An Intellectual History of Islam in India by Aziz AhmadReview by: Annemarie SchimmelJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 91, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1971), pp. 334-336Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/600127 .

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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.2 (1971) Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.2 (1971)

Judaism. Here his principal source is Judah ha- Levi's KhazarZ which is the defense of Judaism in late medieval Jewish thoughts. It is interesting to note that Ibn Kammfna depends mainly on western Jewish authors as authorities. This is of course symptomatic of the transfer of Jewish cul- ture from the West of the Islamic world to the East under the impact of the general cultural de- cline of Northwest Africa and Spain in the later Middle Ages. The best known examples of this trend are Judah ha-Levi himself, Maimonides, the father of Samau'al al-Maghribi, a convert to Islam in the generation preceding Ibn Kammuina, and Abraham ibn Ezra's son who converted to Islam along with Abfi 'l-Barakat al-Baghdadi around the same time as Samau'al. Chapter Three deals with the Christian belief concerning Jesus "and how he is prophet and God in their view." He quotes the exposition of Christianity which is to be found at the beginning of the Khazarz as well as the Nicaean Creed and comments on them both from the Jacobite and Nestorian points of view. The rest of the chapter, which is the shortest of the four, is taken up with listing objections and their answers, most of which were not found by Ibn Kammuina in the arguments of the Christians (p. 66). Chapter Four, the longest in the treatise, is devoted to an exposition of Islamic views on

prophecy, objections put forward against the tenets of Islam, and possible answers to them. The sources for this chapter are mainly the Qur'an and the works of Fakhr al-Din al-Razi. The fifth proof of the truth of Islam which Ibn IKammuina cites is that the benefit which the in- habitants of the world derived from the call of Muhammad is superior to other prophets. Ibn Kammfuna concludes his exposition of this proof with the remark that Fakhr al-Din considered it to be the best demonstration of the truth of Islam. Towards the end of Ibn Kammuna's remarks on the various alternatives to the conclusion of the

proof, we find the following: "And furthermore we do not find anyone to this day accepting Islam without being afraid, or out of desire for advance- ment, or because of heavy taxes (kharaj thaqzl), or fleeing from humiliation, or being taken captive, or out of desire for a Muslim woman, etc. And we

Judaism. Here his principal source is Judah ha- Levi's KhazarZ which is the defense of Judaism in late medieval Jewish thoughts. It is interesting to note that Ibn Kammfna depends mainly on western Jewish authors as authorities. This is of course symptomatic of the transfer of Jewish cul- ture from the West of the Islamic world to the East under the impact of the general cultural de- cline of Northwest Africa and Spain in the later Middle Ages. The best known examples of this trend are Judah ha-Levi himself, Maimonides, the father of Samau'al al-Maghribi, a convert to Islam in the generation preceding Ibn Kammuina, and Abraham ibn Ezra's son who converted to Islam along with Abfi 'l-Barakat al-Baghdadi around the same time as Samau'al. Chapter Three deals with the Christian belief concerning Jesus "and how he is prophet and God in their view." He quotes the exposition of Christianity which is to be found at the beginning of the Khazarz as well as the Nicaean Creed and comments on them both from the Jacobite and Nestorian points of view. The rest of the chapter, which is the shortest of the four, is taken up with listing objections and their answers, most of which were not found by Ibn Kammuina in the arguments of the Christians (p. 66). Chapter Four, the longest in the treatise, is devoted to an exposition of Islamic views on

prophecy, objections put forward against the tenets of Islam, and possible answers to them. The sources for this chapter are mainly the Qur'an and the works of Fakhr al-Din al-Razi. The fifth proof of the truth of Islam which Ibn IKammuina cites is that the benefit which the in- habitants of the world derived from the call of Muhammad is superior to other prophets. Ibn Kammfuna concludes his exposition of this proof with the remark that Fakhr al-Din considered it to be the best demonstration of the truth of Islam. Towards the end of Ibn Kammuna's remarks on the various alternatives to the conclusion of the

proof, we find the following: "And furthermore we do not find anyone to this day accepting Islam without being afraid, or out of desire for advance- ment, or because of heavy taxes (kharaj thaqzl), or fleeing from humiliation, or being taken captive, or out of desire for a Muslim woman, etc. And we

have not seen any individual who is knowledgeable about his religion and that of Islam, who is influ- ential, prosperous, and of a religious disposition, who has passed over to the religion of Islam with- out one of the reasons mentioned or something similar (p. 102, lines 14-18)." It is perhaps pas- sages like this which raised the ire of the mob which tried to kill him in 1284 (see Perlmann's Introduction, p. ix). Ibn Kammuina's frankness was made possible by the fact that the Mongol rulers were pagans or Buddhists until 1295, and thus Islam in the mature lifetime of Ibn Kammuna was the majority faith, but not the dominant faith in Baghdad (see Introduction, p. x).

In his Introduction, Professor Perlmann gives the necessary references to the understandably sparse secondary literature, as well as details of the manuscripts he used for his edition. The work is an interesting one and Professor Perlmann is to be congratulated for making it available to those concerned with relations between the adherents of medieval Middle Eastern religions.

LAWRENCE V. BERMAN STANFORD UNIVERSITY

An Intellectual History of Islam in India. By Aziz AHMAD. (Islamic Surveys, No. 7). Edinburgh University Press and Chicago: ALDINE PRESS, 1969.

The useful series "Islamic Surveys" is "destined to give the educated reader something more than can be found in the usual popular books." How- ever I am afraid that the educated reader who is no

specialist in Islamic studies will feel rather helpless when he is faced with Aziz Ahmad's learned booklet. The author, well known thanks to a number of recent books on Indo-Muslim prob- lems, displays here, as he always does, a great number of facts collected from widespread sources which prove his erudition, and it may be asserted that he has scarcely neglected any of the major aspects of intellectual life in Indo-Pakistan from 711 up to our day, though one misses certain im-

portant studies in the vast bibliography (e.g. Thomas Arnold, "Saints, Muhammadan," in the

ERE, the studies of Ernest Trumpp, etc.).

have not seen any individual who is knowledgeable about his religion and that of Islam, who is influ- ential, prosperous, and of a religious disposition, who has passed over to the religion of Islam with- out one of the reasons mentioned or something similar (p. 102, lines 14-18)." It is perhaps pas- sages like this which raised the ire of the mob which tried to kill him in 1284 (see Perlmann's Introduction, p. ix). Ibn Kammuina's frankness was made possible by the fact that the Mongol rulers were pagans or Buddhists until 1295, and thus Islam in the mature lifetime of Ibn Kammuna was the majority faith, but not the dominant faith in Baghdad (see Introduction, p. x).

In his Introduction, Professor Perlmann gives the necessary references to the understandably sparse secondary literature, as well as details of the manuscripts he used for his edition. The work is an interesting one and Professor Perlmann is to be congratulated for making it available to those concerned with relations between the adherents of medieval Middle Eastern religions.

LAWRENCE V. BERMAN STANFORD UNIVERSITY

An Intellectual History of Islam in India. By Aziz AHMAD. (Islamic Surveys, No. 7). Edinburgh University Press and Chicago: ALDINE PRESS, 1969.

The useful series "Islamic Surveys" is "destined to give the educated reader something more than can be found in the usual popular books." How- ever I am afraid that the educated reader who is no

specialist in Islamic studies will feel rather helpless when he is faced with Aziz Ahmad's learned booklet. The author, well known thanks to a number of recent books on Indo-Muslim prob- lems, displays here, as he always does, a great number of facts collected from widespread sources which prove his erudition, and it may be asserted that he has scarcely neglected any of the major aspects of intellectual life in Indo-Pakistan from 711 up to our day, though one misses certain im-

portant studies in the vast bibliography (e.g. Thomas Arnold, "Saints, Muhammadan," in the

ERE, the studies of Ernest Trumpp, etc.).

334 334

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Reviews of Books

However, the question is whether or not an intellectual history can be given without even sketching the historical background-how many of us, even orientalists, know every detail of the history of the Subcontinent well enough for always figuring the large and complicated canvas of history before their eyes when reading the different chapters? Not even a table of historical events it provided for the poor educated reader who is thrown, in the very first sentence, into the history of Hanafism in the Subcontinent (without, prob- ably, being aware which features distinguish Hanafism from the other madhhabs) ... The same holds true for the following chapters which deal with Shi'a Sects, Messianic Movements (can one really consider the Aihmadiya among them?), Orthodox Sufism, Folkbeliefs, Education, Litera- ture in Arabic, Persian and Turkish, Literature in Urdu and the Regional Languages, and Fine Arts.

Every chapter starts again with the beginning of the historical process and leads the reader till the 20th century. Thus, a vertical section, or rather several slim vertical sections, of culture are given, but the strong interaction between the different movements is lost sight of. To separate for instance the languages from theology and mysticism seems, though perhaps practical, not very wise: (it is well known how much the de- velopment of Urdu, and even more the regional languages into media of literature is due to the activities of the mystics)-can one understand Shah 'Abdul Latif Bhita'i without knowing about the background of Sufism in Sind, which involves the educational background, namely the study of the Persian classics like Rumi, Hafiz, and Sa'di which was part and parcel of higher education, and, on the other hand, without touching the social and political structure of the province at that time? And a personality like Mirza QalTch Beg who has translated hundreds of books into Sindhi and has written, again, almost a whole library about every field of knowledge, and was a pioneer of female education in the end of the 19th century, would have deserved mention in the chapters on Regional languages and on Education.

A few remarks: As to Mysticism, the question of

Abf 'Ali as-Sindi's meeting with Bayezid Bistami has not been fully solved; in any case, Bayezid was not yet born on the date given for the meeting, namely 777. But pious people have built for him a tank with turtles in far-away Chittagong, one of the instances of holy animals in Indian Islam to which we may add the crocodiles of Mango Pir, and Shah Jalal's fishes in Sylhet. Though the theory of wahdat ash-shuhaid can be traced back, essentially, to H.allaj, his name has been appro- priated by the mystics of the pantheistic-monistic school, whereas the Naqshbandiya (who did not recognize his theory properly) disliked and still dislike him intensely. An interesting exception to the Naqshbandi aversion against music is Mir Dard, who should have been mentioned not only as poet of lovely Urdu verses but likewise as an important writer in Persian. The translation of bi-shar' as "irreligious" is misleading; it should be "not conforming to the religious law", for the bi-shar' Sufis (among whom the Rifia'ya should not be counted!) are well enough religious people. ma3dhub is not "the saturated one" (p. 45) but the "attracted" one: attracted by God, out of his intellectual faculties. Hanging of rags is common in all Islamic countries, as well as in Japan, and not only a popular Hindu practice. The im- portance of the veneration of saints and their tombs should have been more stressed, especially for Sind and the North Western Frontier.

It is useful to see an enumeration of the different literatures though here, too, interaction was much stronger than is visible from the book, and the same author would easily use different idioms: one can not separate Ghalib's and Iqbal's Urdu verses from their work in Persian. That an aes- thetic evaluation of the different writers is almost non-existent must be due to the shortage of space; otherwise one would like to add more color to the long range of names. The Baran Mah (Twelve Months) is, by the way, common to Panjabi and Sindhi and has been used in Persian first by Mas'iid ibn Sa'd of Lahore in the late 11th cen- tury. The Siharft, Golden Alphabet, is likewise common to all literatures of West Pakistan. In the chapter on architecture one misses a reference to the most interesting constructions on Makli Hill

335

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Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.2 (1971) Journal of the American Oriental Society, 91.2 (1971)

near Thatta, where Hindu, Persian, and Central Asian influences are blended into a fascinating unit. The art of calligraphy, from the master- pieces of plaited Kufi in the Qutub Minar zone and in Ajmer to the beautiful specimens of calligraphy in Mughal times has been completely neglected.

The book, as I said, contains a rich store of information, and students of Indo-Muslim history will use it with pleasure as a compendium after they have studied the historical background and the life and work of the most outstanding figures of Islamic culture in the Indo-Pakistan Sub- continent.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL HARVARD UNIVERSITY

near Thatta, where Hindu, Persian, and Central Asian influences are blended into a fascinating unit. The art of calligraphy, from the master- pieces of plaited Kufi in the Qutub Minar zone and in Ajmer to the beautiful specimens of calligraphy in Mughal times has been completely neglected.

The book, as I said, contains a rich store of information, and students of Indo-Muslim history will use it with pleasure as a compendium after they have studied the historical background and the life and work of the most outstanding figures of Islamic culture in the Indo-Pakistan Sub- continent.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Britain and the Persian Gulf, 1894-1914. By BRITON COOPER BUSCH. Berkeley and Los

Angeles: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS.

1967. Pp. xiv, 432. $8.75.

Most of the newly published books dealing with the modern history of the Persian Gulf tend to fall into one or another of three major categories. These include: (1) treatments detailing the evolu- tion of European-especially British-political and imperial interests in the Gulf region; (2) works

displaying more of a Middle Eastern orientation focusing upon internal movements within the several Persian Gulf polities; and (3) studies describing the rise of a modern oil exploitation based economy in the area and analyzing the local economic and social consequences of this develop- ment. Dr. Busch's book can be numbered among the first of these types and, in this reviewer's

judgment, it stands as the most satisfying of all the recent productions which concentrate upon aspects of European political and imperial in- volvement in the Persian Gulf. It is characterized by impartial, scholarly presentation and analysis and it avoids a narrow, one-dimensional view of area realities.

Essentially, the volume is a case-study of the conduct of British diplomacy in the Gulf between 1894 and 1914 and the effects of this activity upon

Britain and the Persian Gulf, 1894-1914. By BRITON COOPER BUSCH. Berkeley and Los

Angeles: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS.

1967. Pp. xiv, 432. $8.75.

Most of the newly published books dealing with the modern history of the Persian Gulf tend to fall into one or another of three major categories. These include: (1) treatments detailing the evolu- tion of European-especially British-political and imperial interests in the Gulf region; (2) works

displaying more of a Middle Eastern orientation focusing upon internal movements within the several Persian Gulf polities; and (3) studies describing the rise of a modern oil exploitation based economy in the area and analyzing the local economic and social consequences of this develop- ment. Dr. Busch's book can be numbered among the first of these types and, in this reviewer's

judgment, it stands as the most satisfying of all the recent productions which concentrate upon aspects of European political and imperial in- volvement in the Persian Gulf. It is characterized by impartial, scholarly presentation and analysis and it avoids a narrow, one-dimensional view of area realities.

Essentially, the volume is a case-study of the conduct of British diplomacy in the Gulf between 1894 and 1914 and the effects of this activity upon

the international politics of the period. The issues in the Gulf with which British policymakers had to wrestle typified in many ways the variety of situations which were involved in the mechanics of asserting Britain's imperial interests all over the world during the twenty years that preceded the First World War. One might say, then, that this work is concerned more with European than with Middle Eastern history. Certainly, his- torians of European diplomacy can read this per- ceptive book with profit, for not only does Dr. Busch illustrate how shifts in relations among the Powers could affect happenings within the Gulf, but also-and more innovatingly-he shows how the seemingly parochial realities of Gulf politics could influence the course of Great Power nego- tiations about the great diplomatic issues of the day. Nevertheless, the ramifications of the ques- tions discussed by Professor Busch are significant in recent Middle Eastern history too. The author demonstrates that a prime result of the diplo- matic maneuverings of the 1894-1914 years was the overall strengthening of Britain's hold over the Persian Gulf and, hence, of Britain's ability to influence the direction and quality of future change there. This can be exemplified by men- tioning that the birth and initial progress of the Persian Gulf oil industry occurred within the

political environment which emerged in the region during the years immediately prior to World War I.

Most of the book is devoted to a dissection of four problem complexes: Anglo-French con- frontations in Oman; Anglo-Ottoman differences concerning Qatar, Bahrain, al-Hasa, and Kuwait; the Anglo-Russian contest for hegemony over the entire Gulf region; and Anglo-German political and economic frictions centering on the Bagdhad railway and Kuwait. When discussing these

questions the author also deals with the clashes which flared within the British government itself as various components of Britain's imperial apparatus argued their particular views concern-

ing the formation of British Persian Gulf policy. Thus, we follow the forging of imperial policies through successive levels of government: in the Gulf itself-the several local British agencies and

the international politics of the period. The issues in the Gulf with which British policymakers had to wrestle typified in many ways the variety of situations which were involved in the mechanics of asserting Britain's imperial interests all over the world during the twenty years that preceded the First World War. One might say, then, that this work is concerned more with European than with Middle Eastern history. Certainly, his- torians of European diplomacy can read this per- ceptive book with profit, for not only does Dr. Busch illustrate how shifts in relations among the Powers could affect happenings within the Gulf, but also-and more innovatingly-he shows how the seemingly parochial realities of Gulf politics could influence the course of Great Power nego- tiations about the great diplomatic issues of the day. Nevertheless, the ramifications of the ques- tions discussed by Professor Busch are significant in recent Middle Eastern history too. The author demonstrates that a prime result of the diplo- matic maneuverings of the 1894-1914 years was the overall strengthening of Britain's hold over the Persian Gulf and, hence, of Britain's ability to influence the direction and quality of future change there. This can be exemplified by men- tioning that the birth and initial progress of the Persian Gulf oil industry occurred within the

political environment which emerged in the region during the years immediately prior to World War I.

Most of the book is devoted to a dissection of four problem complexes: Anglo-French con- frontations in Oman; Anglo-Ottoman differences concerning Qatar, Bahrain, al-Hasa, and Kuwait; the Anglo-Russian contest for hegemony over the entire Gulf region; and Anglo-German political and economic frictions centering on the Bagdhad railway and Kuwait. When discussing these

questions the author also deals with the clashes which flared within the British government itself as various components of Britain's imperial apparatus argued their particular views concern-

ing the formation of British Persian Gulf policy. Thus, we follow the forging of imperial policies through successive levels of government: in the Gulf itself-the several local British agencies and

336 336

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