprisonersof war.In northwestCalifornia, indeed,nocaptiveswere evertaken,butmenunabletopaytheir debtsbecameslaves,makingstringandnetsorcatchingfish for theirmasters.West African debtorsregularlysurrendered themselvesor their children'spersonsto acreditor,but suchpawnslaves werealwayswell treated and redeemed as soonas the debt waspaidoff.RealEstate. Landtenureyarieswith apeople'seco-nomictechnique,butmanyother considerations enter.Foronething,land isusuallyinalienableamongprimi-tives(p. 153),so that their wholeconceptofownershipis distinct from ours. Asnoted,the Onaand the Aus-tralians have neverthoughtofacquiringlandbycon-quest.Ontheotherhand,theMaori,whodidrecognizethisprinciple, permittedonefamilyto own a tract forroot-diggingandanotherforrat-hunting. Again,inNewGuineaandWest Africa the trees on aplantation maybeownedindependentlyof the soil.Somehunters(e.g.the PlainsIndians)do not limitland tenure within thepolitical unit,the entire tribalterritory beingfree toanymember forexploitation.This holds for the Ona and theAustralians,but withimportantdifferences. While a Plains tribe numberedpossiblyseveralthousand,the Onaor Australian hordewasagroupofbarelymorethan 100. Moreimportant280 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYstill,the territories of the smaller units weredefinitelybounded,while those of the Plains tribes were not. Ineastern CanadatheAlgonkiansholdhereditary huntingterritories withinfamily groups, poaching being strictlypunished.TheOwensValleyPaviotso held title com-munally,all the residents of a districtsharingtherighttohunt,fish andgatherseedswithin theirterritory;butamongtReWashoeastof the CaliforniaSierras,familiesownclumpsofpine-nuttrees. InQueensland, too,landbelongstofamilies, usuallyto blood-brothers or fathersandsons,andinoneinstancetoa womanandherdaugh-ters. It is thusagraveerror to assumecommunallandtenurefor allhuntingpeoples.Pastoral nomadsgenerallyown thegrazingland incommon,buttheKirghizdepartfromthisruleinwinter,when suitablepasturesare scarce. Practical considera-tionsthusled to seasonaldifferences.Further,since thesize ofaherdvacillates,amanwithdwindlinglive-stocktries todisposeof his winterquarters.In otherwords,landbecomesalienable.Farmholdingsalsodependonspecificcircumstances.Havasupaibrothers,wenoted, jointlysharedatract un-tilpracticallydrivento-makeadivision(p.264).Inthistribe effective usegivespossession,as it doesamongtheEskimo(p. 278);unless amancultivated hisplot,histitlelapsedandanother cultivator took hisplace.An-other factor often enters tonullify ownership:after afewyears'tenure the soil is exhausted so that a newclearingbecomesnecessary. This, however,does notalwaysimplyalapseofownership.InAfrica, politicalconditions affected real estate law.AsabsolutemonarchsthekingsofDahomeyandUgandaclaimed all the land. InUgandathe chiefs receivedfeudalgrants,whichtheyallotted in smallerplofsto thepeasantsinreturnformenialandmilitaryduties. WhereAfrican chiefs have littlepower,as inTogo,each kingroupholdsjointtitle to lands* within thevillage. Here,then,there is no individual realestate,the head of aRANK,ETIQUETTE,ANDPROPERTY 281groupbeingmerelyamanagerwhileanymemberhastherightto till apartof thecommondomain. In contrastto theHavasupai rule,title is not forfeitedbyfailureto cultivate.Similarly, amongthe Lobi an abandonedlot can be farmedonly by permissionof the formertiller,who furthermore reserves the future use ofanytreesgrowingon the field. Thehereditary owner,ac-companiedbyapriest,mustoffer asacrifice to the localgodsandgivethem formal notice of the transfer. InRuandathesubjectpeasantryhavenorights;thedomi-nant stock-breedersdestroy cropswhenever it is con-venient forgrazing purposes.Tosumup,underdemocraticconditions,effective usecreated landtitles;but the nature ofprimitive farmingoftenpreventedthesefrombecomingpermanentsothat,strictly,thefarmerpossessedratherthanownedtheland.TheHavasupaicase istypicalof an indefinite numberof tribes. SolongasaChoctawstayedon hispremises,raisingcorn andbeans,hisrightsweregenerallyre-spected.As soon as hemoved,his title was forfeitedwithout claim tocompensation;andChaco Indians fol-lowed the sameplan.Thisprinciplewas abolishedmainlybytherightofeminentdomainassertedbymon-archs andnoblemen;orby religioussentiments thatmadeaparticulartract sacred to itsoccupants.Incorporeal Property.Mostprimitives acknowledgeanexclusiverighttosongs, myths, designs,andso forth.Evenwhentangibleobjectswereinvolved,asin thecaseofaPlainsIndiansacredbundle,theproprietorwasnotconceived asowningtheseparticular birdskins,tobaccopipes, etc.,butashavingtherighttoassemblethesearti-cles. In this case the ultimate sanction for thepatentcame from asupernaturalrevelation. Butcommonlythegod empoweredhisbeneficiaryto sell theprivilegeat apriceconsistent with itsdignity. Similarly,theSiberianKoryak,who know incantations thathelpintheemergenciesoflife,sell thematagoodlyprice.Notallincorporealpropertyissacred, yeteverywhere282 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYitsrightsarerespected.No Greenlander or AndamanIslander ventures tosingthesongof another withouthispermission.Notwithstandingitsfrequentlyfancifulorigin,incor-poreal propertymayprovethe mostimportantform ofwealth, being readilyconvertible intotangible property.Lesunativescannotbecomerichbyselling pigsbecausethe code forbidssellingat aprofit.But themagicalknowledgehoardedbyafewwisemenisanamplesourceofincome,because their clients considerspellsessentialinsickness, war, love,and all vital economicpursuits.Nowonder such information issecret;if it leakedout,fees would be abolished.Like other forms ofpropertytheseprerogatives, too,are sometimes heldbygroups,at other times individu-ally.A Plains Indian visiongenerallyconferred anindividualrightthat could not be transferred even to asonwithoutaformalsale. ButinmatrilinealMelanesiantribes thespellshad to betaughtto a sister'sson,inotherwords,theindividualusingthemwasnotabsoluteproprietorbutshared themwith hismaternalkin.Inheritance. In some of thesimplestsocieties mate-rialpropertyis not inherited butdestroyedatdeath,asamongmanyCalifornians. TheOnasimilarly wrapupadeadmanin his clothes forburial,then burn his hutand all his otherbelongings; only dogsare turned overtosomekinsman.Whenpropertyaccumulates,anaversion to suchsum-marysacrifice leads tofairlyfixed rules ofdisposal,theguiding principles usually coincidingwith the socialstructure. Inharmonywith the basic fact thatspousesaremembersofdifferentkingroups,theyhardlyeverin-herit from each other. Fromexpediencywomengener-allyinherit feminineutensils; boys getwhatevergoeswithmasculinepursuits.Whenarule of descentexists,it affectsinheritance,as in matrilineal Melanesia(seeabove).The conflict of avuncular andpaternalsenti-ment(p. 251)sometimesintgjducescontradictorymo-RANK,ETIQUETTE,ANDPROPERTY 283lives; especiallydowefindthatachief'ssonmaysucceedto his officevirtuallya form ofincorpjreal propertyin a matrilinealsociety.Acorrelation of inheritanceanddescentappearsin thedisposalofwidows(p. 237).Filial inheritance rather markspatrilineal peoples,suchas theMongolsand certainAfricans; nephews acquirethe widows of their maternal unclesamongthe matri-lineal Banks Islanders and British Coltimbian tribes.Extremeprimogenitureas topossessionsingeneralisnot commonamong primitives,the eldest sonbeingoften,as in SouthAfrica,a trustee or administratorrather than the sole heir. Sometimes it is theyoungerbrothers whosuccessivelyassume control of the estate.Sporadically,asamongtheKirghizand some Eskimotribes,there isultimogenitureorjunior right,i.e. theyoungestson takes the lion's share because the oldersons tend to leavetheparentalroof astheygrowup.It is inharmonywithprimitive emphasison statusthat individuals arerarelyfree to will theirpropertyatpleasure.An eldest son hassupremeclaims ifprimo-genitureis invogue,anephewundertheavunculate,andso forth.Summary. Propertyreflects socialandpoliticalinsti-tutions,but also reactsupon them, creating prestige,classes,andsuperior political power.Privatepropertyis nowhereabsent,but itmaybe restricted tospecialthings.It tendstobeweakestastobarenecessities,butthisconiesratherfromthestrengthofamoralobligationthanfromrecognitionofalegalclaim.XVIGOVERNMENTANDLAWInformalControlPublicOpinion.Somesimplesocietiesappearanar-chisticbecausetheylackchiefs,courtsandofficers of thelaw.Theyarethusatonetimeledbyaphysicalbully,at anotherbyaman credited withsupernaturalfavor.Actually,there is nevercomplete anarchybecausepub-licopinion universallycurbs individual action. In therudestcommunitysexual offenses are condemned(p.231),and in the worst autocracies the ruler can notafford togo beyonda certainpoint.Hemay safelyassert traditionalprivileges,but he meetsoppositionifheruns counter to established beliefs.\,The strengthofaPolynesianmonarchlayin hisacceptancebythepeo-pleas adivinepersonage.)Publicopinioncheckstheindividualbecausehecravespraiseand hates to "lose face".Fearing ridicule,heabstains from what hemay secretly longtodo,andcoveting praisehegives awayhis treasuredpossessionsatpotlatches (p. 151)or sacrifices his life(p. 221).fintheTrobriandIslandsmencommitsuicidewhenpubliclyinsulted formarryingwithin theclan.^Thepowerfulurgesofsex, acquisitiveness,andself-preservationareconstantly repressed bythe still morepowerfulwish tobeappreciatedbyone's fellows.AmongtheCroweachindividual's"jokingrelatives",thechildrenofhisfather'sclansmen,wereprivilegedto mock him for cowardiceoranybreach of sociallaw,and fear ofbeing puttoshame before all hispeoplewas anabiding safeguardagainstunsocialbehavior.284GOVERNMENTANDLAW285SupernaturalSanctions.Customarylaw isobeyedwillinglyifpeoplebelieve in automaticpunishmentof abreachbysomesupernatural power. Thus, manyEs-kimo believe that whenanyone breaks a food taboo agoddessis infuriatedandkeepsthesealsaway,causingafamine. TheYakutsof south-central California werelargelydeterred fromcheating, neglectingtheir ceremo-nialduties,andsoforth, byfear ofsorcery.Thechief,havingno coerciveauthority,hired a medicine-man tomakeanantisocialtribesmanfallsick. Iftheallieswenttoofar,themedicine-manmightbekilledbytheenragedrelativesandthechiefwouldloseprestige, possiblyevenhis office. Butnormallythe combination succeeded inmaintaining peaceand a fair amount of interest in thegeneral good.CrimeandTort.(Crimeis anoffenceagainstthecom-munity,atort is awrongagainstanindividual.)Primi-tivegroupsregardmanyofthecrimesinourlawasmeretortsbuttheyalwaysconsidercertain actionsintolerableandpunishthemcollectively,which is the test of"crime".^The Caribou Eskimo do not treat theft as aseriousmatter,and murder is notnecessarily criminal;butwitchcraftisacrime,loomingasaninsidiousattemptat murder. If a manrepeatedlymakes himself a nui-sancebysuch antisocialbehavior,he isputout of theway. Many.Eskimo tribes alsoregardas criminal theeatingofsealandcaribouatasinglemealbecausebreachof the taboo issupposedtoendangerthe foodsupply(see above). AmongPlainstribesmurderwasa-greatlyregretted'occurrence,butonlyatortagainstthevictim'skin;on theotherhand, prematurestzirUin; of abuffaloherdwasacrimepunishedbythetribalpolice.Inpartsof South Africa theft is aprivate grievancefor whichtheinjured partywasindemnified. Buthurtingor kill-ingasubjectwasacrime,andtheindemnitywenttothechief,not to thevictim orhisfamily.UnwrittenCodes. Publicopinioncancreateadefinitecode. Evenin the absence of constitutedauthoritythe286 -CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYYurokofnorthwestern CaliforniaandtheIfugaoof thePhilippineshaveorganizedacomplex systemof law.TheYurokassessevery possession, privilege,andinjuryin terms ofproperty,the status of thepartiesas "rich"and"poor" affectingthe amounts due. An adultererpaidtheaggrievedhusbandfrom 1 to 5stringsof shellmoney;{/orthekillingof apoorman thepricewas 10strings,for awealthyman15;the utterance of adeadman's name called for 2strings,if he wasrich,for3.JIn adisputeeachparty naturally pressedits claims asforciblyaspossible,the weaker in wealth andinkinbeingatanobviousdisadvantage. Nevertheless,thetra-ditionalrules,however twisted in aspecial case,wereinformally recognized byall as a basis for theirnego-tiations.AninterestingfeatureofYuroklaw, widelysharedontheprimitiveplane,is thecompleteneglectoftheactor'sintentions.DamageVasdamageandhad to be atonedfor,whether due tomalice, chance,orignorance.Thisdisregardfor moralaspects appearsalso inprimitivesupernaturalrelations,whereanaccidentalerrorin utter-ingaprayerorspellmaycause disaster notonlyto thereciterbuttoquiteinnocent associates.AnothertypicalYurok element is thepossibilityofcompensationfor the.killingorinjuryof aperson.Thispayment, technicallyknown asweregild, persistedevenintoEuropean history.It is a useful mechanism forstoppinganotherwiseendless feud. Butsomeprimitivetribesregardbloodvengeanceas a sacreddutythat cannot be obviatedbya consideration. The Caribou Es-kimodo, however,tend toexemptamanwhohas thuspunishedamurdererfromfurther trouble.TheBlood Tie and the Local TieCrimeimpliesa disinterested thirdparty equivalenttoourState. ThisisrepresentedbyawholeEskimoset-tlementoutlawingasorcerer,orbyaNegrokingclaim-GOVERNMENTANDLAW283inghis fees formayhem.Theoutstandingdifferencebetween mostprimitivecommunities and ours as theweakness of theState,which is correlated with thestrengthof the blood tie asagainstlocal bonds.Typi-calprimitivesrespondtoagivenoccurrenceinterms,notof abstractjusticeor thecommongood,but ofpersonalrelations. There is a collectivesolidarityandresponsi-bilityof kin. If apersoniskilled,hisfamilyor clanclamor forrevenge,and theculprit'skinprotecthimirrespectiveof hisguiltor innocence. The nuuriovedpartyholds the offender'skinresponsibleasabodyandmaybecontentto killanymemberof thatgroup.Thusreprisalsbackandforthmaylast foryears.Suchan attitudepreventsnationalunity,and iflogi-callycarriedoutmakesofeachfamilyorclan aseparatepoliticalunit.Killingatribesmanofanotherkinwouldbeexactlylikekillinganenemy. Actuallythisprincipleis neverconsistentlycarried out because the localtie,though weak,is never absent. In otherwords,a Crowfeltdifferentlytoward an unrelated Crowand toward aDakota. WhenaDakotawaskilledeveryonerejoiced;the death of a fellow-Crow was agravematter for allclans,notmerelyfor theparties immediatelyinvolved.Tobesure,therewasnoofficialpunishmentfor murder.But official action could be taken to minimize trouble.TheCrowIndianscouldnotaffordafeudin theirmidst,hencethechiefandhispolicelabored asgo-betweenstobringabout a reconciliation. The ,r.i(.:ri< \ to afixedlaw.This, however,iscontrarytoexperience.Certaineventsdo, indeed, presuppose others,butfrequentlywecannotreverse thepropositionandinfer that a certainconsequenceis bound to follow aparticularantecedent.Thus,bronze work is inconceivableexceptafterexperi-ence with stone and othermaterials;but a BronzeAgeisnotaninevitablestep,asshownbytheinstanceoftheNegroeswhopasseddirectlyfromstonetoiron(p. 142).Thisexampleiseasily explainedbycontactwith apeo-pleof blacksmithswhotaughtthestone-using Negroestoforgeiron tools.Here wehave thetypicalsort of disturbance whichplayshavoc withany longe-rangescheme ofsequence.Humansocietieshavelearntfromoneanothersinceveryearlytimes. Asaresult,even if there were a naturaltendencyfor culture topass throughthe samestageseverywhere,thattendencywouldbeconstantlydeflectedbyintrusive influences. Totake ahackneyed example,onlythroughcontactwithmoresoutherlypeoplescouldthe Indians of NorthDakotahavecometo raise maize.Again,theJapanese may ultimatelyhavedevelopedalongthesamelinesasWesterners,butthereisnoproofwhatsoeverthattheywouldhavedoneso.,Allweknowis that theirmodernprogressis due to intercourse withEuropeand America.It isparticularlydangerousto inferalawofsequencefromtheeventsofabriefperiod.ThusduringtheNine-teenthCenturytheliteratenations of the worldseemedto beevolvingtowards agreatermeasure ofdemocracyand internationalism. Thiswas,ofcourse, largelydue372 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYtotheexampleofcertainWesternnationswhoseprestigeimpressedasimilarpatternonothers.But,evenassum-ingthat there was ageneraldemocratictrend,we seetodayinmanycountries the most violent reactionagainsttheprinciplesofdemocracyandcosmopoli-tanism.Because of theextraordinary complexityof the rele-vantphenomena,regularitiesin culturehistoryareverylimited,andaccordingly predictionbecomesextremelyhazardous.ProgressandRetrogression.Thequestionof histor-icallawsmergesintothatofprogress.In howfararewewarrantedinrecognizinganupwardtrendinhumanhis-tory?In order to answer thisquestionwemust firstunderstandthecrucial term. Werightlysaythatfarm-ingissuperiortohuntingbecause thepurposeof aneconomicsystemis toprovidea secureandamplefoodsupply,andagricultureispotentiallyable to dothat,whilehuntingis not.Similarly,anironaxchopsdownatreemoreeffectivelythanastonehatchetdoes(p. 10).Again,our control of nature hasexpanded throughtheAccumulation ofknowledge. Summarizing,wemaysaythatin thestrictlyrationalsphereof existencemanhasadvancedbecausetheretheaimsenvisagedareclearandhehas succeeded inaccomplishing them,on thewhole,moreeffectivelywiththelapseoftime. Anoutstandingfactor in suchdevelopmenthas been thepossibilityofspecialization(pp. 336ff.),which itself rests on an eco-nomicorganizationthatpermitssomementodevotelesstime than their fellows to theproductionof food andothernecessaries.Butwhileit holdstruethatasawholehumanityhasprogressedfromtheearlyOldStoneAgein therationalphasesofculture, particularerasandareashaveexperi-enced a decline.Impoverished Lappherdershave hadto turnbacktofishing,some Plains Indianshavegivenupfarmingcompletelyin favorofmoreintensivehunt-ipg.Sometimes*there isonly partial loss,with com-THEORYOFCULTURE 373pensatory gains,as when SouthAmerican Indianswhomigrateintoastonelessarealose theart ofchippingbutsubstituteothers;orwhenPolynesiansdiscard thebowfor warfare whiledevelopingaseries of otherweapons.Suchinstancesofdecadence, completeorpartial,oncemoremilitateagainsttheacceptanceofauniformlawofdevelopment.Allwecansayis thatmankindasaunithasin thelongrunprogressedintechnologyandknowl-edge,but thatgeographicalor other factorsmayarrestadvancement and even cause actual loss inparticularcases.Farmoredebatable is thequestionofprogressinart,socialorganization, religion,andmorality.Intheseim-portantfields there is noascertainablenormthatwouldbeacceptedbyall men.Everythinghingesonwhetherthepurposeofafeature is definedonceandforall time.Thepurposeofanaxis tofell trees;butwhatis thepur-poseofart,communallife, belief, marriage?No treechopperprefersa stone to aniron blade if hewants toaccomplishhistaskasquicklyandpainlesslyaspossible;butwhetherapictureoflivingformsshouldaimatana-tomicalaccuracyorignorethat for other kinds of aes-thetic effect is a matter of taste(p. 186). Similarly,thinkers ofequal prominencehave written for andagainst democracy,whilereligiousand ethicalprefer-encesarenotoriouslycoloredbypersonalattitudes. Forexample,thedoctrineofthegreatestgoodforthegreat-est number isspurned byphilosopherswith an aristo-cratic bias.Onecuriousfact, however,maybenotedwithregardtoreligionand ethics. If wejudgebythose standardswhich are at least commonamong qurselves,there hasnotbeenasteadyapproachto themfrom their antithe-sis. On thecontrary,thesimplesttribes often comeclosertoournormsthandopeoplesofintermediatecom-plexity.ThePygmyhuntersofAfrica,forinstance,aremonogamousandhavemonotheisticleanings,whiletheir374 CULTURALANTHROPOLOGYeconomicallyandtechnologically superior Negro neigh-borspractice polygamyandancestor-worship.To sumup, progresscan beobjectivelyestablishedonlyfor therationalaspectsof culture. In these fieldsthebac