an intro to libertarian socialism 1 black rose federaciÓn ... · 2 socialism will be free, or it...

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social ismo-l ibertarioa n t i - i m p e r i a l i s m ol i b e r a c i ó n - q u e e r internacional ismoa n t i - c a p i t a l i s m oa n t i c a p a c i t i s m oa c c i ó n - d i r e c t af e d e r a l i s m oa n t i - r a c i s t a s indical ismo anti-estadofeminismoe c o l o g í a

FEDERACIÓN ANARQUISTA

ROSA NEGRABLACK ROSE

ANARCHIST FEDERATION

ABOUT US

We are an organization of revolutionaries who share common visions of a new world – a world where people collectively control their own workplaces, communities and land and where all basic needs are met. A world where power and participation fl ow from the bottom upwards and society is organized for peoples’ aspirations, passions, and needs rather than pro� t, racial prejudice, patriarchy, or imperialism; and where we live sustainably with the planet.

SOBRE NOSOTROSSomos una organización de revolucionarias y revolucionarios quienes compartimos visiones comunes de un mundo nuevo – un mundo donde controlemos colectivamente nuestros lugares de trabajo, comunidades y tierras y donde se satisfagan todas las necesidades básicas. Un mundo donde el poder y la participación fl uyan desde abajo hacia arriba y la sociedad se organice por las aspiraciones, pasiones y necesidades de la gente en vez de las ganancias, los prejuicios raciales, el patriarcado o el imperialismo; y donde vivamos en unas relaciones sostenibles con el planeta.

CONTÁCTENOSSi quieres involucrarte, o simplemente quieres más información, por favor ponte encontacto con nosotras/os.

Invitamos a todas las personas interesadas en las posibilidades

de liberación y de democracia directaa que se organicen con nosotros

en nuestras luchas comunes.

CONTACT USIf you want to get involved,

or simply want more info, please contact us. We invite

everyone interested in the possibilities for liberation

and direct democracy to organize with us in our

common struggles.

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1An Intro to Libertarian Socialism

BLACK ROSE ANARCHIST FEDERATIONDISTRIBUTED BY

Socialism will be free, or it will not be at all!

An Intro To Libertarian Socialism

By Arthur Pye

2 Socialism will be free, or it will not be at all!

Socialism will be free, or it will not be at all!

An intro to Libertarian SocialismBy: Arthur Pye

Introduction

Socialism is offi cially a buzzword again. According to a recent poll,

44% of U.S. millennials “prefer socialism to capitalism,” and even

mainstream Democrats are starting to call themselves socialist. As

one headline put it: “Socialism is so hot right now.” Used to describe

everything from Bernie Sanders to Stalinist Russia, there are few words

which inspire such varied and contradictory meanings. Like most buz-

zwords, socialism’s true meaning has been obscured by its popularity.

.

But what does socialism actually mean, and what does it look like in practice?

At its core, socialism is the idea that resources and institutions in society

should be managed democratically by the community as a whole. Where-

as under capitalism, economic and political power is concentrated in the

hands of the rich, socialists fi ght for a society in which the means of pro-

ducing and distributing goods and services are held in common through

the democratic self-management of workplaces and communities.

This article will make the case that libertarian socialism represents the

most thorough and consistent embodiment of core socialist princi-

ples. In essence, libertarian socialism is a politics of freedom and col-

lective self-determination, realized through a revolutionary struggle

against capitalism, state power and social oppression in all its forms.


Conclusion

If we take an honest look at the structures and relationships around

us today and ask ourselves: “could this be more free, equal and dem-

ocratic?”, our answer will almost always be: “yes.” If you take these

principles seriously, and follow them to their logical conclusion, you

just may wake up and discover you’re a libertarian socialist. But fear

not! Socialism is not some utopian pipedream. Freedom is possible.

And admitting it is the fi rst step of the revolution.

Arthur Pye is a member of Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation in Seattle.


The question we must ask ourselves is not who should sit in the seat

of power, but rather how do we shift the balance of power so that

the seat loses its meaning. Rather than putting our faith in those who

profess to represent us as benevolent rulers (in this society or the

next), we should see ourselves as responsible for our own liberation.

This is the difference between representative politics and direct action.

Representative Politics:

Representative politics requires that most of us take a back seat. By

focusing on electing politicians or rallying behind charismatic lead-

ers, we surrender our agency in exchange for promises. In prac-

tice, what our “representatives” are seeking is access to state power.

This is dangerous because, as mentioned, states are not neutral insti-

tutions but instruments of minority rule. States can (and should) be

reformed in ways that improve people’s lives but the history of elec-

toral politics shows that they will defang, demobilize and create rela-

tionships of dependency with social movements rather than strength-

en them. If we want transformational change, we have to fi ght for

reforms by building power from below, not by reinforcing it above us.

Direct Action:

There’s no substitute for popular power. Not parties, nor charismatic

leaders. Direct action means fi ghting for ourselves: uniting with others

and fi ghting oppression with our own power rather than through some

third party. A strike is the perfect example: workers use their own col-

lective power to simply stop working until their demands are met. Not

only is this a more direct and effective means of change, but it’s also

transformational, emboldening workers towards a future where they

could run their own workplace. The same is true of struggles over

land, housing, education, etc. Transformational change happens when

everyday people discover and exercise their own collective power.


Part 1: Freedom from Capitalism

Socialism vs Capitalism

In order to survive under capitalism, those without property are forced

to rent themselves to property owners and be exploited for profi t. This

relationship between “haves” and “have-nots” forms the very basis

of capitalist society - class exploitation. In such a society, power fl ows

directly from one’s relationship to property, i.e. one’s class position.

While a handful of people own and control society’s institutions, the

vast majority of people (the working class) are rendered powerless as

individuals. As the revolutionary socialist and disability rights activist

Helen Keller put it: “The few own the many because they possess the

means of livelihood of all.”

Virtually nothing happens in a capitalist society unless it makes a rich

person even richer. By its very nature, capitalism not only feeds on

class exploitation and wealth inequality, but it also requires endless

growth and expansion of the economy, resulting in wars, colonialism,

and ecological destruction. Corporations will stop at virtually nothing

in their pathological pursuit of profi t.

Socialists advocate a “class struggle” in which those of us rendered

powerless under capitalism organize to shift the balance of power

until society’s institutions are brought under democratic control and

class-as-such has been abolished. In a socialist society private profi t

would be eliminated. Instead, the purpose of political and economic

institutions would be to sustainably meet the needs and desires of the

people through the democratic self-management of workplaces and

communities. As the socialist maxim goes: “From each according to

their ability, to each according to their need.”

Eliminating the need for a propertied employing class and a proper-

tyless employed (or unemployed) class, workplaces would instead be

cooperatively managed by the workers themselves, replacing private

business. Public policy would be planned through democratic councils


of self-administration, federated from the neighborhood outward, re-

placing the centralized state. It’s in this original spirit that we defi ne

socialism as a revolutionary movement for a classless society.

Socialism vs Social Democracy

This vision stands in clear contrast not only to so-called “socialist”

dictatorships in Russia or China, but also to capitalist countries such

as Sweden or Norway, often described as “socialist.” These societies

(also called “social democracies”) have the same power dynamics

as any other capitalist state. Whereas socialism calls for cooperative

ownership and direct democracy, “social democracies” maintain con-

centrated economic power in the hands of the rich, with a powerful

central government regulating social programs, thus leaving the class

structure of society unchanged. In this sense, self-described social-

ists such as Bernie Sanders would be more appropriately described as

“social democrats” or “liberals” because their end goal is to carry out

progressive reforms to make life under the capitalist state more tolera-

ble. Such reforms can improve people’s living and working conditions

in important ways, but taxes and cheaper healthcare do not constitute

socialism. Socialism is the revolutionary appeal for a classless society.

Isn’t Libertarian Socialism an oxymoron?

In the United States, the word “libertarian” has taken on the opposite

meaning from that of the rest of the world. Strangely, it’s become

synonymous with advocacy of extreme capitalist individualism, pri-

vate property and the “rights” of corporations to be “free” from

public oversight. But freedom for the powerful is not freedom at all.

Since its origin, libertarianism has been synonymous with anarchism or

anti-authoritarianism: the belief that relationships based on domination,

hierarchy and exploitation should be dismantled in favor of freedom

and self-determination. To anarchists, an individual can only be free in

a community of equals. As the 19th century Russian anarchist Mikhail

Bakunin put it: “Political Freedom without economic equality is a pre-

tense, a fraud, a lie.” It should come as no surprise then, that libertarians


ly create a free society. Instead, we believe that in any society, cap-

italist or otherwise, people of all walks of life have to defend their

rights against any and all forms of discrimination and oppression.

Fighting against social oppression such as racism, sexism and

transphobia should not be treated as an afterthought or side

note to the “real work” of class struggle. Instead, it should

be understood as central and indispensable to any libertari-

an socialist project. With a holistic understanding of oppression,

we can see that if class struggle means the struggle of working class peo-

ple for their freedom, then there can be no class struggle without queer

struggle, feminist struggle, anti-racism and anti-colonialism. A libertar-

ian socialist society necessarily requires an end to all social oppression

because true freedom for anyone requires a dignifi ed life for all. Or

as the old Wobbly slogan puts it: “An injury to one is an injury to all.”

Power vs Privilege:

For libertarian socialists, collective liberation also requires that we ad-

dress the root causes of oppression. Manifestations of personal priv-

ilege and cultural discrimination should be understood as symptoms

of underlying structures in society which determine who has power

and who doesn’t. The powerful (mostly rich white men) have used

their control of society’s institutions to shape the dominant culture in

their own image and their own interests. Only through shared struggle

and revolutionary transformation can we fundamentally reshape these

institutions so that they serve everyone’s interests.

Part 4: In Practice: Building Power vs Taking Power

How do we fi ght for socialism without getting caught in the traps

of liberalism or authoritarianism? The short answer: by build-

ing popular power. Popular power is the opposite of concen-

trated power. It means building self-managed social movements

independent of the institutional left that can win meaningful re-

forms while laying the groundwork for pushing beyond them.

.


Libertarian Socialist Revolutions:

Fortunately not all socialist revolutions have been co-opted by au-

thoritarians. From the Spanish anarchist revolution, to the Zapatista

uprising and the Rojava revolution in Northern Syria, there are nu-

merous examples of movements reorganizing society along socialist

principles without a state. These movements, like any, are not univer-

sal models to be replicated, but examples which can teach us impor-

tant lessons and inspire us with the hope of revolutionary possibility.

Part 3: Freedom from Social Oppression

Solidarity and Collective Liberation:

For libertarian socialists, all struggles against oppression are nec-

essarily linked in a broader struggle for collective liberation. A

society rooted in self-determination requires the full emancipa-

tion of all people - not only from class exploitation and state au-

thority, but from any and all forms of social oppression, period.

s socialists, we believe concentrated economic power and class ex-

ploitation are fundamental to the oppression people face today

under capitalism. But as libertarians, we also reject the idea that

simply “socializing the means of production” would automatical-


have always been socialists, since capitalism is based on class domination.

Though the possible confusion is understandable, libertari-

an socialism is more of a redundancy than a contradiction in

terms. Freedom and socialism are indispensable to one anoth-

er. Without one, the other loses its meaning. So libertarian social-

ism simply means “free socialism.” As the anarchist thinker Ru-

dolf Rocker put it: “Socialism will be free, or it will not be at all.”

Part 2: Freedom from State Power

Libertarian Socialism vs State Socialism

Historically there have been two general tendencies in movements

for socialism, which we can roughly describe as those “from above”

and those “from below.” Both sides are dedicated to the abolition

of capitalism but they differ crucially in their vision of a future so-

ciety and how to get there. The key difference between these ten-

dencies is their approach to state power. While state socialists view

the state as the means to socialism, libertarians see it as a barrier.

Socialism from below:

Libertarian socialists have long argued that states (or governments)

are not neutral institutions, but instruments of class rule, set up to

protect a ruling minority through a monopoly on violence. With-

out police, jails, militarized borders and centralized political control,

a state is no longer a state. Such a concentration of power is anti-

thetical to democratic self-management, and therefore to socialism.

To achieve “free socialism,” those of us rendered powerless un-

der capitalism must empower ourselves by organizing where we

live, work and go to school, creating popular organizations (ie,

rank and fi le unions for workers and tenants, popular assem-

blies, mass community organizations) and building the collective

power not only to push back against the problems imposed on us, but to

bring the institutions around us under democratic control. Eventually,


workers can seize their workplaces from bosses, tenants can seize hous-

ing from landlords, and indigenous communities can assert sovereignty

over colonized territory. If movements are suffi ciently organized and

united with one another, isolated actions can grow into a full scale social

revolution, laying the basis for a new society in which governments and

corporations have been replaced by coordinated bodies of self-rule.

Such structures should be based on the principle of direct democracy,

in which people directly participate in the decisions which affect their

lives. Rather than simply electing our own rulers (a.k.a. “representative

democracy”), direct democracy empowers people to collectively gov-

ern themselves.

The world is complex and the details always depend on the circum-

stances, but our guiding principles are uncompromising: concentrated

power in all its forms must be overcome in favor of freedom, equality

and direct-democracy.

Socialism from above:

State socialists take a different view. Rather than seeing the revolu-

tion as a wave of transformation from below, it must instead be

implemented from above. From this perspective socialism is under-

stood as a science, requiring professional administration. A core of

professional revolutionaries (the “vanguard”) must therefore seize

control of the capitalist state on behalf of “the masses” (through

either electoral or military means) and administer socialism through

the existing mechanisms of power. Rather than bringing the econo-

my under community and worker self-management, land and indus-

try are instead nationalized and placed under direct state control.

Revolution vs Regime-Change:

There’s no shortcut to socialism. Replacing a capitalist ruling class with

a self-proclaimed “socialist” ruling class is not a social revolution, but a

coup; a regime-change. State socialism, therefore, is a contradiction in

terms, more accurately described as “state capitalism” since the general

.


population is still forced to rent themselves to a boss (in this case the

all-powerful “socialist” state).

If the core of socialism is collective self-management, then socialism

at gunpoint can’t be socialism at all. Even Karl Marx himself famous-

ly said: “the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered

by the working classes themselves.” A society in which power fl ows

from the bottom upward can only be built from the bottom upward.

Therefore, any attempt to impose socialism from above will logically

fail at its professed aim. Throughout history, whenever a small group

of people take state power in the name of socialism, instead of creat-

ing a classless society, the state becomes increasingly centralized, often

resulting in a society more oppressive than that which it overthrew.

The Russian Example:

The “vanguardist” ideology of state socialism was fi rst developed by

Vladimir Lenin during the Russian Revolution, and then implemented

once he and the Bolshevik party seized state control in 1917. While

a genuine socialist revolution did indeed sweep the country, it was

quickly co-opted and overturned by the new “socialist” state. The

newly-formed democratic workers councils (soviets) and agricultural

communes - the very foundations of a socialist revolution - were dis-

mantled by the Bolsheviks and placed under direct state control. While

the Russian workers demanded “All power to the councils!,” Lenin

insisted that: “revolution demands … that the masses unquestionably

obey the single will of the leaders.” Countless socialists were jailed or

killed in the name of socialism long before Stalin ever came to power.

Vanguardism in its various forms (Leninism, Trotskyism, Maoism,

etc) was taken as an ideological model throughout the 20th century by

many who succeeded in taking state power. Unfortunately, due to the

model’s success at producing self-described “socialist” regimes (Rus-

sia, China, Cuba), the vanguardist ideology has largely become synon-

ymous with revolutionary socialism itself.

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