an ethnographic study of how children in the reception ...€¦ · web viewthis ethnography...
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An ethnographic study of how children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy
violence in their play.
“It’s alright, he lets us play” (Arif)
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An ethnographic study of how children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy
violence in their play.
Chapter One.
1. Introduction.
1.1 A description of this study’s educational establishment.
1.2 The historical context of this thesis.
1.3 The rationale for the research: “Getting Arif wrong.”
1.4 A statement of the main aims.
1.5 Research questions.
Chapter Two.
2. The Literature Review.
2.1 Introduction.
2.2 The importance of children’s autonomy over play choice.
2.3 Is play always seen as important?
2.4 Barriers to play practice.
2.5 The need for playful practitioners.
2.7 A zero tolerance of war, weapon and fantasy violence play.
2.8 A review of literature advocating the value of accepting and engaging in children’s fantasy violence play.
2.9 “Stressful Surveillance” and the, “Invisible Playground” (Jarvis, 2007).
2.10 Conclusion.
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2.11 Research questions.
Chapter Three.
3. Research Methodology
3.1 A justification for adopting an ethnographic approach with a social constructivist worldview.
3.2 A discussion on the researchers “Positionality” (Cresswell, 2009).
3.3 Methods.
3.4 Understanding ethnography and the ethnographic style of approach.
3.5 Data Collection Methods.
3.5.1 The methodology behind the construction of this study’s sample.
3.5.2 Adopting a participatory role within the process of data collection.
3.6 Observation Methods.
3.7 Ethics
3.7.1 Ethical challenges in participant observation.
3.7.2 Informed Consent.
3.7.3 Honesty, trust, and a truthful presentation of data.
3.7.4 Intrusion.
3.7.5 Advocacy
3.7.6 Intervention
3.7.7 Privacy, confidentiality, and anonymity.
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3.8 Data analysis
3.9 Conclusion
Chapter Four.
4. Data Analysis.
4.1 A discussion on the limitations, reliability, validity and generalisability of the data.
4.2 A reminder of the research questions underpinning the analysis of data collected in this ethnography.
4.3 A discussion of the ethnography’s main findings in relation to the research questions.
4.3.1 The children used fantasy violence play to support their skills in the rehearsal and creation of
innovative narratives, significantly impacting on their attainment in Communication, language and
Literacy.
4.3.2 When engaging in fantasy violence play, the children in this observed reception cohort displayed
an understanding of the empathy towards the thoughts and feelings of others, the ability to resolve
conflict and to show care and concern for each other.
4.3.3 The children used fantasy violence themed play to improve child self agency.
4.3.4 The Children in this reception cohort used fantasy violence themed play to develop their
understanding of rule making, rule negotiation and share with others a moral sense of what’s right
and wrong.
4.4.4 The incorporation of childhood cultural influences, connected to fantasy violence play, within the
learning environment extended the time the children spent engaged in socio dramatic play.
4.4.5 The majority of female practitioners and teachers supporting this cohort displayed prejudices
towards rewarding the creative play of the girls while showing a zero tolerance towards the boys'
adventurous fantasy play.
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4.4.6 A zero tolerance approach towards fantasy violence themed play, developed by the boys,
increased the incidences of children displaying, “Mistaken Behaviours.” (Gartrell, 1995).
4.4.7 The children who enjoyed engaging in fantasy violence themed play often hid their socio
dramatic play away from certain practitioners conducting surveillance over the learning environment.
4.4.8 The majority of practitioners supporting this reception cohort were reluctant to engage in the
children’s play.
4.4.9 When adults engaged in the children’s autonomously created fantasy violence play, the value of
such play became apparent and allowed for a “Symbiotic Learning Relationship” (Pascal and Bertram,
1997) to be created through which the narrative of the play was shared, sustained and enjoyed by
both the adults and the children.
4.4.10 A lack of “play practice” skills and theoretical and understanding of the value of play were
identified as barriers to practitioners developing shared and sustained moments of play with the
children in this reception cohort.
Chapter Five.
5. Conclusion.
5.1 A summary of the work undertaken in this ethnographic study.
5.2 A discussion of the research questions in relation to the analysis of the observed data collected in the
ethnography.
5.3 Recommendations for the improvement of the schools practice.
5.3.1 The school needs to develop the professional skills of it early years practitioners so that within
their “play practice”, each adult is able to engage, enrich and deepen the fantasy play of all children.
5.3.2 The school needs to support practitioners and teachers by providing time for them to use their
developing theoretical knowledge on the value of play, improve the quality of the play environments
they create and develop their own play practice.
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5.3.3 To overcome the barrier to engaging in children’s play presented by “Stressful Surveillance,”
(Jarvis, 2007) the schools senior leaders need to ensure that practitioners adhere to the adult: child
ratio’s assigned to the reception and nursery garden spaces.
5.3.4 The school needs to collectively review its position with regards to the seemingly self adopted
zero tolerance approach displayed by members of staff to the fantasy violence themed socio dramatic
play of the boys.
5.3.5 A Professional Learning Community should be created which challenges the existing play cultures
of the adults in school, with the intention of creating a new shared culture towards play and a shared
understanding of the need for playful practitioners.
5.3.6 The knowledge discovered through this ethnography places its researcher in a position in which
they could ethically develop a further action research project which explores the impact of fantasy
violence play on children’s self agency.
5.4 Conclusion
6. Reference List
7. Appendix
7.1 The Research Journal.
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An ethnographic study of how children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy
violence in their play.
Chapter One.
1. Introduction.
1.1 A description of this study’s educational establishment.
The school is a larger than average sized infant school. The overwhelming majority of the pupils are of minority
ethnic background and three quarters of learners are new to English or bilingual. There is a steady increase of
eastern European families and refugees. The take up of free school meals is lower than the national average,
as is the number of pupils who have identified special needs.
1.2 The historical context of this thesis.
In February 2006, the results of a pupil questionnaire exercise indicated that 28% of the children did not
always feel safe in this infant school. In 2007, the responses rose to 31%. From 2007, the schools senior
leadership team introduced a range of strategies to try and find a possible solution to this issue, including a
teacher and parents working group. By February 2010, 33% of the children’s feedback collected during
conferencing and questionnaires indicated that they did not always feel safe in the classroom, with18%
communicating that they only felt safe some of the time to not at all. 54% of the children recorded that they
only felt safe some of the time to not at all in the schools playground.
The initial consideration of a focus for this thesis was the designing of an action research project through which
the theoretical ideas advocated in the literature of Jones (2002) Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence (1973) in
Compton-Lilly (2006),Paley (1988) and Rich (2003) could be explored. This literature discusses how fantasy
violence and superhero play supports children in improving their self agency, their ability to reposition their
self identity, develop a sense of power and cope with perceived fear. However, ethical action research requires
the designer of the initiative to ensure that the planned intervention is well informed by current research
literature and that data exists which supports an indication that the intervention is directly related to the
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indentified issue and will impact on the issue in a positive way (Woods, 2006). This was not the position in
which the researcher was placed. The more the literature of Jones (2002); Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence
(1973); Compton-Lilly (2006);Paley (1988) and Rich (2003) was discussed with the schools staff, the greater a
concern grew over how much time was actually being spent by early year’s practitioners engaging with the
children in their fantasy play narratives.
The analysis of the children’s conferencing data collected in March 2012 identified that while data relating to
responses about feeling safe in school improved by 13%, 22% of the children shared the opinion that the
adults in the school didn’t always listen to them. The children also shared the view that, from their
perspective, increased adult engagement in their play would really improve their learning experiences and
make them feel safer. Many of the identified areas for staff development related to teachers and practitioners
working in this schools Foundation Stage Team identified a need for improving adult skills in responding more
effectively to children’s autonomously created play. When analysing the attainment of the children in this
reception cohort it was also observed that while their Foundation Stage Scale scores relating to Mathematics,
Phonics, Reading, Writing and Knowledge and Understanding of the World were all significantly higher than
national averages, the children’s Creative Development scores were at best in line with national scores,
indicating a concern over the provision the children experience connected to creative play.
In constructing a small scale social research project, the researcher should approach the project design by
identifying a “Triangulation” (Denscome, 2007) in data that establishes a problem to be studied. The data
collected in our March 2012 pupil conferences identified that 22% of the children felt the adults in the school
didn’t always listen to them, monitoring reports identified a need for the early year’s team to improve their
ability to engage in the children’s autonomously created play and the children’s creative development
attainment scores being lower than expected provided the three points of “Triangulation” (Denscome, 2007)
that suggested this thesis should in some form study the schools approach to creative play practice and the
children’s own autonomously created play.
1.3 The rationale for the research: “Getting Arif wrong.”
Arif is a five year old child learning in this schools reception year group. When observing Arif and his friends
engaging in their most favourite play choice, fantasy violence, Arif’s supervision of the group consistently
creates socio dramatic play of a high quality. This judgement was made when comparing the context and
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content of the play with Bruce’s (2006) “Quality Play Charter”. In one observation session, Arif’s teacher was
invited to sit and watch the group playing out their fantasy violence narrative. During this time Arif invented
the groups play narrative, shared innovative ideas and creative language. He negotiated arguments over
narrative development to a compromised conclusion and stopped the play when a peer fell over to make sure
he wasn’t hurt. Arif’s teacher watched, and then commented, “I always thought he was quiet, not very clever,
not really wanting to do anything apart from mess about with Dillan. I got him wrong.” (Research Journal, pg.
37)
Arif explained that he doesn’t let teachers see his or his friends play because they don’t like it; he saves it for
the big playground where he and his friends can’t always be seen. He apparently conforms to expectations, a
zero tolerance of such play, but secretly engages in his favourite form of play in seemingly invisible spaces.
After observing, playing and sharing conversations with Arif and his friends, a rationale for this thesis began to
form. The zero tolerance approach displayed by adults to accepting Arif’s play choices meant that he moved
both his play and that of his closest friends into invisible places away from possible adult interaction.
Watching Arif and his friends play provided the researcher with a sense of ecology, an understanding of why
this focus for the thesis was personally important. Feiersinger et al (2008) describes how schools should
create, “Nostalgic Histories” for children, memories of school life that the children will take with them
throughout their lifelong learning experiences. This has indeed been the case with regards to the researcher’s
decision to create a study that explores how children use fantasy violence in their play:
“I remember how my early year’s teacher, Mrs Rollins, allowed us to create our own school play about He-Man. We made
our own costumes, excitedly created the plays story including many make believe fight scenes. Through sharing in our play
Mrs Rollins scribed our narrative. Looking back, Mrs Rollins must have understood how important this play was to a group
of children growing up in a difficult council estate environment. She ensured this “show” was shared with the whole school
in an assembly performance. I remember sitting on the carpet talking with Mrs Rollins, sharing He Man stories and
endlessly reacting plays as she listened to us, joined in our play and shared in our excitement. I fail to see any such
experiences of shared and sustained high quality play in our early years practice.” (Research Journal, pg. 2)
The new Early Years Foundation Stage Framework will take effect from September 2012, the Children’s
Minister Sarah Teather has also communicated the “Government’s wider vision” to free professionals to focus
on their interaction with children. Yet, the failure to observe and understand how children use fantasy violence
play to support their learning has resulted in this schools practitioners and teachers effectively reducing the
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language of play through which they can engage and interact with certain children in this cohort. The research
literature of Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence (1973) illustrates how when children and adults fail to connect
meaningfully within shared and sustained learning environments, such as Arif and his teacher, the self esteem
of young learners can be damaged and ultimately lead to cumulative failure, resulting inevitably in comments
like, “I got him wrong.”
1.4 A statement of the main aims.
This ethnography aims to identify how the children in this reception cohort use fantasy violence to support
their learning; it also aims to identify the barriers that prevent adults from engaging in the children’s
autonomously created play, reducing the language of play through which they could develop their interaction
with the children.
1.5 Research questions.
How do the children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy violence in their play?
What are the barriers that stop the adult practitioners working in this early year’s team from engaging with the
children in their autonomously selected play choices?
Chapter Two.
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2. The Literature Review.
2.1 Introduction.
This chapter discusses the value of children’s fantasy violence play, barriers which prevent adults from
engaging in children’s play and how a zero tolerance of children’s preoccupations with this form of play
significantly reduces the language of play through which adults can interact with children. While Smith (2005)
identifies that there are four main types of play: Functional play, constructive play, rule governed play and
socio dramatic play, this thesis will focus on the socio dramatic qualities of fantasy violence play. Pellegrini
(2008) and Miller and Almon (2009) define socio dramatic play as a pretend play with others, a social drama
which involves children engaging in sustained role taking, the development of narrative lines for their play, the
understanding others intent, sophisticated language constructions and the development of novel and intricate
story lines which challenge the engaged children to negotiate meanings, roles and arguments about
appropriate behaviours.
This review is organised using key themes which emerged from literature searches and thoughts recorded in
this thesis’s research journal (See Appendix). This review has been organised using what Wellington et.al
(2005) and Ridley (2008) would define as a “Funnelling” approach, reviewing literature initially that relates to
broad themes connected to autonomy of play choice, before reviewing references that relate more specifically
to fantasy violence play.
2.2 The importance of children’s autonomy over play choice.
This thesis adopts the view expressed by Lindon (2001) that the value of play is taken as a generally agreed
fact, this is supported by the research of Pelligini and Smith (1988) who identified that, with the exception of
children facing serve deprivation or disability, all children spend up to 20% of their time engaged in play and if
a child is derived of play within a formal classroom, they play longer and more vigorously afterwards. A
fundamental principle in the literature of high quality early years practice is the provision for choice and child
autonomy over play experiences within the learning environment. This principle can be identified in global
literature, from Eastern European authors such as Kooij and Posthumus Meyjes (1986) and Babic (2000), the
writing of Feiersinger et al (2008) discussing the 'Fuji Kindergarten’, in Tachikawa, Tokyo, to key principles of
developmentally appropriate practice for early years learning outlined within the policy of the United States:
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“If children are allowed choices, they have a sense of control of the curriculum” (Bredekamp and Copple, 1996,
p127). Writers such as Hendrick (1996), Fordham and Anderson (1992) and Maxim (1997) have also
published literature highlighting the importance of the inclusion of time for children to engage in autonomous
play, discussing how autonomy over play choice allows the child to experience a feeling of being in control
over themselves and their learning journeys.
Children do need to develop an understanding of situations that allow them little choice, Gordon and Browne
(1996) rightly observe that at certain times, children need to understand that they have no choice for
individual preference, if that preference is dangerous. Miller and Almon (2009) also identify that too much
unstructured autonomy can lead to the creation of a play environment that is in “crisis”, chaotic and
disjointed. However, Gartrell (1995) argues that an absence of autonomy over play choice could result in the
child developing “Mistaken Behaviours.” This is where children may feel doubtful of their abilities, unable to
take risks that lead to real learning or challenge themselves to achieve at an even higher level. “Mistaken
Behaviours” (Gartrell, 1995) is a concept that Fordham and Anderson (1992); Babic (2000) and Maxim (1997)
agree with, while Edwards (1993) takes this concept further, contesting that without autonomy of play choice,
children may develop a feeling of hostility towards adults who allow them little freedom.
A recent research report compiled by Wolstenholme, et al (2010), identified that where children had the
opportunity to engage in, “Continuous provision” with unlimited time in which to develop their autonomous
play, they often demonstrated high levels of creativity, wider range of play interests and more complex play,
sustained their engagement in the learning for significantly longer periods of time and were distinctively more
involved in planning their learning with a practitioner who promoted the child’s interests. These findings are
supported by the literature of Fromberg (1995) and Maxim, (1997) who also observe in their studies that
autonomy over play choice results in a persistence to complete the play. Significantly, however, the findings
recorded in the report compiled by Wolstenholme, et al (2010) were not interpreted from observations made
on children learning in Early Years Foundation Stage (EYFS) settings, but from children attending a Steiner
School or in the care of child minders. Within all the EYFS settings engaged in this study, the children
communicated that not all of their play choices were accepted by adults. In its conclusion the report made two
significant critical comments:
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1) “Although many of the findings reported here are consistent with themes, commitments and guidance in the
EYFS, it was also clear that there are omissions in the EYFS, in part due to the emphasis on children as receivers of
a curriculum generated by adults...” (Wolstenholme, et al (2010, pg 35)
2) “As highlighted by McNaughton et al (2007) and United Nations General Comment 7 (United National Committee,
2005), children have the right to express their views about, “The development of policies and services” and staff
should recognise the expert contribution children can make.” (Wolstenholme, et al. 2010, pg 33.)
Wolstenholme’s, et al (2010) report places into a modern context the historical literature of Erikson (1950);
Bronfenbrenner (1979) and Bettelheim (1987) whose literature also identifies that free, autonomous play
choice supported by flexible, maniplable resources promotes the most innovative and sustained experiences of
play. In establishing the importance of children’s autonomy over play choice, this review will now focus on
literature that discusses issues relating to Wolstenholme’s, et al (2010) identification that within EYFS settings
their seems to be a demise in the apparent importance of providing time for autonomously created play.
2.3 Is play always seen as important?
Play is a vital part of children’s development and is fundamental for every child (Ginsburg 2006). It is a right for
all children and offers them enjoyable experiences (Lester and Russell 2008; Jenkinson 2001). The literature of
Thompson (2000); Katch (2002); Bruce (2006); Pellegrini and Smith (1988) provide substantial evidence to
suggest that play is key to physical, mental and social well-being. Jones (2002); Holland (2003) and Paley (1998)
further link an engagement within fantasy play to a child’s ability in overcoming fears in everyday situations,
decision making, discovering interests, brain development and enhancing academic learning. Yet, despite
these benefits, there is literature to suggest less of children’s time is being devoted to play (Hofferth and
Sandberg 2000; Doherty and Clarkson cited in Lester and Russell 2008).
In the UK, current policy interventions in childhood are, conceived by Moss and Petrie (2002) as
‘Technical and disciplinary undertakings, concerned with regulation, surveillance and normalisation, instrumental in
rationality and purpose. The potentially diverse ethical and political imagination of the nursery becomes a purely technical
question: ‘what works?’ (Moss and Petrie, 2002. pg. 2).
Fielding (2001) identifies how a managerial discourse of ‘best practice’,’ investment’ and ‘excellence’ has come
to permeate preschool education, ‘deadening’ (Fielding, 2001) the nursery in the process. Fielding (2001) has
remarked, in the nursery:
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‘There seems to be no place for either the language or experience of joy, of spontaneity, of life lived in ways that are vibrant
and fulfilling rather than watchfully earnest, focused and productive of economic activity’ (Fielding, 2001. pg. 9).
Moss (2002) is dismayed not simply by the joylessness of current educational policy, but with its imposed
limits. “All the talk is of ‘meeting potential’, (Moss, 2002) such that ‘potential’ can be predetermined,
measured in advance; there is nothing of exceeding potential, of creativity and experimentation with the
unknown” (Moss, 2002 in Ward, 2005. Pg. 11). Moss (2002) laments: ‘It seems to me that we don’t allow any
possibility of new things happening ... All we will do is have a kind of template and check whether children fit
into it” (Moss,2002 in Ward, 2005 pg. 11). The Coalition’s Educational policy threatens to transform the school
system in England. As Stevenson (2011) identifies, “A combination of public spending cuts, and the drive to
making all schools academies, represents a key moment in the restructuring of the educational service along
neo-liberal lines” (Stevenson, 2011, pg 1). Stevenson (2011) argues that this represents a realisation of the
“1988 Project” or as he terms, “Thatcherism’s Long shadow” which will see a return to “Traditionalism”
(Stevenson, 2011). He observes that a much more vigorous educational “Free market” constructed along neo
liberal lines and greater parental choice, will, of its own volition, generate the pressures for traditional subjects
and “Standards”. This maybe an over simplistic view, but the primary school sector has arguably already
witnessed a return to “Traditionalism” (Stevenson, 2011) through the introduction of the formal testing of
phonics for all five year olds, with results reported back to parents in pass or fail terms. The literature of Elkind
(2008); Wood and Attfield (2005) and Blatchford (1992) all make further claims that as a consequence of “goal
orientation”(Blatchford, 1992) and a return to “Traditionalism” (Stevenson, 2011) schools feel an increasing
need to evidence performance and be accountable for standards and play has become an ‘unaffordable luxury’
in such a modern society, pushed aside to make way for organised activities which are seen as more
educational or target driven. On this point, Paley (2004) observes, ‘When our doll corners are furnished with
computers and charts, there may be too little time left for mermaids and mermen to escape danger and move
on to new identities and adventures’ (Paley, 2004: 52). Elkind (2008) claims that the role of play in developing
a child’s physical and psychological well-being, is now being ‘overlooked’ in many areas. He states:
‘School administrators and teachers – often backed by goal-orientated politicians and parents – broadcast the not-so-
suitable message that these days play seems superfluous, that at bottom play is for slackers, that if kids must play, they
should at least learn something while they are doing it.’ (Elkind 2008, pg.1)
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For many of the teachers interviewed in the research of Smith (1998), although the process of “playing” was
seen as important, it was not necessarily related to the achievement of an end goal, play was often categorised
mainly as a recreation or an enriching activity, but not a context in which children worked towards a desired
learning goal. After identifying literature that indicates a decline in how educational policy makers and settings
may value play, it is important in the context of this review of literature to now identify the barriers that stop
those who do value play from engaging in children’s own autonomously created play.
2.4 Barriers to play practice.
The research of Howard (2010) identifies how parental attitude, inadequate training and understanding,
pressures to evidence learning outcomes and the availability of physical resources are four key barriers to the
implementation of play into practice. This study extensively references the research of Johnson (1994);
McMullen and Alat (2002); Cohen (2006); Cheng and Stimpson, (2004) and Mcinnes, et al (2009) who all also
observe that the psychological barriers to play practice include practitioner knowledge and understanding of
play, parental attitudes and related feelings of confidence in play practice. Howard (2010) argues that while
‘play’ featured in previous curriculum documentation and was advocated most notability not only in The
Plowden Report (Department of Education and Science, 1967) but also in The Education of Children under Five
recommendations (Department of Education and Science, 1989) and the Curriculum Guidance for the
Foundation Stage (Department for Education and Employment, 2000) for a variety of reasons, legislative
emphasis on play as a valuable context for learning has not necessarily guaranteed its implementation. The
literature of Wood and Attfield (2005) support this view by also suggesting that there is a discrepancy between
theoretical, legislative and pedagogical perspectives. Whilst legislation places play at the centre of the
curriculum for the early years, Wood and Attfield (2005) argue that most notably the increased guidance and
administration relating to the evidencing of learning objectives, has in fact moved schools towards delivering
more narrowly defined curriculums, ones that meet the issues presented to schools by the need to present
accountability and measured attainment. Blatchford (2004) further observes how many schools are now
extending more formal curriculum objectives into reception and nursery classes in order to increase the
possibility of achieving good results.
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With regards to the barrier of, “Parental Influence” the practitioner responses in the research of Howard
(2010) and the literature of Wood and Attfield (2005) and Blatchford (2004) support the concerns raised by
Stevenson (2011), the main priority for the parents is success communicated to them through high attainment
scores in the Foundation Stage Profile.
Contrary to previous research projects (BERA, 2003), Howard’s (2010) research discovered that practitioners in
this study held an active role in children’s play, but, this role was generally described as that of the facilitator,
with very few practitioners in this study described as actually playing with the children. McInnes (2009) writing
in connection to this finding observes how a pedagogy of play relies on an adults valuing of children’s own
initiated play and that play in its purest forms raises the possibility of children engaging in types of play for
which practitioners are not always theoretically prepared. Howard’s (2010) research discovered that while one
third of the practitioners engaged in this study received no training in play at all, the levels of barriers to play
practice reported reduced with increasing levels of practitioners theoretical knowledge. This consideration of
low theoretical knowledge as a barrier to practitioner participation in play is identified in the literature of
McInnes (2009); Wood and Attfield (2005); Blatchford (2004); Holland (2003); Rich (2009); Jarvis (2007) and
Jones (2002). This literature presents a shared argument that if practitioners and teachers were more engaged
in theoretical discussion around the value of supporting children’s autonomously created play then their
perceived barriers to engaging in challenging choices of play maybe reduced.
2.5 The need for playful practitioners.
Regardless of curriculum guidance for the Foundation Stage (QCA/DFEE, 2003) and Birth to Three Matters
(DFES, 2002) in England which emphasizes the value of play for young children, as discussed, children
experience fewer opportunities to play in part because of an emphasize on formal learning and target setting.
(Moyes, et al. 2003). The research of Sylva et al. (2003), which is acknowledged as one of the most significant
longitudinal studies to be conducted in England, leaves practitioners with little doubt about the value of high
quality play based experiences in settings staffed with qualified adults. The study found that warm interactions
with adults are vital to children’s intellectual development, as is “sustained shared thinking” (Blatchford, 2004)
between adults and children.
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In this study’s school, practitioners have expressed the view that they “Know” play for children is a valuable
learning and developmental process, yet in general, this is rarely reflected in the curriculum they provide, in
planning, classroom management or in their perceptions of their roles connected to teaching and learning. As
Moyles and Adams (2006) observe, in Moyles (2006) “Practitioners unfortunately show their values daily in the
way they respond to children’s autonomous play “You can play when you’ve finished your work.” (Moyles,
2006 pg 7)
There is a need for playful practitioners in this school. Csikzentmihalya (1996) has likened the absorptions and
sense of total involvement that characterises children’s involvement in sustained bouts of play to a “flow”
state, observing, as does Blatchford (2004), that adults can recapture this, “flow” state, by engaging with
children in play contexts that allow the learner the autonomy and freedom to experiment without fear of
expensive or potentially embarrassing error. As Bruner (1972) wrote: “Play provides an excellent opportunity
to try combinations of behaviours that wouldn’t be tried under functional pressure.” (Bruner, 1972. Pg. 82).
While Vygotsky’s (1978) literature challenges Csikzentmihalya’s (1996) argument that adults should engage
within this “Flow” State, identifying that children need to set their own agenda’s and levels of challenge so
what they are doing is always developmentally appropriate, autonomy in the purest sense of the word, Guha
(1988) argues that the element of adult participant within autonomously created play is particularly significant.
Guha’s (1988) view is further supported by the literature of Smith (1990); Manning and Sharp (1977) and
Moyles (2006). Their extensive reviews on evidence relating to the discussions of structured and unstructured
play conclude that sensitive adult intervention can usefully enhance the intellectual challenge of play mainly by
opening up new opportunities and possibilities for further child autonomy over the plays developing narrative.
Practitioner engagement within children’s play choices provides them with the potential to, “liberate the
child’s voice” (Moyles, 2006, pg. 72) providing the adult with the tools they need to help the child transform
themselves and understand their world, a view notably shared by Vygotsky (1976). Bolton (1979) further
argues that it is the function of the teacher to enable the children to reflect on the significance of their play in
order to learn from it. Singer and Singer (1990, pg 152) suggest “Imaginative play is fun, but it the midst of the
joys of making believe, children may also be preparing for the reality of more effective lives” This range of
literature raises concerns that by not developing “Playful Practices” adults in fact remove the opportunity for
children to explore without feeling functional pressure, restrict the children’s experiences of intellectual
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challenge and reduce the opportunities we have to support children in preparing for the realities and
complexities of modern life.
2.6 Arguments against the benefits of fantasy violence play.
It has been established that schools should develop, “Playful Practice”, nonetheless, if practitioners are to
become more informed about the theoretical knowledge which discusses the importance of engaging in
children’s autonomous play (even if such choices challenge the practitioner) and therefore possibly more
prepared to engage in supporting such play within their practice, theoretical perspectives must be presented in
a balanced way. A way through which the practitioner can consider various points of view before deciding
upon the importance of accepting challenging play choices.
The relations between an early interest in fantasy violence play and children’s social understanding, antisocial
and emotional behaviour, and interactions with friends, was examined by Dunn and Hughes (2001). Their
study explored the usefulness of a focus on the content of children’s pretend play, in particular, fantasy
violence, as a window on children’s preoccupations with such play choices. Their study focused on whether the
pretend play of young, “hard to manage” children reflected a particular interest in violent fantasy play. In their
sample of children from a deprived urban community in south London, it was observed that those who
engaged in frequent fantasy play were especially good at understanding others thoughts and feelings,
especially of those with whom they had close relationships with. In the context of communicating with a
friend, they communicated relatively smoothly with few failed attempts at conversation and with little conflict
and were responsive to their friends needs. While Dunn and Hudges (2001) rightly state that conclusions about
casual connections between pretend play and friendship cannot be drawn from this one study’s correlation,
they discuss findings that identify how children sharing pretend play in a fantasy world foster intimacy and
shared enjoyment and that such shared play flourishes when children already like each other and are eager to
share the development of the pretend narrative and to resolve conflict about the course of the play.
Their study observed that the, “Hard to manage” children whose pretend play included themes of violent
fantasies were less frequently engaging in pretence than the children whose play did not include any make
believe violence themes. They also observed that for those children who included fantasy violence themes in
their play, their use of language and their understanding of the thoughts of others were modestly lower than
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children who did not include such themes in their play. Their research identified that for those children who
most needed to develop their understanding of others thoughts, empathy and the language skills relating to
conflict resolution, fantasy violence themed play was a significant preoccupation. Dunn and Hudges (2001)
suggest that their findings are compatible with the idea that violent fantasy play choices are particularly
evident amongst children whose goals are more to pursue their own immediate interests than to coordinate
harmoniously with those of a friend.
There exists a range of literature that support discussions around negative values connected to fantasy
violence play. Carlsson-Paige and Levin (1990) report that some of the negative effects on children’s behaviour
include the following:
“An obsession or preoccupation with war play and with products related to programs promoting such play, increased levels
of aggression among children as they imitate what they see in programs, and a lack of creativity and imagination in play
because the content of children’s play originates in TV cartoons or other media.” (Levin & Carlsson-Paige, 1995, pg. 67-71)
The research findings of Smith-Sutton (1988) in Galda and Pellegrini (1985) share further concerns. Their
studies in Britain, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and the USA all report that for 60-80% of boys sampled and
one-third of girls sampled, who sometimes played with aggressive toys at home, with toy weapon play and
violent video games stimulated play “fighting” at school. Watson and Peng (1992) seem to further establish
connections between fantasy violence play and real aggressive behaviours, observing that toy gun play was
one predictor of observed aggression in day care.
In critiquing the studies of Smith-Sutton (1988) and Watson and Peng (1992), Holland (2002, 2003) suggests
that these studies validity is limited due to flaws in methods; as no distinction between “Play fighting” and
“Actual aggressive behaviour” was made and that the actual incidents of anti social behaviour recorded by
those with a pre occupation to play themes around weapons, war and superheroes was not statistically
significant. It could also be argued that there is little surprise in the findings of Dunn and Hudges (2001) that
for children identified as having social, emotional and behavioural needs, the development of social
relationships, understanding of empathy and ability to resolve conflicts proved challenging. Nor is their little
surprise in the finding that their play patterns, compared to a control group of children, revolved more around
fantasy violence play, displayed more anger, conflict and moments of isolation. While challenging the value of
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fantasy violence play, the literature of Dunn and Hudges (2001); Smith-Sutton (1988); Watson and Peng (1992)
and Galda (1985) all identify how for children, the sharing of the enactment and development of fantasy
stories with a supporting adult provides a context through which complex messages about friendships, feelings
and empathy can be experienced and explored in a near formal way. This is a view further shared by Smith
(1988); Paley(1988); Jarvis (2007); Bruce (2006); Bettelheim (1987); Erikson (1950) and Logue (2008). In
reviewing this range of literature an observation can be made. The play choices of children identified as
vulnerable or, “Hard to manage” and most in need of a display of trust and support from their adult
practitioners, is often met with a zero tolerance of such play. The literature of Rich (2003) further poses the
question as to why we adopt a zero tolerance towards engaging in fantasy violence play if for those children
who most need to develop their understanding of others thoughts, empathy and the language skills relating to
conflict resolution, fantasy violence themed play is a significant preoccupation.
2.7 A zero tolerance of war, weapon and fantasy violence play.
A zero tolerance to war, weapon and fantasy violence play exists in the setting of this study. The research of
Holland (2002; 2003) discusses how such a zero tolerance approach to war; weapon and superhero play has
become a shared policy in many early years’ settings. In accounting for this approach, Holland (2002; 2003)
argues that the demographic of the early year’s workforce is dominated by female practitioners who draw
their responses to war; weapon and superhero play directly from their own personal memories of the feminist
movements of the 1980’s. Holland (2002;2003) discusses how many of the practitioners interviewed in her
studies, shared the ideology of the campaigns, in that by taking fantasy violence away from the child and
replacing it with nurture and peaceful play, young boys will be socialized away from models of violence.
Holland (2002; 2003) further identifies how changes to practices enforced by external agencies and the lack of
time practitioners spend reflecting upon the effectiveness of their practices are issues which also account for
this zero tolerance approach.
Through her writing, Holland (2002; 2003) consistently states that there is no “Meta Narrative”, a modernist
concept of objective, rational truth to why many schools have adopted a zero tolerance approach. There exists
no policy or guidance from the Government on the need for zero tolerance approaches to certain play choices.
With this in mind, this review will now “Funnel” (Wellington et.al, 2005, and Ridley, 2008) its discussion
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towards literature that advocates a need for practitioners to challenge this self adopted zero tolerance
approach towards choices of play that for some children are a constant pre occupation.
2.8 A review of literature advocating the value of accepting and engaging in children’s fantasy violence play.
The DCSF (2007) publication, “Confident, capable and creative: supporting boys’ achievements” (a piece of
non statutory guidance for practitioners working within the early year’s foundation stage) highlighted the
effective practice developed by two schools within the London Boroughs of Islington and Camden who both
sort to embrace the boys fascination with superhero play and incorporated these play choices into the
experiences they provided. It discusses how the practitioners in these two nurseries involved themselves as
much as they could in the boys’ superhero play and fantasy violence socio dramatic play and how in doing so,
they developed an opportunity to sustain the children’s imaginative thought processes. The report further
highlighted how by accepting these play choices, the staff became aware of a positive impact upon both the
emotional well being and self esteem of ‘the boys’ in both settings. Ministers connected with its publication,
notably Beverly Hughes, received some fierce criticisms from nursery practitioners with strong views against
letting ‘the boys’ engage in play choices associated with make believe violence. The causes of this criticism
seem to stem from the highlighting in one chapter of a need for schools to ensure that:
1. Whole staff teams agree on a similar approach to valuing, respecting and working with boys in their play choices.
2. Practitioners need to be aware of our own responses to boys when their play seems to be about fighting and power
3. Schools need to begin implementing changes which some staff may find contentious so that boys have access to a
balanced range of experiences.”
(DCSF, 2007, pg 18)
This DFE (2007) publication advocated a need for teachers and practitioners to review their approaches as to
how they respond towards challenging play choices. The literature of Patten (2000) discusses the many
contestable views connected to children engaging in fantasy violence play and in doing so Patten (2000)
observes how, “Just saying no leads to parents and teachers developing feelings of frustration, guilt, and
inadequacy. A just say no policy seems fruitless because children are exposed to popular media culture nearly
everywhere.” (Patten, 2000)
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‘Fantasy violence’ play should not be categorised in such a negative way, as the actual play the children
engage in is firstly not violent and secondly it is a genre of socio dramatic play (Pellegrini and Smith, 1988).This
growing consensus can be viewed in the literature of Grossman (2008); Katch (2002); Thompson (2000); Paley
(1988); Rich (2003); Singer(1990) and Power’s (2000) who observes,
“Professionals need to be careful not to equate play-fighting with serious fighting, and not to label a child as ‘aggressive’
simply because he or she prefers a particular kind of play. Given that many children find interest and enjoyment in active,
loco motor play, children should be given numerous opportunities for this type of play as well. Such activities are likely to
contribute to motor development, overall physical fitness, and possibly cognitive development”. (Powers, 2000, pg. 395)
‘Fantasy violence or Rough and Tumble play’ is non-violent, in the fact that such play seems to only occur
between friends with the actual moments of physical contact controlled by the children themselves, different
in definition to moments of real aggression (Jarvis, 2010). The distinctions Jarvis (2010); Grossman (2008);
Katch (2002); Thompson (2000); Paley (1988); Rich (2003); Singer (1990) and Power (2000) make between play
and actual aggression are fundamental definitions to use in challenging adult perceptions related to the value
of fantasy violence play. On this point of adult perception towards children’s preoccupations with fantasy
violence play, Katch (2002) observes:
"It is a very strange thing that is happening in our society, The violence in the media is more and more explicit, and at the
same time culture is coming down harder and harder on little boys' own fantasies, which are actually much less violent than
what is in the media." Katch (2002)
Thompson (2000) rejects even this characterization of such play, stating, "There is no such thing as violent
play. Violence and aggression are intended to hurt somebody. Play is not intended to hurt somebody. Play,
rougher in its themes and rougher physically, is a feature of boyhood in every society on Earth." (Thompson,
2000) Goldstein (2008) citied by Singer(1990) in Holland (2002) further argues:
“While I certainly do not wish to propose that providing millions of children with toy soldier sets would alleviate real
violence in the world and generate pacifism, I do want to emphasize that such toys can be conducive to generating
imaginative play without provoking overtly violent behaviour. I am much more concerned about the millions of children who
have no toys.” (Goldstein, 2008, citied by Singer, 1990, in Holland, 2002, pg 5.)
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Children’s engagement in fantasy violence play provides them the opportunity to externalize a relationship
between playing and the repositioning of self image. These are concepts also written about by Logue (2008)
and Jones (2002) whose literature discusses the concern that a zero tolerance towards fantasy violence play
prevents children, most notably boys, from rehearsing and imaging themselves conquering their fears. At the
University of Maine, Logue (2008) launched a program in which children’s learning activities incorporated the
involvement of imaginary "bad guys."Logue (2008) observed how, "Day after day, the bad guys appeared. We
redirected the play and it would always temporarily subside, but soon to reappear having been transformed
into a new theme or new character names," After conversations and a letter-writing exercise intended to
permanently banish these fictitious bad guys, the teachers involved in Logue’s (2008) study reconsidered their
perspectives:
“Banishing the bad guys diminished the running and noise level but, also, the pretend play and energy within the classroom.
No more extravagant stories were being told and the group of boys who so passionately desired the bad guys were having
more difficulty sustaining long periods of play," (Logue, 2008)
The “bad guys” serve a purpose for the children, Logue (2008) said:"They are also working on impulse control,
they are trying really hard to be good, but it's really hard to be good," she said. "These bad guys give them a
way to externalize that part of them that they are trying to conquer." While writing from a personal platform
with the intention of providing the reader with an entertaining and thought provoking read, Jones’s (2002)
“Killing Monsters” provided the key theoretical ideas that led to the creation of this thesis. Jones (2002)
passionately states a position that young children need to experience fantasy violence play and superhero role
play to help develop their self agency, their ability to cope with fears and anxieties, their ability to experience
feeling strong and to explore the concept of personal power. This idea that fantasy violence can support a
young person in taking control of their anxieties, can also be reviewed in the literature of Compton-Lilly (2006);
Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence (1973) in Compton-Lilly (2006);Paley (1988); Rich (2003); Thompson (2000);
Logue (2008); and Katch (2002). This range of research literature shares the view stated by Holland (2002) that
a, “Zero tolerance to this kind of play inhibits us from supporting the children’s development of their
imaginative and negotiating skills which may mediate the real risk factors present in our children’s lives.”
(Holland, 2002. Pg.4)
2.9 “Stressful Surveillance” and the, “Invisible Playground” (Jarvis, 2007).
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The literature of, amongst others, Holland (2002; 2003) Jarvis (2007; 2010) Blurton-Jones (1967); Jarvis (2007;
2010) and Howard (2010) discuss how a zero tolerance to certain children’s play choices denies them the right
to engage in their most valued forms of play within complex, informal and social environments and as a result,
their play become invisible to the adult performing, “Stressful surveillance” (Jarvis, 2007).The complex social
and symbolic developments which occur in the socio dramatic quality of fantasy violence play are often not
seen by those adults surveying the play, these very real learning experiences just became part of what Jarvis
(2007) terms “The Invisible Playground.”
In an ethnographical piece of research, Jarvis (2007) observed how while the children’s play was socially and
symbolically complex and to the children highly valuable, the interview data collected indicated that owing to
principally a very low adult: child ratio in playground supervision the focus of the adults was strongly directed
towards the negative aspects of this play, a view shared by Bishop and Curtis (2001); Blurton-Jones (1967);
Bruner (1996) and Bronfenbrenner (1994). Jarvis (2007) observed how when creating their play, ‘the boys’
quickly agreed on some general rules, guided and organised the play, divided up the space into different
“Territories” between age cohorts, generating amongst themselves a firm, implicitly agreed sense of where
their play began and others ended. Jarvis (2007) also notably observed how the older boys became “Mentors”
to the younger boys; how they clearly showed care and concern towards each other in order not to exclude
others from the play.
These observations discussed by Jarvis (2007) can be linked to Vygotsky’s (1978) theories on the importance of
providing an environment that allows for socially constructed learning. The most notable comparisons
between Jarvis’s (2007) observations and Vygotsky’s (1978) theories relate to two key “Vygotskian” principles:
1) The “Zone of Proximal Development” (ZPD). The distance between a child’s ability to perform a task under the guidance
of peer collaboration and the child’s ability to solve problem’s independently.
2) The concept of the, “More Knowledgeable Other” (MKO). Any other person who has a better understanding or a higher
ability level than the learner, with respect to a particular task, process, or concept. The MKO is normally thought of as being
a teacher, coach, or older adult, but the MKO could also be peers, siblings or even a younger child.
(Maddux, Johnson, and Willis, 1997)
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It analysing such comparisons, it was noted in Jarvis’s (2007) study that where adults intervened, they tended
to show misunderstanding of the day to day conventions of the games, and as a result completely disrupted
the rule systems established by the children, with Jarvis (2007) observing how,
“It therefore appeared that the intervention of the older boys was far more in tune with the playground culture as it was
experienced by the child participants of these observations than this adult intervention, which triggered a cascade of events
that conspired to curtail the play activity altogether.”( Jarvis, 2007, pg. 181)
Adults interviewed in Jarvis’s (2007) study explained how their focus was to perform what they termed,
“Stressful Surveillance”. Bishop and Curtis, (2001) discuss how the emotional pressure experienced by
supervising adults within such environments as the school playground, renders most of the positives of this
form of play as invisible. “Many teachers find it hard to accept evidence of positive playground based play,
many having observed nothing but bad behaviour.” (Bishop and Curtis, 2001, pg 182). Practitioners in Jarvis’s
(2007) study shared an agreed view that they had few insights into what the children actually did when they
engaged in their play, the value of the children’s play became buried under the continual mediation of
complaints and the providing of first aid to those who had fallen on the concrete.
The literature of Bishop and Curtis (2001); Jarvis (2007); Howard (2010); Palaiologou (2010) and
Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological theory of child development, challenges schools practitioners to move
away from a perception of their role as surveyor of dangerous spaces and instead develop a shared
understanding as to why socially complex learning environments, in which the child has autonomy over their
play choices, are so vital to children’s development.
2.10 Conclusion.
This review of literature has identified how within early years practice, children need opportunities to make
real, meaningful decisions (Morrison, 1997). How children need to be allowed to determine how they play,
have the opportunities to make their own choices and feel powerful (Jones, 2002). Autonomy over play
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reduces children’s hostility towards adults that restrict freedom of choice (Edwards 1993, Gordon and Browne,
1996) and prevents children from moving their play into invisible spaces (Jarvis 2007) and further allows the
child to develop a sense of self esteem. The literature of Wolstenholme, et al (2010); DCSF (2007);Erikson
(1950); Bronfenbrenner (1979) and Bettelheim (1987) identifies where children have unlimited time in which
to develop their autonomous play, they often demonstrate higher levels of creativity, more complex play and
sustain their engagement for longer periods of time with practitioners who promote their interests.
While this review of literature discussed writing that contests the value of fantasy violence play, it identified
how children’s engagement in fantasy violence play provides them the opportunity to externalize a
relationship between playing and the repositioning of self image. How fantasy violence play and superhero
role play helps develop children’s self agency, their ability to cope with fears, anxieties and their ability to
experience the concept of personal power. This review further discussed how the act of engaging in fantasy
violence play for some children is almost beyond a conscious choice, it is as Jarvis (2010) and Grossman (2008)
identify part of their “Bio Cultural” roots, how often such fantasy violence play is engaged in to satisfy a need
to imitate the actions of “child culture” figures and superheroes, to act out an instinct or to rehearse self
protection and conquer fear.
There exist many contestable views over the socio dramatic values of fantasy violence play, which often
become invisible to those conducting “Stressful surveillance.” (Jarvis, 2007). Paley (2004) herself declares, she
has not yet ‘learned to love Darth Vader’. It is therefore the intention of this ethnographic study to use the
literature reviewed in this chapter to structure a critical analysis of observations made in relation to how the
children in this reception cohort of a sub urban London school, use fantasy violence play to support their
development and learning.
The Literature reviewed in this chapter identifies a need for practitioners to listen to the children’s language of
play and most significantly, engage in it. Literature from The DCSF (2007); Formberg (1995) and Maxim (1997)
illustrates how practitioners responding to autonomously created fantasy violence play choices allows the
adult practitioner access to the children’s, ‘language of the play’ (Jarvis 2010). This view is shared by Paley
(1988) who comments,
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“I record their fantasy play because it is the main repository for secret messages, the intuitive language with which children
express their imaginary and logic, their pleasure and curiosity, their ominous feelings and fears.” (Paley, 1988, pg7)
However, the literature of Howard (2010); Johnson (1994); McMullen and Alat (2002); Cohen (2006); Cheng
and Stimpson, (2004) and Mcinnes, et al (2009) all discuss a range of complex barriers that prevent such adult
engagement in children’s play. This ethnography will therefore also look to observe the barriers that stop the
adult practitioners working in this early year’s team from engaging with the children in their autonomously
selected play choices.
This ethnography will adopt a socialist constructivist view with the data collected being generated through
both observation and dialogue as defined by Freire (1972). This study will be constructed within and by the
very community in which this play exists, in a similar way to the research methodologies and methods of Jarvis
(2007), Blurton-Jones (1967) Paley (1998) and Willis (1978).
2.11 Research questions.
1. How do the children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy violence in their
play?
2. What are the barriers that stop the adult practitioners working in this early year’s team from engaging
with the children in their autonomously selected play choices?
Chapter Three.
3. Research Methodology
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3.1 A justification for adopting an ethnographic approach with a social constructivist worldview.
Educational research which sets out to look at the issues raised in this thesis can be approached through a
range of methodologies, epistemological views and data collection methods. Nevertheless, this study will be
an ethnography, constructed around a coherent theoretical and analytical framework relating to the themes
identified in the literature reviewed in chapter two.
This study will adopt a philosophical view, a “Social constructivist worldview” (Creswell, 2009, pg.8). There are
a range of other philosophical views, such as the Post Positivist view, however, this studies philosophy will not
search for absolute truths or view knowledge as “Conjectural”, two key features of Post Positivist views
identified by Phillips and Burbles (2000). It is not the intention of this ethnography to analyse data with a Post
Positivist view of reducing it into small, discrete and testable variables. The research questions have not been
designed to prove or compromise a hypothesis. Unlike Post positive philosophical views, described by Phillips
and Burbles (2000) and Creswell (2009) it is the intention of this study to construct a basic generation of
meaning arising from this study’s community. This qualitative process will be largely inductive, attempting to
make meaning from the data collected in the ethnographic field.
The construction of this study has been influenced by ethnographers such as Willis (1978); Whyte (1943; 1981)
and Hey (1997). The researcher will be positioned in the process itself, acknowledging the fact that
interpretation comes from personal, cultural and historical experiences, further justifying the adoption of a
Social Constructivist philosophical view as identified by Crotty (1998); Phillips and Burbles(2000) and Creswell
(2009).
3.2 A discussion on the researchers “Positionality” (Cresswell, 2009).
It is the position of the researcher that effective learning demands that an essentially “symbiotic relationship”
(Pascal and Bertram, 1997; in Carr, 2002) be developed between the child and adult. It is acknowledged that
other positions exist. Some writers (See: Vygotsky, 1978; Compton-Lilly, C, 2006; Guha, 1988 and
Csikszentmihalya, 1996) argue that the purpose of the early year’s teacher and practitioner is to ensure that
adults involve children in using their own personal knowledge as the foundation for their construction of new
learning. Blachford (2004) in Carr (2002) identifies that an exclusive focus of attention on adult engagement
distracts attention from the influence of peers who may be encouraged to scaffold each other’s learning.
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“Behaviourist” views attributed to Skinner (1904-1990) and Watson (1878-1958), outline how “Educators have
to teach. They have to transform transfers of information into a 'real act of knowing' (Skinner, in Carr, 2002.
Pg.43). While acknowledging other positions, observations of the ethnographic field will be made from the
position of believing that teachers and practitioners need to sensitively, facilitate play while granting
autonomy for the child to make their own judgments and express their own ideas.
3.3 Methods.
This ethnography will study how children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school, use fantasy
violence in their play. After reviewing the literature of Wilson (2008) and Woods (2008) the decision was taken
that this study could not, ethically, be designed as a piece of action research. The development of this study as
a narrative enquiry was also considered. The literature of Gray (1998) in Bell (2005) outlines how the narrative
enquiry approach allows the researcher the opportunity to collect “Stories” which form part of the research
analysis. These ‘stories’ are made into interpretations, from which analysis is made with the researchers
writing moving these stories into a, “Meaning making process” (Gray, 1998 cited in Bell 2005, p.27).
Gudmunsdottir (1996) also views the narrative enquiry approach as a way of creating a, “Meaning making
process most useful to the researcher when exerts of stories are used when reflecting on a research theme.”
(Gudmunsdottir, 1996, pg. 295) While acknowledging the benefits of developing a narrative enquiry, it is not
the intention of this study to create a collection of analysed children’s stories. Personal experience of already
using this method, in this study’s school, identified how the data created from narrative enquiry processes
failed to significantly impact upon the strategical thinking of the school’s senior leadership team. This view is
reflected in the literature of Usher (1992) who identifies how senior educators can often think of story telling
as “Unserious, or fictional, whereas, our image and response to “research” is that it is about truth and
therefore more serious.” (Usher, 1992, in Bell, 2005. pg27)
It is this study’s intention to use ethnographic methods to position the researcher within the natural
environments of the children. Paley (1984) observes how from such a position, the observer can share in the
secret messages that are seldom revealed in conversation,
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“When I care more about what the children say and think than my own conventionality, those are the times I
sense the beat and hear the unspoken lines.” (Paley, 1988, pg6) Ethnography will allow for the opportunity to
naturally observe how the children use fantasy violence, the opportunity to create collections of
interpretations and engage in a, “meaning making process” (Gudmunsdottir, 1996, pg. 295) through sensitive
observation without being confided to just analysing stories the children have chosen to share. Ethnography
will allow the researcher the opportunity to make sense of spoken and, “unspoken lines” (Paley, 1988, pg6).
3.4 Understanding ethnography and the ethnographic style of approach.
A review of ethnographic literature was undertaken to extend the researchers knowledge of its methodology
and methods. Ethnography literally means a description of peoples and cultures. Its origins as a research
strategy can be seen in the literature of early social anthropologists, such as Malivowski (1922) and Mead
(1943). Ethnographic principles match the epistemological perspective of the researcher, the studies of Whyte
(1943; 1981) illustrated how ethnography requires the researcher to spend considerable time in “The Field”
sharing in the lives and cultures of those being studied. Ethnography requires the researcher to share in the
experiences of those being observed, to construct an analysis of how the members of the group being studied
understand the world around them and how they attach meaning to the realities they perceive. This is a view
shared by Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) and LeCompte and Schensul (1999). Ethnography is a non
experimental research approach that uses both qualitative method data collection methods which are,
“Designed for discovery” (LeCompte and Schensul, 1999, pg. 2). Ethnographic principles match the
epistemological perspective of this study as they allow the researcher a way of, “Studying people in naturally
occurring settings by methods of data collection which captures their ordinary activities, the collection of data
in a natural setting.” (Brewer, 2000, pg.6) Ethnography is generally referred to as an holistic approach
(Hammersley and Atkinson,1983), which “Stresses processes, relationships, connections and interdependency
among the component parts of the field” (Dencombe, 2007, pg 62).
While experimental and quasi experimental studies are often viewed as, “The gold standard for examining
program impact” (LeCompte and Schensul ,1999) the methods of such studies do not suit the design of this
social research project. There are many critical issues facing education and educators that raise other types of
questions than those simply related to the proving of an interventions impact, which without “The ability, or
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right, to control probable confounding variables or randomly assign to condition, can never establish true
causation.” (LeCompte and Schensul ,1999). It is also the researchers view that, “The rigor represented in
ethnographic research methods produces scientifically valid and reliable data.” (Kaestle, et al . 1991 ). This
study adopts the view that by employing non experimental methods complimented with careful synthesis; a
shared understanding of how children use fantasy violence play to support their learning can be formed.
3.5 Data Collection Methods.
3.5.1 The methodology behind the construction of this study’s sample.
The epistemological perspective of the researcher influences the way in which the sample being observed is
created, this is the view of Cox and West (1986); Isaac (1990) and Cohen, Manion, and Morrison(2000).
Amongst the range of epistemological perspectives, Post Positivist perspectives would advocate probability
sampling as most useful in creating a studies hypothesis and generalability, (Cox and West, 1986). However,
working from a social constructivist view, in creating the sample for this study it’s more appropriate to adopt a
non- probability approach, also known as, ‘Purposive sampling’ (Cohen, Manion, and Morrison, 2000). To
reduce any potential bias towards focusing observations on a selected group of children within this sample,
this study has adopted a, ‘Stratified and Clustered’ (Isaac, 1990) approach to identifying its sample. This
approach has supported the identification of an, ‘Accessible population.’ (Morrison, 2000) In this, ‘Stratified
and Clustered’ (Isaac, 1990) approach to sampling, the researcher focuses their observations on a group of
children that represent a cross section of the characteristics and behaviours displayed by the population within
a specific geographic space. This method is therefore best suited for the observation of how children in this
reception cohort use fantasy violence to support their development within the play spaces provided by the
schools environment.
3.5.2 Adopting a participatory role within the process of data collection.
The acknowledgment that the researcher, in adopting a social constructivist world view, intends to place
themselves within the ethnography process is important. Lankser and Knobel (2004) observe that the teacher
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engaged in collection methods associated with observed forms of qualitative data, needs to decide upon their
role as a participant within the study, whether they are a non participant or a full participant:
“The non participating researcher removes themselves as much as possible from the context in which they wish to observe
the children, an approach associated with clinical research or structured observation schedules. The full participant role
engages researcher directly and completely within the context of the enquiry and its activities.” (Lankser and Knobel, 2004,
p.225)
It is the researcher’s intention to engage within the children’s play, Lankser and Knobel (2004) observe that
this form of full participation gives the teacher as a researcher the advantage:
“Since, by default, they are full participants in the everyday life and practices of their own classrooms. They can rightly
claim an insider’s perspective on what takes place. This lends weight to their data interpretations.”(Lankser and Knobel,
2004, p.225)
In this ethnography, the researcher will adopt the role of a full participant due the advantage they have in
already being engaged in the everyday lives of the children that form this study’s sample.
3.6 Observation Methods.
This ethnography will collect primarily observed data. The literature of Lankser and Knobel (2004) identifies
the appropriateness of this method, “Ethnographic approaches make much use of observation data to
construct richly descriptive and interpreted accounts of events, practices or cultures over time.” (Lankser and
Knobel, 2004, pg219). Observation methods can be divided into two categories, structured or unstructured
observation schedules. Structured sessions will not be used, as “Direct Systematic observations”(Lankser and
Knobel, 2004) are mostly used in quantitative research and are often used in making direct comparisons
between data sets constructed from different observed groups. The unstructured approach to observation
provides a system that relates more closely to this study’s methods. Lankser and Knobel’s (2004) definition of
this approach illustrates the appropriateness of using an unstructured schedule within this ethnography:
“It is the idea of going not a context and trying as much as possible to see, observing a context with no specific or tightly
defined data collection intention in mind, to see what is happening. Those researchers using this approach need to conduct
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their observations over a period of time so that enough evidence can be collected and analyzed to ensure the validity of the
patterns being described by the researcher.” Lankser and Knobel (2004, p.222)
To avoid the analysis of observed data potentially becoming, “An array of ‘pictures’ which coexist, but which
tend to remain separate, isolated stories” (Denscombe, 2005, pg. 73) a selective then focused approach to
observation will be adopted once patterns of interest have been identified. Lankser and Knobel (2004) support
this consideration identifying how researchers should, “ Begin making focused observations once they start to
reflect on and analyze observation data they have collected already and patterns or loci of interest begin to
emerge.” (Lankser and Knobel, 2004, p.220)
3.7 Ethics
3.7.1 Ethical challenges in participant observation.
Different research paradigms call for different ethical considerations, this is a view shared by Kompf (1993);
Lincoln (1990) and Wax (1979) in Bresler (1996). “The underlying assumptions of the qualitative paradigm
necessitate different types of ethical considerations from the ones used in the positivist paradigm.” (Bresler,
1996). There is a Fundamental assumption of the ethnographic paradigm that truth and reality are
perspectival, contextual, and multiple (Bresler, 1996). However, the “Vantage Point” (Leadbetter, 2010), of the
researcher affects this very process, it effects this ethnographic paradigm. These underlying assumptions,
identified by Bresler (1996); Denscombe (2007); Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) and Hammersley (1990)
include the following:
1. Complexity. Teaching and classroom life are highly complex phenomena and cannot be reduced to simple variables.
2. Contextuality. As reality is shaped by many factors, the understanding of a setting or an issue always involves the
understanding of relevant contexts.
3. Social reality is constructed culturally and individually, it is by definition, multiple.
4. Subjectivity. As objectivity is impossible, subjectivity should be acknowledged, examined, and negotiated rather than
suppressed. Researchers are always situated within social reality and carry with them their subjectivities and values.
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5 . Interpretation and meaning. Causal explanation, control, and prediction are impossible. Because interpretations are
constructed and multiple, the same activity may be interpreted in different ways by the different participants.
(Bresler,1996. pg. 133-14)
In designing an ethical study that takes account of Bresler (1996); Denscombe (2007); Hammersley and
Atkinson (1983) and Hammersley’s(1990) identification of the underlying assumptions of “the qualitative
paradigm” the literature of Miles and Huberman (1994); Bresler (1996); Denscombe (2007); Knobel (2004);
Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) and Hammersley (1990) identifies the ethical issues a researcher must
consider. These identified issues will now be used as sub headings to structure further discussion.
3.7.2 Informed Consent.
The focus of this study has been communicated to all participants. In considering the ethical issues associated
with being a full participant, the researcher will not enter into the enquiry via, “anonymous immersion”
(Lankser and Knobel, 2004) being involved in the project without explaining to the children why. The children
will be told about the researchers motives for becoming involved in their play and what the study hopes to
achieve.
3.7.3 Honesty, trust, and a truthful presentation of data.
There is acknowledgement that ethnographic research is a construction.
“It is not a direct reproduction, a literal photograph of the situation. It is rather a crafted construction which employs
writing skill and inevitably owes something to the ethnographers own experiences.” (Dencombe, 2007, pg 62)
A fundamental principle of this study is that its conduct relates directly with Freire’s (1972) insistence that
“dialogue” involves respect; it should not involve one person acting on another, but rather people working
with each other. By using this guiding principle, any personal bias over the interpretation of what the
researcher is observing will be countered by this study’s intention to respectfully record the moments of
dialogue that occur between the researcher, other adults and children in this study’s ethnographic field.
3.7.4 Intrusion.
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In, “Street Corner Society”, Whyte (1955) stresses the importance of “Relationship quality” building a positive
relationship with those you want to engage with in your ethnographic study. Whyte (1995) documents the
importance of this relationship to ensure “normal activity” continues as the researcher enters the field. From
early in September 2011, visits have been routinely made, by the researcher, to this study’s reception class.
These visits have included observation and engagement in the children’s play and discussions with
practitioners about the importance of allowing children to develop their autonomous play. The process of
developing “Relationship quality” (Whyte, 1955) has already been established, limiting the extent to which the
appearance of the researcher in the classroom or learning garden would in its very nature mean that the
natural setting and activity of the children and practitioners being observed would be altered.
This study will not adopt a “Pragmatic philosophy” (Cresswell, 2009) it will not be used to develop an intrusive
“fixing” of the situation or to enforce a change to practice which would see practitioners more engaged in the
children’s challenging play choices.
3.7.5 Advocacy
As part of the growing trend towards research on and with children in Sociology and Anthropology, the
literature of Christensen and James (2002); James, Jenks, and Prout (2004); Qvortrup (1994); Ferreira (2004);
Goodman (1967:1972); Nespor (1997) and Waldorff and Waldorff (2008) calls for ‘social conscience,’ the
inclusion of children’s narratives within research design. There is a consensus in this literature that
ethnographic researchers should actively seek to include children's viewpoints in their ethnographical
research, especially focusing on how the children in such research link their perceptions and interpretations
arising from their social world to the way in which they and others learn:
“What is clear from the academic study of children is that children have been virtually excluded as active participants in the
research process; treated rather as ‘objects of study’. When children are permitted in those rare cases to become active
participants telling their own story in their own way, the research experience is often personally moving and meaningful
and the data provided rich and complex.” (Grover, 2004, pg. 93.)
It is the view of Thorne (1993) that to adopt this stance means breaking with an array of common adult
assumptions:
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“That children's daily actions are mostly trivial, worthy of notice only when they seem cute or irritating; that children need
to be actively managed or controlled; that children are relatively passive recipients of adult socialisation.” (Thorne, 1993, in
Kamil, Langer, & Shanahan, 1985)
The researcher has a relationship with the children that, as observed by the United Nations Convention on The
Rights of The Child, Article 12, would allow the children who are able to express their views the opportunity to
do so freely. The relationship established with this group further serves to protect what Bell (2005), identifies
as “The vulnerability of the Interviewer”, a concern also observed in the 2004 revision of BERA Guidelines,
relating the interviewees ability to effectively, “tell their story”, their ability to articulate and convey their
understanding or viewpoint, their ability or comfort in being completely honest in the responses they give and
importantly their ability to make the decision to no longer be involved in the study.
The incorporation of ‘social conscience’ by including the voice of the children in the data analysis is
fundamental to the adoption of the social constructivist view taken in this project. The data analysis process
needs to recognise the children as:
“Social players with the necessary capacity to interpret their social world. If this is achieved a researchers interpretations of
their daily life becomes denser, more complete and richer in meaning” (James, 1999, in LeCompte & Schensul, 1999)
However, it is important that this study does not develop a sense of “Paternalism” (Lincon and Williams, 1988)
the over emphasizing of the voice of the children against the voice of the adults. It is ethnography, not
narrative enquiry. It will be imperative that the analysed data is not invalidated in the eyes of colleagues who
become engaged in discussions of “Whose side are you on?” This concern is identified by Becker (1967). To
achieve ‘social conscience’ without fear of “Pateralism” (Lincon and Williams, 1988), the design of the analysis
process has been influenced by the literature of Clifford (1992). The “ethnographic authority” (Clifford,1992)
of the researcher recording both the children’s and adults perspectives and daily lives, will be used as a way
of legitimising both viewpoints concerning the social and cultural life in which they take part – in this case, that
of the school.
3.7.6 Intervention
In ‘Learning to Labour,’ Willis (1978) describes how while one student, ‘Joey’, was viewed by his teachers as
“unteacherable”, he saw ‘Joey’ as an innovative and competent writer capable of producing writing of a high
quality, quality that was rarely shared with his teachers. In his study Willis (1978) does not challenge ‘Joey’ as
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to why he would hide his talent for writing, nor did he challenge Joey to re consider his pre occupation with
leading his “Lads” in their counter-school culture. As an Ethnographer, Willis (1978) chose as his methodology
to be uncompromisingly true to the experiences he observed and not to intervene in the lives of the children
he engaged with. Unlike Willis (1978), in this study a balance must exist between the role of researcher and
teacher. Therefore, any misconceptions adults may have about the children in their care, such as Arif, will be
challenged through discussion and dialogue. It is the researcher’s/teacher’s duty of care to ensure that no child
or adult displays harmful behaviour, experiences exclusion, or remains disengaged from potential learning
experiences.
3.7.7 Privacy, confidentiality, and anonymity.
The literature of Denscombe (2007); Bell (2005); Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) and Hammersley (1990)
brings into question confidentiality concerns over the product of ethnography and its dissemination to
members within and outside the researched setting. This piece of research adheres to the data protection
principles as outlined in The Data Protection Act of 1998. Data will be collected in a fair and lawful manner,
used only for the purposes originally specified and accurately presented. The data will be kept securely and all
participants will remain anonymous. Participant’s names will be changed.
3.8 Data analysis
Within the spectrum of Ethnography research, a debate exists to its purpose. It is not the intention of this
ethnographic study to use “idiographic” or “phenomenological” approaches (Hammersley, 1990) a straight
forward first hand retelling of “one off, stand alone” (Denscombe, 2007) experiences witnessed from the
position of the researcher. In this Ethnography the researcher will interpret the situations being observed from
the perspective of the participants, then support interpretations being made by conducting appropriate
literature searches and engaging in dialogue with others in the field. The researcher will construct written
accounts that attempt to “make the familiar strange” (Gall et al. 2005). By this Gall, et al. (2005) discusses how
the ethnographer examines cultural phenomena, (the children’s use of fantasy violence play) from the
perspective of the outsider, the adult, (to whom it is strange) while trying to comprehend the cultural
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phenomena, (the children’s use of fantasy violence play) from the perspective of an insider, the child (to whom
it is familiar). This study will produce what Hammersley (1990) would refer to as,
“Theoretical, analytical, or thick descriptions (whether of societies, small communities, organisations, spatial locations or
social worlds). These descriptions must remain close to the concrete reality of particular events but at the same time reveal
general features of human social life.” (Hammersley, 1990 pg. 598)
The literature of other ethnographer’s, such as Potter (1993) take Hammersley’s (1990) debates further,
placing ethnographic research at the other end of this debated spectrum, into a area of “Nomothetic” (Potter,
1993) observation, how social life is dependant upon a theory. Potter (1993) links Ethnography to a Ground
Theory Approach to qualitative data, a research method attributed to Glaser and Strauss in the 1960’s. Hayes
(2000) defines this process as the “Iterative Process.” (Hayes, 2000, in Bell 2005, pg. 184) A process in which
theoretical insights emerge or are discovered as the research develops, in turn these new insights producing
new theories which are tested, producing more new insights that are again tested, and so on, until you reach
the core where no further theory can be produced or the research has evolved to a point where the last theory
is proven, what Punch (1998) terms “Theoretical saturation.” (Punch, 1998, pg. 167) This ethnographic study
will not look to develop grounded theory for the reasons Miles and Humerman, (1994) observe, “Understanding
comes in layers; the longer we are in the environment, the more layers appear to surface and the choice of when to close
down, when to go for the definitive analysis can be painful…when the constraints of time and budget are relaxed,
saturation can become a vanishing horizon.” (Miles and Humerman, 1994, p.62)
It is identified by Denscombe (2007); Woods (1979); Gueron (1999); Hammersley and Atkinson (1983); Kaestle,
Damon-Moore, Stedman, Tinsley, & Trollinger, (1991) and LeCompte and Schensul (1999) that an ethnographic
middle ground can exist, that “Idiographic” and “Nomothetic” (Hammersley, 1990) approaches are not
mutually exclusive. This ethnography will be located in this middle ground. This ethnography will make
grounded analysis of the observations collected on how the children use fantasy violence in their play. This
analysis which will look to triangulate each interpretive finding through theoretical discussion with other adults
and searches of research literature, but not drive for “Theoretical saturation.” (Punch, 1998, pg. 167)
3.9 Conclusion
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It is acknowledged that ethnography presents a range of limiting factors. While advocating the value of
ethnography research, the literature of Denscome (2007) Fetterman (1998), Geertz (1973) and Van Maanen
(1988) identifies that an ethnography’s generability will be limited in the fact that the data observed and
analysed in this study relates only to the community engaged in this study’s field. It is accepted that there is a
limitation in the potential towards generalising the events and analysis from this ethnographic account of the
children’s use of fantasy violence. However, researchers in education (See: Bogdan and Biklen, 1992; Bresler
and Stake, 1992; Denzin, 1994; Peshkin, 1988 and Walker, 1980) increasingly have come to value the
personal nature of conducting ethnography within an educational setting.
The purpose of this ethnography is to describe how the children in this reception cohort use fantasy violence
play and to identify the barriers that prevent the adult practitioners in this setting from engaging in this play.
The construction of this ethnography, with the researcher positioned in the ethnographic field, provides the
opportunity for the grounded analysis and interpretation of what’s being observed to be shared with the
adults and children participating in its located community. This ethnography will support the researcher in
creating an understanding of the research questions from the perspective of those being studied, a view
shared by Gall, J.P. et al. (2005); Nurani (2008); Denscombe (2007); Tuckman (1999) and Grey, (1998).
Chapter Four.
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4. Data Analysis.
In this chapter, a series of thematically analysed key findings will be presented which relate significantly to this
thesis’s research questions and reviewed literature. This chapter will start by acknowledging the limitations of
the data before discussing the interpretations of findings that have been developed through a grounded
analysis of observed data collected during the ethnography.
4.1 A discussion on the limitations, reliability, validity and generalisability of the data.
This ethnography challenged the researcher to deepen their understanding of methodology and methods as it
presented a tension stemming from what Denscombe (2005) views as, “Twin concerns with naturalism and
reflexivity” (Denscombe, 2007, pg73).
“Ethnographies generally attempt to accommodate an internal contradiction between a realist aspiration to provide
detailed descriptions of events as they naturally exist and, “A “relativist” awareness of the reflective nature of social
knowledge and the inevitable influence of the researcher’s “self on the whole research endeavour.” (Denscombe, 2007, pg
73).
To address this concern, when analytically recording this study’s findings, the adopted writing style combined
personal involvement with objectivity, this is an approach suggested by Woods (2006). Without this, Woods
(2006) argues that the researcher will identify strongly with the members of the group and support their
values instead of studying them, potentially, as Denscombe (2007) warns, providing the reader with only
detailed descriptive accounts of events at the expense of developing an analytic insight.
This ethnography has the constraint in that the data collected relates only to the direct period of observation,
it is difficult to replicate this research because the events occurring in this natural setting cannot be
reproduced, and therefore its typicality could be questioned. This ethnography requires the data to be
interpreted in the context of the situation in which in was observed. The findings cannot be used to generalize
the findings to other contexts. The findings must be considered in reference to its ‘Contextualisation’
(Wiersma, 1986). This view is shared by Denscombe (2007), Bell (2005) and Nurani (2008).
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To limit ‘Reflexivity’ (Denscombe, 2007) the potential of the writing becoming influenced by bias or
predisposition, this chapter was written using low – inference descriptors, (Creswell, 2009) an approach to
analytical writing that remains close to the participant’s accounts and researcher’s field notes. To promote the
validity of this qualitative research, an attempt was also made to triangulate each finding either through
supportive data or literature theory (Denscombe, 2007).
4.2 A reminder of the research questions underpinning the analysis of data collected in this ethnography.
Research questions:
1. How do the children in our reception cohort use fantasy violence in their play and learning?
2. What are the barriers that stop the adult practitioners working in this early year’s team from engaging with the
children in their autonomously selected play choices?
4.3 A discussion of the ethnography’s main findings in relation to the research questions.
4.3.1 The children used fantasy violence play to support their skills in the rehearsal and creation of
innovative narratives, significantly impacting on their attainment in Communication, language and Literacy.
This finding challenges the literature of Dunn and Hughes (2001), Smith-Sutton (1988), Galda. L and A. D.
Pellegrini (1985), Watson and Peng (1992) and Carlsson-Paige and Levin (1990) This literature argues that
children who include fantasy violence themes in their play, experience and engage in fewer pretenses, play
less and therefore their use of language is modestly lower than children who did not include such themes in
their play. This literature also shares the view that for children with a pre occupation for fantasy violence
themed play, their play displays a lack of sophisticated language, creativity and imagination because the
content of children’s play originates from TV or other media cultures. The observed data collected in this
ethnography illustrated how the play narratives created by the children in this cohort when engaging in
fantasy violence themed play, was original, sophisticated in its use of language and creative, this is just one
specific example:
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“11/04/2012
The Octopus Narrative (Part of a story in which an octopus protects other sea creatures by fighting evil creatures, but the
octopus is badly injured).
Emmy, Arif, Ali and Aiden (aged 5) explained to me how they were building caves and pools for the octopus and dolphins.
They explained how the octopus is “incredibly” old and lives in a cave, guarded by the dolphins. How he keeps the dolphins
alive with his magic, but needs to sleep in a nest to rest… …in the cave.
The whole time we were outside it was raining quite hard and the drain pipes and water barrels began to overflow. Aiden
disappeared from the group for a while, taking his play over the other end of the garden, Emmy ran over to ask him what he
was doing. He explained that the octopus had a hole in his stomach, there was an actual hole in the toy, and that he needed
to fill this hole with water to keep the octopus and the dolphins alive. Emmy quickly ran back to the cave and pools they had
built from trays and steps, she explained to the others what had happened and they all decided to build a better nest so the
injured octopus could rest while they filled the pools and caves with water from the over flowing pipes.
Aiden: “We must make pools and lagoons so the dragon sharks and dolphins can get water and oxygen and stay alive”
Maliki: “We need one of those caves with water underneath… …we need to make lagoons and sea pools. …come on let’s
build it.”
Joshua: “The Octopus needs the best nest to rest and help the others.”
(Research Journal, pg.40-43)
The discussion that the engagement in socio dramatic, fantasy violence themed play supported these
children’s language development can be further validated by triangulating the observed data recorded in this
ethnography with research literature and data relating to the attainment in Communication, Language and
Literacy of the children observed in this study. Miller and Almon (2009) and Pellegrini and Smith (1988)
observe that children engaged in socio-dramatic play develop greater language skills than non players, better
social skills, more empathy, more imagination and more of the subtle capacity to know what others mean.
That these “players” show more higher levels of thinking. Children in this study who engaged in fantasy
violence themed socio dramatic play, although all coming from minority ethnic backgrounds and being new to
English or bilingual, all attained a Foundation Stage Profile Points score for “Language for Communication” and
“Language for Thinking” that was significantly higher, 12%, than the Local Borough and British national
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averages. This data was collated from our end of year assessment procedures which compares the children’s
Foundation Stage Profile data to Local Borough and National bench marks.
4.3.2 When engaging in fantasy violence play, the children in this observed reception cohort displayed an
understanding of the empathy towards the thoughts and feelings of others, the ability to resolve conflict and
to show care and concern for each other.
This finding further challenges the Literature of Dunn and Hughes (2001), Smith-Sutton (1988), Watson and
Peng (1992) and Carlsson-Paige and Levin (1990). This literature discusses how children engaging in fantasy
violence play find it difficult to display an understanding of empathy towards the feelings and thoughts of
others. The Literature also makes a connection between allowing children to engage in pretend fantasy
violence and an increase in real, “Aggressive” behaviour. Over the eleven month period of this ethnography,
only one incidence of actual “fighting” between the children engaging in fantasy violence play was recorded in
the schools playtime, lunch time or outdoor area incidence books. This observation is supported by the
research of Schafer and Smith (1996) which observed a less than 1% occurrence of actual moments of real
aggression in the fantasy violence play of children across a range of primary schools in the UK. It also needs to
be discussed that the actual extent to which this incident involved real “aggressive behaviour” is also
questionable, as this discussion with the children involved shows:
16/07/2012, a moment of real aggression?
Researcher: Why are you four sat here? (Outside the Headteachers office)
Arif: (Visually upset) I kicked Ali and he kicked Dillian and Aidan.
Ali: (crying) But…I was being a Power Ranger…I didn’t mean to, I was pretending and I kicked Arif so he kicked me back and
then I kicked them and they kicked me”
Aidan: We didn’t really kick each other, not hard for real…we were playing but she saw us and really told us off.”
Researcher: “Did any of you hurt each other?”
Children: “No”
Researcher: “Why are you so upset?”
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Dillian: “Coz we were only pretending”
Aidan: “I don’t want to get told off”
Arif: “We were just playing our game.”
(Research Journal, pg.63-64.)
The literature of Smith (2008) makes further observations that the socio dramatic quality of the children’s play
enhances a child’s ability to understand the knowledge and beliefs of others, to realise that other children can
have a different belief or state of knowledge different from their own. The observed data collected in this
study provides a range of examples in which different children engaging in fantasy violence play displayed
conflict resolution skills and an understanding of empathy towards each other, as one practitioner observed:
“When they play they really enjoy themselves…they all really care for each other and always make sure they look out for
each other…” (Research Journal, pg.64.)
Further examples of the children’s understanding of the empathy and ability to show care and concern
towards each other, resolve conflict and redesign their play to support friends when engaged in social play that
includes fantasy violence, can be seen in this studies research notes and these two specific examples:
“I invited his teacher to sit and watch the group play. During this time Arif invented the groups play narrative, shared
innovative ideas, creative language and ensured that their play remained in a space away from other teachers
observations. He negotiated arguments over narrative development to a compromised conclusion and stopped the play
when a peer fell over to make sure he wasn’t hurt. Arif’s teacher watched, then commented, “I got him wrong.”
(Research Journal, pg.36)
18/04/2012
Today I decided that I would try as much as possible to remain outside of the play. I really wanted to conduct an
observation in which I observed the children engaged in their own play choices. I am concerned that at times, the children’s
play choices are becoming influenced by my involvement in their play.
I decided to again arrive late so that the session would have begun. The groups were out in the garden engaged in some
play. I watched from a distance. The game involved Arif, Aiden, Ali, and Dillain, it was one we had created a few weeks ago
in which the children would hide colourful stones and gems around the garden then venture on a quest to find them. Today
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they were, “Firestones”. The play was very physical with lots of pretend fighting; each child with a “Firestone” could
seemingly project fire from their hands and kill their enemies. They also seemed to have the powers of firing lazers from
their fingers. While I was watching what seemed to be a very energetic display of kicks and lazer firing, Ali slipped and fell.
Arif instantly stopped the game, telling the others to stop, ran over and helped Ali up asking, “Are you ok, are you ok?” Once
he was sure Ali was ok he told the group not to play by the hoops ad skipping ropes, “you could fall, let’s move over to the
playground.”
(Research Journal, pg.45)
The children in this cohort used fantasy violence play to support their construction of innovative narratives and
develop their understanding of empathy. These observations challenge the appropriateness of the currently
self adopted zero tolerance approach towards this kind of play enforced by the settings early years team. It
provides a significant insight into how such a constant source of preoccupation can provide the stimulus for
children to rehearse, negotiate, re develop and perform complex narratives within a socially constructed
learning experience which significantly supports the development of the children’s oracy skills. These findings
not only challenge the literature of Dunn and Hughes (2001), Smith-Sutton (1988), Watson and Peng (1992)
and Carlsson-Paige and Levin (1990) but are also supported by the arguments presented in the literature of
Grossman S (2008) Katch (2002), Thompson. M (2000) Paley (1988) Rich (2003) Singer(1990) T. G. Powers
(2000) and Jarvis (2007) which provide, alongside the observational data and dialogue with colleagues, a
theoretical triangulation to this discussion.
This research literature also identifies, as did this ethnography, how for certain children fantasy violence play
presents a learning context through which they can use language to create rich stories and develop an
understanding of empathy towards the thoughts and feelings of other. For example, Jarvis (2007) observed in
her ethnographical piece of research how ‘the boys’ clearly showed care and concern towards each other in
order not to exclude others from the play. In this thesis’s literature review, it was also discussed how Logue
(2008) observed how after witnessing the importance of the “Bad Guy” in the narratives and language
experiences developed by the children, the participating practitioners changed their perceptions on the value
of such play. This finding would also indicate a need for a similar change in perceptions and practice by the
early year’s team supporting the children in this reception cohort.
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4.3.3 The children used fantasy violence themed play to improve child self agency.
Fantasy violence themed play with their close friends provided for the children in this study a context through
which they could develop their self agency; there ability to overcome or cope with perceived fears. A range of
specifically observed data recorded in this ethnography supports this statement, some examples are included
here:
“16/11/2011: Leena “Becoming Strong” Jones (2002)
This dragon game has become a favourite amongst the children in the reception cohort. On joining them in their play I am
instantly asked, “Can you play Dragons with us?” On this occasion while I joined in with a narrative created by a group of
five children, I watched as Leena stood, disengaged, and then ran inside to her class teacher crying. I left the game to take a
position away from the group to listen in to Leena’s conversation with her teacher.
Leena “There’s dragons out there, its scary..I don’t like them”
Teacher: “Show me where leena”
Leena: No
Teacher: “Come on Leena, there not dragons… its just your friends playing…lets go and play...”
Leena: “No”
At this point a group of Leena’s friends came over to see what was wrong, the explained the games narrative, they were
dragons searching for lost diamonds but they were being chased by bears that could leap in the sky and catch them with
their claws and that their were dragon hunters who were with a queen.
Teacher: “Leena, Why don’t we make a net and try and catch the dragon that’s scaring you?
Leena pointed to me.
Leena’s teacher came outside with her and sat with Leena watch our game, Leena and her teacher decided to make a giant
net from ropes and hoops to catch me and the other dragons, Leena also made a small dragon catcher from a tube and
yoghurt pot. Lenna, with the support of her teacher soon engaged in the play, developing a new narrative shared by the
other children, the adventures of the dragons who lived by the tree and the dragon chasers who lived in the big wooden
boat.
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During this time Leena was very focused on sharing her ideas and rehearsing her thoughts on how she would catch me, her
teacher sustained this use of language for thinking by structuring Leena’s ideas and offering suggestions and improvements
to support her thoughts. Eventually Leena had created a dragon net she was happy with, , as I continued to play my role as
a dragon I pretended to fly over the construction/junk modeling area where Leena had been making her net and talking
with her teacher. Leena joined up with Jenika, a confident dragon game player, and after a few attempts at catching her
friends, leena ran over and trapped me with her net.
From this point leena became fully engaged in the play for over 45 minutes, chasing, catching and contributing to the
narrative of the play.
This game became a favourite for most of the children, with Leena becoming the princess of the dragon catchers, played
over three more days.
A great example of fantasy play, adult sustained participation in play, supporting child self agency”
(Research Journal, pg 7-8.)
“14/03/2012
Dillian
Today he seemed very quiet and withdrawn from his friends. As I joined the group on the carpet and asked what was
wrong, Arif told me that Dillian’s house had been burgled.
I asked Dillian if he wanted to talk about this, if this was what was upsetting him, it was and he began retelling how he had
been woken up by his Mum screaming and how he had seen the burglars.
“In my house we were all asleep and the downstairs alarm went and my Mum said there’s a burglar in the house and my
sister screamed and was crying...”
At this point Arif put his arm around Dillian continued Dillan’s story,
“Yeah then you did a flip and got your lazer guns and killed them” explaining how Dillian had then somersaulted over the
stairs, had taken out his swords and killed the burglars, then how hundreds more came up the stairs, but Dillian was too
strong for them all and he used his power Ranger skills to kill them all.
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“We got some more guns and my lizards and we kept shooting and there were so many burglars and we got all our guns
and swords and fighted them and there was blood and we killed them all and a big momma came in a car with the police
and they came and helped us.”
Dillian’s appearance instantly changed, he joined Arif, all smiles, on the carpet to act out his slaying of the burglars through
a range of staged rolls, dives and pretend fight scenes. After this short play, he sat back down with me, told me he felt
better and that his Mum loved him and wouldn’t let anyone hurt him.”
(Research Journal, pg.23-24.)
“21/03/2012
Vansham, Power and magic stones
Vansham is a child described by his supporting practitioners as quiet, shy, nervous, easily intimated by others, withdrawn.
But, in our dinosaurs and magic stones play, created in the garden, Vansham became a confident player, sharing ideas,
collecting the magic stones, building a cave for the dinosaurs and stones to be stored in, negotiating with others narratives
for their socio-dramatic playing which he became the keeper of the stones, the person most powerful within the group,
using the stones to help the dinosaurs and fight off other children acting as dragon invaders, trying to pinch the stones from
the cave he built.
Vansham remained in this most powerful, stone keeper role”
(Research Journal, pg. 24.)
13/06/2012
Rana being Strong (Jones 2002)
Homemade heroes.
Rana is a child who has a poor self image, when asked what she is good at, she often replies: nothing, her Mum and Dad
have separated and her home life is split between her two new families, she spends alternate weeks with Dad, Step Mother
and Step family and with Mum and her three sisters and brother. On occasions her parents have been warned about
inappropriate ways in which they discipline the children. During this homemade heroes project, Rana’s whole self image
and learning disposition/attitude to school completely changed. During this project she created an amazing costume,
participated in collaborative super hero play in the garden and just generally seemed a much more confident, happy child.
At the end of the week both her Mum and Dad came in to talk to her teacher about the confidence she had shown at home,
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how each evening she would talk about what was happening at school, ask Mum to help with her costume and get up early
ready for school.”
(Research Journal, pg.54-55.)
09/05/2012
Kevin and “The Hulk”.
Today I thought I would try and catch up with Kevin. When I found him, he was sat on a chair in the corner of the room
drawing. As he turned around he revealed a large stitched cut across his forehead, just above his right eye. His teacher and
classroom assistant told me, in front of Kevin, how he had been dangerous at home, climbed a tree and fell. While they
were both obviously concerned about Kevin, their seemed to be a sense of, “That’s what happens when you play like that
Kevin” attached to their explanations of his accident.
Kevin gave me a quick acknowledging smile, turned back around and carried on with his drawing, visibly upset.
He was wearing a Hulk T-shirt, I pulled up a chair next to him and began to draw a picture of The Hulk leaping over
buildings. He smiled, laughed and showed me his T-shirt. I asked him if he wanted to go and play Hulk in the garden. He did,
we went out and enjoyed a great game of jumping, leaping and striding like The Hulk. We had a chat about being safe,
then carried on our game. His complete persona changed, from a child quietly sat drawing in a classroom corner to the
Kevin I knew, up, active, smiling and engaged in his favourite kind of play.
I know from discussions with Kevin’s class teacher that his mother dominates his life, waking him up early each morning to
“Study” before school and taking him to language and maths tutoring classes after the school day. In school, Kevin’s play
choices are as equally controlled, he receives a consistent zero tolerance to any of his most valued play themes.
When discussing his accident, while all the adults in our reception team were obviously upset about his accident, all adults
shared in a sense of, “Well that’s what happens,” linking the accident directly to his “nature” his pre occupation with rough
and tumble play, as if the cut was a justification for the disapproval and zero tolerance of his play choices.
Maybe it is, I too was shocked by the cut and watching Kevin sat down in the corner of the room, drawing quietly away
from friends and play was almost as equally upsetting.
But, his transformation in character, once engaged in Hulk play in my view evidenced the impact this kind of play can have
on our young learners.
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That night I picked up “Killing Monsters” By Jones (2002) coincidently, in the chapter “Being Strong” Jones (2002) makes a
direct reference to The Hulk.
“The character who entranced me, freed me, was the Incredible Hulk: overgenderised and undersocialised...raging against a
frightened world that misunderstood and persecuted him...The Hulk smashed through the walls of fear I’d been carrying
inside me and freed me to feel everything I had been repressing, rage and pride and the hunger for power over my own
life...Suddenly I had a fantasy self who could show me what it felt like to be unafraid of my own desires and the world’s
disapproval.” (page 15)
While I would obviously never wish to promote dangerous play, being “The Hulk” seemed to provide Kevin with a much
needed sense of self agency, a play narrative through which he could return to his old self, rediscover his “power.”
(Research Journal, pg. 45-47.)
In considering, “Reflexivity” it is acknowledged that this finding is closely connected to the personal viewpoint
of the researcher. However, this finding can be triangulated with a range of research literature and theory.
Jones (2002); Holland (2002;2003); Rich (2003) and Pellegrini and Smith (2008) hypothesis that this kind of play
enhances children’s emotional securities by allowing them the opportunity to work through anxieties by
acting them out in pretend play. This studies observed data combined with the literature of Jones (2002)
Thompson (2000) Logue (2008) Katch (2002) Rich(2002) Compton-Lilly (2006) Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence
(1973) reinforces the validity of the discussion that for some of the children in this reception cohort, fantasy
violence play provides a significant set of experiences through which they develop their ability to reposition
themselves in relation the position their peers have dictated to them and their ability to cope with their fears
and anxieties, (Compton-Lilly, 2006). The importance of this finding is further described by Holland (2002)
observing that a,
“Zero tolerance to this kind of play inhibits us from supporting the children’s development of other imaginative and
negotiating skills which may mediate the real risk factors present in our children’s lives.” (Holland, 2002 pg.4)
The literature of Pehrsson and Pehrsson (2007) extends both the discussion of this finding and the literature in
chapter two which advocates that fantasy violence play supports children in developing their self agency.
Pehrsson and Pehrsson’s (2007) Language Fantasy Approach, involves children creating a myth in which their
story characters meet and overcome challenges. A group of three or four children learn to cooperate and gain
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courage as their story characters work together to deal with monsters and other villains. Children learn to take
appropriate risks and to realise the consequences initially in their stories and then in their own lives. Pehrsson
and Pehrsson (2007) have documented, over the past thirty years, how The Language Fantasy Approach leads
to self-discovery and personal growth, as well as an increase in courage and more positive social interactions.
Pehrsson and Pehrsson (2007) research, like that of Jones (2002) Thompson (2000) Logue (2008) Katch (2002)
Rich(2002) discusses how story characters act as alter egos that are eventually assimilated to the child’s
original ego and how due to the initial safe distance of the alter egos of their characters, children are willing to
take risks and test the consequences. Pehrsson and Pehrsson (2007) research illustrates how children engaged
in this fantasy play gradually gain courage, make decisions, experience effects, and learn to work well with
others.
The discussion of this finding is significantly important when considering the initial genesis of this thesis’s
construction, which was to construct a piece of action research that would test the theoretical idea advocated
in the literature, amongst others, of Jones (2002) that by engaging with children in fantasy violence and
superhero play, the school could support the children in improving their self agency, their ability to reposition
their self identity, develop a sense of power and cope with perceived fear. This initial idea for the thesis came
as a response to the results of pupil conferencing and questionnaire exercises which accumulated in March
2010 with 33% of the children’s feedback indicated that they did not always feel safe in the classroom, with
18% responding that they only felt safe some of the time to not at all, while 54% recorded that they only felt
safe some of the time to not at all in the playground. This finding provides a valid and well researched platform
from which to extend the study into a piece of action research or ground theory study that examines further
the concept that by engaging the children in fantasy violence and superhero play, the school could support the
children in improving their self agency.
4.3.4 The Children in this reception cohort used fantasy violence themed play to develop their understanding
of rule making, rule negotiation and share with others a moral sense of what’s right and wrong.
The writing of Paley (1984;1988) describes how no other character than the “Bad Guy” is more rule governed,
how within fantasy violence play, the “Bad Guy” becomes a fantasy character that allows the children to
secretly explore their own fears. How ‘he’ doesn’t have a name or shouldn’t have a birthday. How once
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identified, the “Bad Guy” must be dealt with quickly, how the, “Bad Guy” becomes simply a convenient symbol
on which the children can begin hanging rules on and testing them out. The studies of Paley ( 1984;1988)
provide sources of literature that further support the discussion of the finding that the children engaging in
fantasy violence play, in this reception cohort, displayed an increasing ability to make rules, re negotiate them
and share with others a moral sense of what’s right and wrong. These selected examples of recorded
observations provide further observed data that supports this discussion:
“08/02/2012
“Florida Car.”
In this session a group of girls “built” a magical car, “Florida Car” this car could travel anywhere in the world and was
fuelled by flowers picked from our wild meadow and blossom failing from the trees. I was invited to travel with the girls to
Florida.
As I engaged in the game, a group of boys, playing a game in which they were dragons searching for magical stones, came
over and “attacked” the car, knocking down the carefully balanced tile pieces making up the side of the car.
This lead to some rule negotiations between the girls in the car and the boy dragon group, the conclusion, a no boys
allowed rule.
Boys were responsible for breaking the car, so they are no longer allowed. This rule was universally accepted and both
pieces of play continued.
After a short period of time Aiden came over to talk to me, asking why he couldn’t play in the “Florida Car”. I asked him to
go and talk to the girls about this.
Following a short discussion, Aiden managed to negotiate with the girls a new rule, no boys allowed, accept Aiden, who was
invited to collect blossom and travel to Florida.”
(Research journal, pg. 26-28)
18/01/2012
Arif, “The only rule is that you can’t play with the big Lego”
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Context: Class u, children aged 5, small group playing on the carpet, amongst them Arif, Dylan and Aidan, three boys with
whom I have developed a close play relationship with. The group is engaged in some kind of alien gun play, guns made from
small Lego, being used to shoot children pretending to be aliens in the face.
Script, drafted from notes made on “post its”
Can I play?
Some children stop, but Arif reengages them by stating, “He’s here to play dragons with us” Play continues.
Can I play, what are you playing?
“Were playing alien sprayers... you build a sprayer from the small lego to spray the aliens with”
Dylan: “there guns, you shoot the aliens”
Arif and Aidan, “There not guns, were not allowed guns”
Is that a rule?
All children: “Teacher doesn’t like them”
What is the rule?
“You only use the small lego, big legos rubbish you cant make things with it... if you need to change your sprayer you cant
make new things with big lego, there no wheels to put cars onto your sprayers, or long bits for wings.”
He three boys show me all the things you can do with the small lego, add wheels to the “sprayers” so that you can chase
aliens on the ground or wings so they can fly, all the time Arif and Aidan use the term, “Sprayers” while Dylan keeps
forgetting and uses the term gun, quickly corrected by the other two because, Teachers don’t like guns”
I know you mean that these are guns and you are using them to shoot each other...you only have a rule that you can’t use
big Lego, but you can shoot each other in the face, is that right?
Arif “Sprayers don’t kill you, they make you smell nice, and they are not people we spray, bad aliens. The rules right, big
lego is no good for making things, like cars wheel or wings if yu need to fly...we can shoot in the face...if you are being
shooted you pretend, cover up, hide or kick the bullets away like a ninja, but big lego cant make the things we need, you
must use little lego.”
So little lego is important?
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Yes
Why do teachers not like guns?
Arif “ The teacher doesn’t know that the guns can’t kill her..she doesn’t know anything like that..we haven’t told her that
these are guns”
But you told me?
Arif: “Yes, when you come you let us blow fire on things, you can fly and hang like bats, you let us have wings bigger than
our hands, remember we were rat bats?”
So these are guns?
Arif “I just told you, just false guns, not real, but you have to use little lego.”
Where else do you play with guns?
Arif: “In the big playground when we go there, because teacher can’t see us, if the teachers not around we
play guns...I like playing guns.”
I still don’t get the rule, you can shoot in the face, but not use big lego?
Arif: “Teachers don’t get it, its only pretend, you can shoot in the face its not real but you can’t make things
with big lego, I can make what I need quickly with little lego.”
(Research Journal, pg.9-11.)
21/06/2012
Good must always win
While watching the children play today it occurred to me that in all of the play I have observed, the “good” characters
always seem to be able to jump out the way of lazers and bullets, fight of evil armies, recovery quickly from being stabbed
by swords, but the “Baddies” die quickly. At the end of the session while we were tidying up the garden I started a
conversation:
“Do good guys always win?”
Aagil: “Yes, the best bit was when the bad leopard queen died..it was the best bit because the giant monkey was good”
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Aydin: “I love playing Power Rangers coz the rangers never die, they get hurt then they do this... (He went into an acting out
of the moves the power rangers perform when they individually join together into one giant robot) ...then they beat the
monsters, when I do it it makes me feel good.”
Jenika: “ I play a game at home with my brother, he is the bad black Spiderman with 10 ears and 10 mouths, I was the good
spider girl and I always catch him with my strings.”
“When we play the dragons game, I always want to be the queen so my penguin army can frozen the bears army and save
the dragons.”
The children made it very clear that good always beats evil, but getting to this conclusion took some negotiation between
Arif, Dillan, Jenika, Aydin and Aagil.
The children “ Yes good always wins... no but sometimes like in Power Rangers the monsters nearly win then the Rangers
come back to life and kill the monsters... they don’t die they just get hurt...but they are to strong...good is more powerful
than bad… ….the bad one must die”
Me: “ But if the bad one dies the game ends”
The children” yes..but..he can come back to life...but he must die again”
Me: “so the bad one can comeback to life and maybe win?”
The children: “Yes... ...no...”
Me: “So the game ends”
The children: “Yes...no... He can comeback to life but can’t win”
(Research Journal, pg. 59)
4.4.4 The incorporation of childhood cultural influences, connected to fantasy violence play, within the
learning environment extended the time the children spent engaged in socio dramatic play.
Children’s fantasy violence play which incorporated a wide range of childhood cultural influences, such as
Power Rangers and Marvel superheroes, resulted in play experiences and engagement in socio dramatic play
that was sustained over a longer period of time, compared to play directed by adult practitioners. This finding
is validated by observations recorded in this studies research journal:
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“Vansham remained in this most powerful, stone keeper role, for over 40 minutes, negotiating narratives, acting out fight
scenes in which he used the stones to defend his cave and most notably using language to re negotiate with peers the
direction of the plays narratives.” (Research Journal, pg.24)
“23/05/2012
Homemade heroes.
While playing with the children this week I made myself a superheroes costume from an old blanket hidden in our dressing
up clothes. The group loved the idea of making costume so we all made some improvised outfits from materials, blankets,
felt pens, glue and paper.
I asked the teachers if it was ok that this week as part of their home learning a flyer could be sent out asking parents to help
their children make a homemade superheroes outfit.
Normally, any kind of creative or innovative home learning activity is only engaged in by our most dedicated families, on
average four families per class. However, in response to this flyer on average 28 out of the 30 children in each of the three
classes returned to school on the Monday with their home made outfits.
I am a little concerned that my actions here are more in line with action research methods as opposed to observing the
children engaged in their normal play routines. But, as a school we do regularly send out creative and innovative home
learning projects based on observations of what the children have enjoyed during the week, I just suggested a superheroes
one might be appropriate based on how much they enjoyed the play.
Howard (2010) in a piece of research identifying barriers to play in early years practice indentifies how “Parental Influence”
can be a major barrier to practitioners developing play within school, Howard (2010) argues that her research shows that
the main priority for the parents of the children in these practitioners’ classes was success, communicated to them through
high attainment scores in the Foundation Stage Profile.
This seemed not the case with this home learning project. Our Headmaster came to find me later in the day to discuss why
this home learning project had been so successful compared to the low take up of other such projects. It was his view that
this project, the need to make a superhero costume, must have been one of immense importance to the children.
One parent shared with me how her daughter, “Star Girl” insisted all weekend that she needed a costume, to the point
where Mum found herself stitching a cape at 11pm Sunday evening.” (Research Journal, pg. 53)
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“the play moved from chasing format into a rich shared/sustained narrative with the play often lasting over the whole
session, 1 and ½ hours.” (Research Journal, pg.6)
“From this point leena became fully engaged in the play for over 45 minutes, chasing, catching and contributing to the
narrative of the play.” (Research Journal,pg.7)
“This game became a favourite for most of the children, with Leena becoming the princess of the dragon catchers, played
over three more days.” (Research Journal, pg. 8)
A theoretical triangulation can also be made between this interpreted finding, dialogue with others and a
range of literature. The discussion of this finding is further supported by the research of Compton-Lilly (2006).
Compton-Lilly (2006) demonstrated how teachers can successfully utilise media and cultural resources that lie
outside of the traditional walls of school to create learning experiences that are uniquely responsive to
individual students by essentially getting the children to engage not only with their pupil voice but also their
childhood and media culture. The importance of utilising childhood culture to sustain child engagement in
complex, social play also features in the literature of McCarthey and Moje (2002); Christensen and James
(2002); Katch (2002); Louge (2008); Erikson (1950); James, Jenks, and Prout (2004) and Jones(2002). This
finding is further supported by The DCSF (2007) publication reviewed in chapter two, which highlighted the
effective practice developed by two schools who both sort to embrace boys fascination with superhero play
and incorporate these play choices into the experiences they provided. This publication highlighted how the
practitioners in the two nurseries involved themselves as much as they could in the boys’ superhero play and
how in doing so, they developed an opportunity to sustain the children’s imaginative thought processes.
This ethnography identified that the incorporation of childhood cultural influences within the learning
environment supported and extended the time the children spend engaged in socio dramatic play, however,
the children in this reception cohort, especially the boys, share the experiences outlined by Paley’s (1984)
literature, which questions the cliches and prejudices of the teacher's curriculum that reward girls' domestic
play while discouraging boys' adventurous fantasies.
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4.4.5 The majority of female practitioners and teachers supporting this cohort displayed prejudices towards
rewarding the creative play of the girls while showing a zero tolerance towards the boys' adventurous
fantasy play.
The children in this reception cohort used war disclosure within their fantasy violence play in the gender
stereotypical ways as identified by Kyratizis (2000, pg. 63) in Jarvis (2010). In this study the boys would often
seek to be most dominant, girls to be the nicest. While girls war disclosure narratives “seeked” to indicate and
consolidate alliances, boys narratives seemed designed to emphasize how authority flouting/dominant an
individual can be. These recorded observations of children’s games provide clear examples of such
stereotypical play:
11/04/2012
The Octopus Narrative.
While the group were building a new nest, Emmy disappeared, when she returned she had brought back a collection of old
dinosaur toys that had feet and tails missing or broken off. She placed them on top of the caves they had built and told Arif,
“We need to save these as well, the pigs, ducks and sheep have eaten bits of them when they were stuck in the snow” She
saw me watching and explained that the dinosaurs had been eaten, when stuck in the snow, by the pigs, ducks and sheep,
pointing to puppets she had made and stuck up on the classroom window looking out into the garden. She told me that the
octopus was a good octopus, so he would help them.
Ali and Arif were listening to Emmy’s narrative and they came over with lego dragons they had been building, they
explained that these dragons would guard the “half eaten dinosaurs” and stop the other animals attacking them.
What was really interesting was as I watched this narrative develop, Emmy was very interested in the elements of the
octopus helping the injured dinosaurs, and really enjoyed watching the boys act out with their lego dragons scenes of
dragon and pig puppet battles, but she herself would not engage in the fantasy violence play, she would ask the boys to
attack the other toys, puppets and defend the caves, but not actually act out the fantasy violence fights herself. She would
watch, laugh, wait then nurse the octopus, dolphins and dragons after the fight scenes had finished.
Kyratizis (2000 pg 63) in Jarvis (2010) indentifies how both genders engage in war disclosure play, play through which boys
seek to be most dominant, girls to be the nicest, while girls war disclosure narratives seek to indicate and consolidate
alliances, nurture and care for others, boys narratives are designed to emphasize how authority flouting/dominant an
individual can be.
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This seemed to be also exactly what I was watching.
(Research journal, pg. 41-42)
12/07/2012: Girl War disclosure play/ being strong (Jones 2002)
Flying Princesses, evil witches and dead kittens.
In this observed play seven girls, Maleeha, Pavan, Gia, Zahra Jenika and Emmy created a narrative in which a group of evil
witches would kill and group of kittens, but these kittens were then saved by a group of flying princesses.
“The kittens are dead, but we don’t want them really dead or dead for the whole game, just dead so we can save them.”
Emmy.
“Being dead for the whole game is boring, I like it when we save them coz I like using my powers to bring them back to life,
I like my powers.” Pavan
In watching this group of girls play their narratives and adoption of roles within the game reminded me of Kyratizis (2000
pg 63) in Jarvis (2010) who indentifies how both genders engage in war disclosure play, play through which boys seek to be
most dominant, girls to be the nicest, while girls war disclosure narratives seek to indicate and consolidate alliances, boys
narratives are designed to emphasise how authority flouting/dominant an individual can be.
This group of girls would passionately act out being dying kittens, fly in and rescue each other as magical princesses,
constantly swapping these roles, however, none of them would be the witch killing the kittens without an emotional
argument over whose turn it should be. They all wanted to help and save the kittens, but not pretend to kill them.
Eventually, Emmy asked some of her boy friends if they could be the evil witches that killed the kittens, this request was
enthusiastically accepted as Arif, Ali, Arjan, and Dillan changed the narrative away from evil witches to powerful robots
who caught the kittens and imprisoned them in a disused shed. This observed play seemed to mirror the gender
stereotyping of war closure play described by Kyratizis (2000 pg 63). The boys relished the roles of catching, imprisoning
and killing the girls pretending to be kittens, in a non aggressive but fantasy violence themed play. The girls equally enjoyed
sharing the roles of being kittens and flying princesses.
Throughout the whole play roles, narratives and story lines were well negotiated with the children displaying a high level of
empathy to towards the concerns of those pretending to be dying kittens imprisoned in the shed. The boys really enjoyed
being the evil robots and while acting out a quite horrific narrative they were careful to ensure that as they chased and
caught the girls they carefully helped them under the frame, actual physical contact was very well managed.
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This play lasted over the complete session, 45 minutes, and was full of rich language, negotiation and narrative
development all experienced through a child autonomously created piece of socially complex play.”
(Research Journal, pg. 60-61)
This ethnography recorded how certain teachers and practitioners in this early year’s team congratulated girls
on their war disclosure play, viewing it as an expression of their growing confidence, but found it difficult to
accept certain war disclosure play choices designed by the boys as positive and regularly devalued the play
choices of the boys by displaying a zero tolerance approach to their developing socio dramatic play narratives.
The research of Garaigordobi and Berrucco (2011); Olusoga (2008) and Paley (1984) share this interpretative
finding by also identifying that for boys their play choices are often subject to cliches and prejudices displayed
by teachers and practitioners. Extracts from the studies research journal exemplify how this interpretation has
been made:
“I don’t like that kind of play” (Teacher talking about why a zero tolerance is shown to Kevin’s play choices)
29/02/2012
Kevin, aged 5
Kevin constantly builds and plays with self made guns, it is arguably his most valued play and learning experience. In his
classroom there is the most beautiful castle, fabric roof, painted cardboard front, opening door, dramatic sky and cloud
scene. Furnished inside with chairs, tables, books, princess clothes and accessories, fairy lights, tea sets.
Kevin just wants to make guns and attack the castle.
Everytime he does, he is instantly put on the red traffic light, no warning, move to amber then red, just straight to red. But
for Kevin, this play is too valuable, almost seemingly too addictive to stop, it always continues and results in a stern telling
off and warning that he will be sent to the headteacher.
Kevin’s most valued play is instantly devalued by the adults in the room, play that he will continually return to regardless of
consequences to the point of sitting outside the head teachers office.
On the sessions when I am in the classroom with Kevin, I take his play outside, we build dens, hunt, capture and engage in
imaginary gun play. His language flows, his excitement builds but most of all his focus on sustaining engagement in the
activity increases, as does the quality of his play.
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(Research Journal, pg.20)
26/10/2011 to 02/11/2011
Jenika, Sana and dragon catching.
The observation by Olusoga (2008,p64) relates directly to a very similar observation I had witnessed on the day I choose to
pick up this text.
The boys were simply playing dragons, chasing, catching, imprisoning each other in imaginary caves, laughing, collectively
swapping roles, while the teacher observed ready to stop the play at any sign of physical contact, but the contact in this
play was non aggressive, when they were taking each other to imaginary prisons, which were some pieces of material over
some barrels, they supported each other, two children escorting a captured dragon by each arm, but the play was stopped
and the group sent away.
At the same time, Jenika had been creating the role of dragon catchers, taping yogurt pots onto sticks, helped by adults, to
make nets and dragon cages. These were then used to chase and actually hit boys on their backs, in an attempt to capture
them. This play was non aggressive, but celebrated, as play that improved their self esteem, seen as empowering and
imaginative. Even when at one point, where, as self appointed queen, Jenika aggressively declared that, “The boy dragons
would all be in prison in the caves and killed” there was no reaction from observing practitioners, no stopping of the play.
Olusoga (2008,p64) observation highlights a sense of double standards, illustrated also by my observations of Jenika and
Sana’s play. Olusoga (2008,p64) states that this double standard relates to female perceptions of rough and tumble play,
but in my experience, I’m not to sure if this is a gender related issue or more to do with what seems to be a generically
adopted default setting, that when observing rough, fantasy violence play created by boys, as adults, we think that the boys
do it just to be rough and physical, yet when girls engage in such imaginative play, we view it as empowering, an expression
of developing self confidence.
(Research Journal, pg.3-4)
23/05/2012
Biannca and the dentists
Biannca, her friends and a classroom assistant have been building a dentists role play area and today they wanted to show
it off. I sat in a chair while they examined me, put my details into the files of an old computer, drilled and fixed fillings,
brushed my teeth, gave me a sticker and sent me home. As I left I thanked the team of three girls for their excellent job and
booked a new appointment. I then went to the side of the classroom to watch the rest of their play. After a short time,
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Biannca picked up the toy needle/injection tool and told the group that because she had this she was in charge. Two
children disagreed so they were jabbed. As a result of the jabbing they agreed that Biannca was in charge. Throughout the
rest of the play Biannca used the “jabbing” to control the other children’s roles within the play she wanted to construct,
disagreement resulted in more jabbing. I pointed this out to a classroom assistant who then went over and discussed what I
had seen with Biannca and her friends, they all made up and the assistant left the play area. Within minutes the use of the
“Jabbing” returned, the girls play was not monitored. Watching this again made me think back to an earlier observation;
how Kevin’s play is instantly meet with zero tolerance and red traffic lights, the classrooms ultimate punishment. This
observation also made me think back to a piece from a research journal written by Olusoga (2008 Page 64) in Jarvis (2010)
(Research Journal, pg. 52)
The observed data collected in this ethnography mirrors observations recorded in a study conducted by
Olusoga (2008) as this extract from the study shows:
“The teacher was constantly telling the boys off for playing fighting. They’d used some of the wooden blocks as guns and
pretend to shoot each other. They were giggling all the time and never actually touched each other but she had a no guns
policy and always noticed and stooped this kind of play. On the other hand, some of the girls developed a game whilst
playing sleeping beauty where they would all be fairies with wands. One girl, Natalie always liked to be in charge, and shed
use her wand almost as a weapon, threatening to turn other girls into horrible creatures unless they did as she wanted...like
the gun play it was all pretend and no contact was made, but I felt that sometimes there was real aggression behind it as
each one tried to dominate the play. However the teacher never stopped this, she said that the girls were being creative and
developing language skills when engaged in this sort of fantasy play. To me it seemed like a double standard.”
(Olusoga, 2008, pg. 64)
This ethnography shares the identifications made in The DCSF (2007) publication, “Confident, capable and
creative, supporting boys’ achievements.” identifying a need for the school to ensure that:
1. Whole staff teams agree on a similar approach to valuing, respecting and working with boys in their play choices.
2. Practitioners need to be aware of our own responses to boys when their play seems to be about fighting and power
3. Schools need to begin implementing changes which some staff may find contentious so that boys have access to a
balanced range of experiences.”
(DCSF, 2007, pg 18)
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4.4.6 A zero tolerance approach towards fantasy violence themed play, developed by the boys, increased the
incidences of children displaying, “Mistaken Behaviours.” (Gartrell, 1995).
The absence of autonomy over play choice, especially when themed around fantasy violence play or childhood
media culture, resulted in some of the children in this cohort, most notably the boys, displaying ‘Mistaken
Behaviours’ (Gartrell, 1995). This is a term which relates to the theory that children facing a zero tolerance
reaction towards their autonomously created play, experience a sense of doubt over the value of their learning
choices. As discussed in chapter two’s review of literature, ‘Mistaken Behaviours’ (Gartrell, 1995) is a concept
that Fordham and Anderson (1992) Babic (2000) and Maxim (1997) agree with, while Edwards (1993) takes this
concept further, contesting that without autonomy of play choice, children may develop a feeling of hostility
towards adults who allow them little freedom. The observed data collected in this ethnography provides
specific examples of this concept of ‘Mistaken Behaviours’ (Gartrell, 1995).
29/02/2012
Kevin, aged 5
I have a significantly improved learning relationship with Kevin compared to those practitioners who do not value his play
choice, he will often come and find me in the corridors, dinner halls and playgrounds, ask to show me his creations, come
straight over when I turn up on Wednesdays.
His relationship with his teacher and classroom practitioner remains quite hostile.”
(Research Journal, pg.20)
4.4.7 The children who enjoyed engaging in fantasy violence themed play often hid their socio dramatic play
away from certain practitioners conducting surveillance over the learning environment.
The failure of certain adults to see any value in the autonomous play choices of children, especially boys
choosing to engage in fantasy violence play, resulted in the children hiding their play away from the
surveillance of the adult who was meant to support and engage in their learning. This is exampled by these
two pieces of observed data :
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28/03/2012 “We play guns and play like that in the big playground cos she can’t she us there” (Research Journal, pg.32)
“When observing Arif and his friends engaged in their most favourite play choice, fantasy violence, it was clear that under
his supervision the group would consistently create socio dramatic play of a high quality. This judgement was made when
comparing the context and content of the play with Bruce’s (2006) quality play charter.
What became most apparent was that Arif was a leader who also used his observations of adults to ensure he and his
friends could still engage in banned make believe violence play, unnoticed. On one occasion when visiting his classroom I
observed how before Arif and his group noticed me they were completely engaged in some kind of make believe weapon
play. On spotting me they stopped, sticks behind their backs. Arif commented, “It’s all right, he lets us play.” I asked him
what he meant, he replied, “she doesn’t let us play, the teacher, but you do.”
After Arif announced this, the group continued in their game, Dragon killing, a favourite we had invented together the week
before.”
Arif’s teacher came over, asking about our conversation. I shared our chat with her and she replied, “Really, I always
thought he was quiet, not very clever, not really wanting to do anything apart from mess about with Dillan.”
I invited his teacher to sit and watch the group play. During this time Arif invented the groups play narrative, shared
innovative ideas, creative language and ensured that their play remained in a space away from other teachers
observations. He negotiated arguments over narrative development to a compromised conclusion and stopped the play
when a peer fell over to make sure he wasn’t hurt. Arif’s teacher watched, then commented, “I got him wrong.”
Arif has explained to me that he doesn’t let teachers see his play because they don’t like it, he saves it for the big
playground where he and his friends can’t always be seen, or for when I turn up because I let him play.
Arif seems to understand and play a game in which he apparently conforms to expectations, but secretly engages in his real
play choices in seemingly invisible spaces.
Arif seems to be making his own observations on the adults surveying and engaging in his play. He seems to then be using
his observations to inform his decisions as to when and when not to engage in his most valued play. It is also my view that
he uses this surveillance of adults and his reading of their perceptions on his play choice to control when his friends also
engage in this play and when they can disclose what they are up to with an adult.”
(Research Journal, pg.36-38.)
Jarvis (2007) concluded her ethnographical piece of research by discussing how while she observed the boys
engaged in complex social and symbolic play development, these positive experiences were not seen by those
adults surveying the play, these very real learning experiences just became part of what Jarvis (2007) terms
“The Invisible Playground.” This concept of, “The Invisible Playground” was observed in this ethnography when
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watching how adults very quickly stopped both fantasy violence play and rough and tumble playground
football play, failing to see the value it presents to some children, viewing it as nothing but dangerous:
“07/03/2012
Kaisan, links to Jarvis (2010) observations of playground football.
I dislike the fact that in our school you can only; “Officially” enjoy playground football on Thursday. Kaisan, aged 6, enjoys
playground football. He is a very quiet child, whose teacher is looking to find ways of building up his confidence, self esteem
and ability to assert himself. Yet, during a game of playground football, these observed self doubts disappear, and when
adopting the role of team captain, he instantly becomes admired by others and suddenly finds a loud, commanding voice,
an ability to vocally communicate thoughts and ideas quickly to others, he experiences being a leader. But he can only do
this once a week. Rough and Tumble Playground football is deemed by some as too dangerous.” (Research Journal, pg.23.)
10/05/2012
The children engaging in fantasy violence play face a zero tolerance reaction, they are asked to stop and play something
else, but, the practitioners resourcing this space provide very little in the way of alternative stimulus within the
environment, the practitioners also fail to engage with the children in an alternative play narrative. The play is simply
stopped. (Research Journal, pg. 48)
The literature of Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence (1973) (1985), Craske, (1998) and Gurney (1987) in Compton-
Lilly (2006), further supports the discussion of a need for the practitioners and teachers supporting the
learning in this early years environment to re-examine the way they response to challenging play choices, to
overcome the feeling of, “Stressful Surveillance” and make “Visible” the children’s autonomously created play.
Both the literature and observational data collected in this ethnography clearly identify how when children
and adults fail to connect meaningfully within shared and sustained learning environments, the self esteem of
young learners can be damaged and ultimately lead to cumulative failure (Mojie and Mcarthy- Lawerence,
1973).
4.4.8 The majority of practitioners supporting this reception cohort were reluctant to engage in the
children’s play.
Observations of this early year’s practitioner team identified that the majority of adults in this team found it
difficult to join children in their own play choices. The main barriers to adult engagement in children’s play
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related to the view adopted by this team that the adult’s main priorities were to construct directed learning
experiences, keep the children safe and to evidence the children’s learning by the completion of daily detailed
and documented foundation stage profile records. This analysis can be exemplified by comments recorded in
this studies field notes:
“They are just charging around, being dangerous” “They just charge around...I can’t play with them...I have to make sure
they are safe.”
“I don’t get to play like that anymore...you can’t, you have to observe so you can fill in the profile data”
“I try to play with the children, but I just feel like I am chasing my tail...trying to collect evidence for my profile children,
keep them safe and share their learning targets… I would love to get back and play with them.”
(Research Journal, pg. 48.)
Low adult to child ratio in the reception garden spaces presented a main barrier to adults relinquishing their
surveillance role and choosing to engage in the children’s play. The writing of Bishop and Curtis, (2001)
discusses how the emotional pressure experienced by supervising adults within such environments as the
school playground, renders most of the positives of this form of play as invisible. This “pressure” was recorded
on one occasion:
28/03/2012
Experiencing stressful surveillance myself.
During my time in the reception garden today I experienced this concept of stressful surveillance first hand. The garden
space was busy, with one group of children engaged in r/t playground football, one group playing dinosaurs on large floor
mats with figures and two groups playing with me, a return to Florida cars and the octopus play. After a short period of
time I realised that play in the garden had suddenly become unusually hectic, in looking round I noticed that the two other
practitioners had actually gone back inside, in the next five minutes, two children hurt themselves playing football, one girl
fell into a tray of water trying to reach a toy dolphin and I gained a real genuine experience of the stressful surveillance
concept explored in Jarvis (2010) dangerous spaces. As soon as I found the missing practitioners and assigned them back to
engaging with the play happening in the garden, “normal” play resumed. I was again able to effectively engage in their
play. Quality play depended upon adult ratio and engagement.
(Research Journal, pg. 36.)
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It should be noted, “Stressful surveillance” only occurred in this ethnography when adult to child ratios in the
garden were unacceptably low.
‘A Double Standard’ (Olusoga, 2008) in the value of play seemed to exist in this team. For many of the
practitioners, when they did engage in play it was out of a sense of duty or a need to evidence Foundation
Stage Creative Development Profile scores. Discussions with the practitioners in this early years team identified
how “play” was not always viewed as a valuable way in which children learn, just a way in which they enjoy
times between the real business of learning, with the real business taking place at a table with an adult in a
focus activity designed to meet the children’s identified learning targets. While the practitioners and teachers
were happy to see the children absorbed in play, they remained reluctant to become engrossed in the play
itself, viewing it as an activity to fill in time between other daily businesses, often ending the play abruptly,
ready to tidy up or move on to the next directed piece of learning or event of the day. In using low –inference
descriptors to validate this analysis, the following comments recorded in this studies journal illustrate both a
reluctance to engage in play and a confirmation that for most practitioners in this study, engaging in play with
the children is not a main priority:
“I would love to get back and play, but don’t have the time.”
“You can’t play like you do with them on Wednesday’s … we need to evidence what their doing for our profiles.”
“I don’t get to play like that anymore...you can’t, you have to observe so you can fill in the profile data”
“Great you’re here…I will leave them with you to play in the garden… I need to catch up with assessments”
“You can’t just play…there too much else to do.”
“It’s alright, let Dan just play with them we can get on with the serious work.”
(Research Journal, pg.31-32)
While the majority of practitioners in this study remained reluctant to engage in children’s play, for those that
did, the inherent value of joining the children in their play became increasingly more obvious.
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4.4.9 When adults engaged in the children’s autonomously created fantasy violence play, the value of such
play became apparent and allowed for a “Symbiotic Learning Relationship” (Pascal and Bertram, 1997) to be
created through which the narrative of the play was shared, sustained and enjoyed by both the adults and
the children.
While acknowledging a “relativist” awareness of the reflective nature of social knowledge and the inevitable
influence of the researcher’s “self on the whole research endeavour” (Denscombe, 2007, pg 73), this
ethnography identified how when adults working in this early years setting engaged in the children’s play, a
“Symbiotic relationship” (Pascal and Bertram, 1997) with the children was created, which ensured the play was
sustained, of high quality, enjoyable and full of learning potential. This finding is supported by various pieces of
observed data recorded in this studies research journal and can be exemplified through these specific pieces:
“Initially I wanted to watch the children to see how they choose to play, they straight away began to engage in the
“chasing” play discussed earlier. After joining in, I decided to see if we could build a narrative within this play, introducing
simple silk scarves the play developed into a game of Dragons, flying, chasing and catching each other. By using the
principles of sustained shared thinking outlined by Blatchford, I was able to support the children in developing the play from
simply chasing into a narrative tale, dragons flying from different identified places in the garden, there home by the sheds,
there cave, over the ocean and pirates ship, the wooden boat and to the land of the penguins, the water trays, where we
killed bears to save the penguins.
By introducing chalk we quickly draw places on the floor, new characters in the game, rat bats, and when finding some
shiny pebbles under a pot we also co constructed a new tale of dragon kings, ice princesses, penguin armies and dragon
catchers, Leena.
By following the principles and guidance outlined by Sirji Blatchford, the play moved from chasing format into a rich
shared/sustained narrative with the play often lasting over the whole session, 1 and ½ hours.”
(Research journal, pg. 6-7)
11/04/2012
Xanthe is the reception year group coordinator in my school. During this project it would be fair to comment that up to this
point she has entertained and hosted my observational sessions more as a favour to a friend then a real commitment to the
actual underlining ideas behind the study. However, after sharing some of my own nostalgic memories of school play and a
discussion with Xanthe about my views relating to a need for us to begin building nostalgic futures for our children, Xanthe’s
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approach to the project notably changed. On my next visit Xanthe came out and observed me, observing the children,
watched how I then shared their play and became a full participant in the play. She also stayed to listen to us talk about the
game we had created.
Later on in the day, Xanthe came to find me to discuss a play session she had shared with a group of children in the garden.
She explained how while she was watching she could see how the group were beginning to build a narrative around some
form of pirate and princesses play, situated at the back of the garden by the old wooden boat. Xanthe explained how the
play had some form of chasing and capturing element, the boys chasing the girls, catching them and then putting them into
the boat. Xanthe guessed the boys were pirates, chasing the princesses and catching them, but while watching, she soon
realised that the “pirates” were actually saving the girls from invisible sharks.
Xanthe discussed with me how she was actually close to stopping the play, seeing it as rough, the boys charging around
catching girls, but soon realised that firstly, no one was upset, hurt or unhappy and secondly ,the boys were actually acting
out a kind of super hero play, defending the girls from monster sharks.
(Research Journal, pg.39.)
“When I joined in their own play, it was such a good experience; they played for ages and were really imaginative”
(Research Journal, pg. 69.)
13/06/2012
“Did you see Arif, Ali and the boys, when you came in and joined in their play they got so excited, your like a big hero to
them” (Research journal, pg. 57)
“18/07/2012
Dragons, Sea Witches and warrior fishermen.
Throughout this study I have been sharing my observations with a smaller group of practitioners in an attempt to almost
see if they agree, disagree, validate or triangulate the interpretations I have been making, a colluding of ideas and
thoughts. It was not the intention of this study to change the practice of the adults supporting the children in this cohort,
however, on joining the children in their play today I entered the garden space to find the children already engaged in a play
narrative supported by a range of resources, including a new box of “fantasy Violence” props. I discussed this new
development with the practitioners in the garden; the response I received was unexpected:
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Raj and Yvonne: “We watch how they love playing with you...your like their hero...we didn’t like the idea of them playing
like this but they really do look after each other...when they play they get so excited...its what they want to do.”
Laura: “When we went to visit the our reception schools their gardens and play spaces looked so good, we need to do
something with ours”
(Research Journal, pg. 69.)
However, the moments in which the adults engaged in the children’s autonomously created play were very
limited. The observations recorded in this study’s research journal reflect the literature, reviewed in chapter
two, of Howard (2010) Johnson (1994), McMullen and Alat (2002) Cohen (2006), Cheng and Stimpson, (2004)
and Mcinnes et.al (2009). This ethnography illustrated how while many of the practitioners in this reception
team remain reluctant to engage in children’s play, for those who did, the inherent value of this action became
clear and influenced their approach to future practice, but the prioritizing of assessment procedures to
evidence progress and attainment, a lack in play skills and a lack of theoretical knowledge presented a set of
significant barriers that prevented many adults from engaging in the children’s play.
4.4.10 A lack of “play practice” skills and theoretical and understanding of the value of play were identified
as barriers to practitioners developing shared and sustained moments of play with the children in this
reception cohort.
This finding shares the discussions presented in the research and literature of Howard (2010) Johnson (1994),
McMullen and Alat (2002) Cohen (2006), Cheng and Stimpson, (2004) and Mcinnes et.al (2009) Wood and
Attfield (2005) and Blatchford (2004). This range of literature, shares this thesis’s finding that a lack of
theoretical knowledge and lack of play practice skills present significant barriers to practitioner participation in
sustained play. McInnes (2009) writing in connection to this finding observes that play in its purest forms raises
the possibility of children engaging in types of play for which practitioners are not always theoretically
prepared. In validating this finding, it can be observed through conversations recorded in this study’s research
journal how practitioners in this study shared the view that they were both lacking in a theoretical
understanding on the importance of play and in need of professional development to support their actual skills
in joining and sustained children’s play:
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“I was watching you play with them and they were so engaged, all morning, I would love to play like that with them but I
don’t know how. How do you get to play with them like that for so long? When I am out here they just charge around.”
“I would love to get back and play with them but I’ve forgotten how.”
(Research Journal, pg.5.)
A collection of photographs which show the learning environments in which the practitioners expected play to
occur can be seen in this ethnography’s research journal, (pg. 46-50). These pictures provide further evidence
that support the discussion that barriers to the effective engagement in the children’s play by the adults in this
setting can be linked to the poor levels of the practitioner’s theoretical knowledge and practical skills in
understanding the importance of play and how to create environments in which experiences of play can be
shared. The photographs clearly illustrate how the practitioners in this study displayed low levels of theoretical
understanding and practical skills when resourcing and preparing the places in which they expected children to
play. The report conducted by Wolstenholme, et al (2010) on behalf of the DFE highlighted how “open ended”
play environments resourced by practitioners with accessible, flexible and maniplable resources such as
bricks, ropes, guttering, planks, building blocks, collections of tape, scissors and paper supported a wide range
of play themes and provided distinctive opportunities for promotion of high quality, creative learning
experiences, derived from children’s autonomously created play themes. While this school has the range of
resources and open spaces identified in the report findings of Wolstenholme, et al (2010) as effective in
promoting innovative thinking and sustained engagement in play, these resources often remain in closed
sheds, under large blankets , poorly presented or in places not accessible to the children. The DCSF (2007)
publication, “Confident, capable and creative: supporting boys’ achievements” further highlighted the
importance of practitioners understanding the theoretical and practical implications of preparing an
environment for effective play, in this case study it was highlighted how two nurseries maximised the full
learning potential of their outdoor spaces to develop the opportunity to sustain the children’s imaginative
thought processes. This ethnography has identified that the practitioners in this early year’s team do not
display these attributes and skills.
While it was not an intentionally part of this studies methods, to further triangulate and validate this
discussion, the practitioners and teachers supporting this cohort of children were asked to rate their “play
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practice” against a checklist of skills identified by Sylva et al (2003) and Blatchford (2004). This list identifies
the critical skills a practitioner needs to display when looking to create interactions with children that are vital
to the children’s intellectual development and the establishment of “sustained shared thinking” (Blatchford,
2004)
This data can be viewed in this ethnography’s research journal, (pg. 55 – 57.) To remain faithful to this studies
methodology, this questionnaire approach to data collection was conducted as part of one of the naturally
occurring team reviews. This form of data collection was used to eliminate the effect of personal interaction
with the researcher, reducing the impact of researcher presence or the researchers’ opportunity to
inadvertently lead a group discussion effecting how the group may naturally rate their own skills. This system
provided a quick method to triangulate the observed data and analysed finding in a way that reduced
“Interpersonal Factors” (Denscombe, 2007). This method further adhered to the socialist constructivist
viewpoint adopted in this study by the way in which it looked to validate a finding by constructing knowledge
with the community engaged in the ethnography.
The data collected from this review session identified that one third, or more, of the group felt they needed
developmental support in the areas of: respecting the children’s own decisions and choices, inviting the
children to elaborate on their own ideas, encouraging further thinking, offering alternative viewpoints,
reciprocating ideas, asking open-ended questions and the modeling of thinking. This data significantly
indicated that of the fourteen areas identified by Blatchford (2004) as essential skills that practitioners need to
understand and consistently display in their practice to support effective interactions with children in early
years environments, this early years team communicated that they need support in developing their practice
across seven, half, of the key areas. Most notably, seven of the nine practitioners recorded that they only
sometimes, or don’t not always respect the children’s own decisions and choices, placing into context the data
recorded in March 2012 that 22% of the children in the school shared the opinion that the adults don’t always
listen to them.
While it is acknowledged that questionnaires offer little opportunity for the researcher to check the
truthfulness of the answers given (Denscombe, 2007) these results support the validation of the discussion on
the finding that an identified lack of “play practice” skills and theoretical and understanding of the value of
play present barriers to practitioners engaging in developing shared and sustained moments of play with the
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children in this reception cohort. This finding significantly identifies a need within the school for the
professional development of the early year’s team to refocus on developing both the practical skills and
theoretical knowledge associated with sharing and sustaining children’s play. This is important as Howard’s
(2010) research discovered that while one third of the practitioners engaged in this study received no training
in play at all, the levels of barriers to play practice reported reduced with increasing levels of theoretical
knowledge.
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Chapter Five.
5. Conclusion.
5.1 A summary of the work undertaken in this ethnographic study.
This ethnography observed how the children in one reception aged year group, in a sub urban London school,
used fantasy violence in their play and the barriers that prevented adults in this setting from engaging in the
children’s play. This ethnography was conducted over eleven months from September 2011 to July 2012. The
researcher adopted the role of a full participant due to the advantage of already being engaged in the
everyday lives of the children. This analytical study, conducted through a social constructivist world view,
remained truthful to the children and adults participating in this ethnographic field.
5.2 A discussion of the research questions in relation to the analysis of the observed data collected in the
ethnography.
The research questions:
1. How do the children in the reception cohort of a sub urban London school use fantasy violence in their play?
2. What are the barriers that stop the adult practitioners working in this early year’s team from engaging with the children
in their autonomously selected play choices?
This ethnography observed how the socio-dramatic quality of fantasy violence play supported the children’s
cognitive, linguistic, social and emotional development. This ethnography identified how adult engagement in
fantasy violence play supported children in their construction of new learning dilemmas and challenges,
extended their language performance and motivated sustained engagement and competence in their learning
activity. These findings extend the discussions outlined in chapter two by reflecting discussions shared in the
research literature of Smilansky and Shefatya 1990; Wood 2004; Manning-Morton and Thorp 2003; Parker-
Rees 2004; and Edington 2004.
It is accepted that this study is limited in its generalisability. Nevertheless, this ethnography’s findings can be
connected to the global research literature and learning theories of, amongst others: Smilansky (1968); Kooij
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and Posthumus Meyjes (1986); Babic (2000); Pelligini and Smith (1988); Feiersinger et. al, (2008); Lindon
(2001); Hendrick (1996); Miller and Almon (2009); Tarman and Tarman (2011); Fordham and Anderson (1992)
and Maxim (1997). This ethnography observed how the children in this reception cohort used fantasy violence
play to create new combinations of experiences, develop their selective and intellectual disciplines, heightened
their concentration, enhance their self awareness and self control, develop their understanding of self
discipline within the role context, develop the acquisition of flexibility and empathy towards others, develop
an intrinsic set of standards, develop their acquisition of a sense of creativity and capacity to control and
extend personal responses, develop cooperative skills in make believe games, become aware of the potential
that their environment provides for planning and evolving play, increase their sensitivities to accepting
alternative role possibilities, increase their capacity for the development of abstract thought and increase their
abilities in extending their play after having a possible alternative development modelled to them by an
engaged adult.
It would be wrong to suggest that all the findings related to how the children in this reception cohort use
fantasy violence play to support their learning were experienced by every child observed. It would also be
incorrect to discuss that children not choosing to engage in fantasy violence play fail to have all these areas of
learning available to them. However, fantasy violence play provided for these children an opportunity to gain
access to these identified elements and values. Peters and Sherratt (2002) observe that the values identified in
such play presents educators with something of a paradox. Peters and Sherratt (2002) argue that while
cognitive and linguistic growth is enhanced by this fantasy and socio-dramatic based play, the very fact of this
cognitive development will mean that children have less need of fantasy play. Peters and Sherratt (2002)
literature discusses the idea that the increasing influence the child actually has on the world, coupled with the
decreased need to test out and explore family roles and the development of skills which enable the child to
explore immediate horizons, means they have less cause to explore these elements through fantasy play.
However, this view ignores the consideration that educators need to move children beyond these “immediate
horizons” so that they can begin to look at the greater complexities of life. For this to happen, they need to be
challenged by an adult engaging in their autonomously created play (Moyles, 2005).
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Throughout this ethnography it was observed how practitioners and teachers were reluctant to engage in the
children’s autonomously created play and on many occasions displayed a zero tolerance approach to accepting
forms of fantasy violence play, especially play created by the boys. It was also observed how the children’s play
was often abruptly stopped before the children had the opportunity to develop the play to meet its intended
purpose or share its value (Bettelheim, 1987). This ethnography identified four key barriers preventing adults
from engaging in the children’s play: 1) A concern with conducting “Stressful Surveillance” to ensure the
children played safely 2) Poor practical play skills 3) A lack of theoretical knowledge on the value of play and 4)
A self adopted prioritization towards the creation of adult directed learning experiences through which the
documenting of attainment and progress in each child’s foundation stage profile could take place. Research
literature reviewed in this study further suggests that the reluctance of adults to engage in children’s play
themselves stems from the fact that adults find it increasingly difficult to find, “Spielraum” (Bettelheim, 1987)
the creation of an actual physical space, and state of mind, in which children and adults alike have the freedom
to innovate and explore their thoughts. This view is also reflected in the literature of, amongst others, Miller
and Almon(2009); Pellegrini and Smith (2008); Csikzentmihalya (1996); and Paley (1988).
5.3 Recommendations for the improvement of the schools practice.
5.3.1 The school needs to develop the professional skills of it early years practitioners so that within their
“play practice”, each adult is able to engage, enrich and deepen the fantasy play of all children.
This ethnography observed a need for the school to support its practitioners and teachers in improving their
theoretical knowledge and practical skills relating to the specific areas of: respecting the children’s own
decisions and choices, inviting the children to elaborate on their own ideas, encouraging further thinking,
offering alternative viewpoints, reciprocating ideas, asking open-ended questions and the modeling of
thinking. This professional development of the teams practice must be developed in a way that allows the
practitioners and teachers an opportunity to experience first hand the inherent value of engaging and
sustaining children’s autonomously created play. This is a view shared by Howard (2010);Johnson
(1994);McMullen and Alat (2002); Cohen (2006); Cheng and Stimpson(2004); Mcinnes et al (2009); Wood and
Attfield (2005) and Blatchford (2004). This is important as identified by Howard (2010) the more theoretical
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knowledge and practical experience a practitioner possesses; the more they are inclined to engage in
children’s play.
The literature of Hutt et al (1989); Jarvis (2007;2010) and Moyles (2005) indicates that what is significant to
children’s development is the active intervention of the adults in their fantasy play. By becoming part of
children’s autonomously created fantasy play, regardless of its theme, adults can capitalise upon the
significant learning potential offered by this way of working with children. As Moyles (2005) observes, “One of
the most valuable contributions that adults can make to such fantasy play is their own involvement” (Moyles,
2005 pg 118). This literature observes how the selective intervention and engagement in children’s play made
by the observing adult can make the zone of proximal development (Vygotsky, 1978) and corresponding
learning more precise.
Increased adult engagement in play must not remove the ownership of the play away from the children
creating the episodes. This is a view shared in the literature of Gartrell (1995); Edwards (1993); Fordham and
Anderson (1992); Babic (2000) and Maxim (1997). As Moyles (2005) observes, “Essentially the play and action
must be that of the child. Their ideas must be used. The words spoken must be their words expressing their
thoughts” (Moyles, 2005, pg 120) In chapter two it was noted how in Jarvis’s (2007) ethnographical study
where adults intervened in the children’s play narratives they tended to show a misunderstanding of the day
to day conventions of the games, and as a result completely disrupted the rule systems established by the
children. This thesis therefore recommends that this early year team receives support from the school to
develop their professional skills in such a way that each adult is more able to enrich and deepen the play by
opening up new learning areas for children without significantly reducing the children’s ownership, a strategy
Neelands (1984) defines as the, “Subtle tongue” of the teacher.
5.3.2 The school needs to support practitioners and teachers by providing time for them to use their
developing theoretical knowledge on the value of play, improve the quality of the play environments they
create and develop their own play practice.
The school should re design the use of non contact time previously set aside for practitioners to update
children’s Foundation Stage Profile records as time in which these practitioners can develop their theoretical
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knowledge on the value of play, improve the quality of the play environments they create and engage in
weekly practical play sessions with the children in their classes, sessions through which the inherent value of
this professional development can be realised. The evidencing of the profiles was identified in this study as a
consistent barrier to adult engagement in the children’s play, as these recorded statements illustrate:
“You can’t play like you do with them on Wednesday’s … we need to evidence what their doing for our profiles.”
“I try to play with the children, but I just feel like I am chasing my tail...trying to collect evidence for my profile children, keep
them safe and share their learning targets… I would love to get back and play with them.”
The new Early Years Foundation Stage Profile which will be introduced into schools from September 2012 has
been significantly slimmed down. Based on new Early Learning Goals it has been reduced from 69 statements
to 17. With the significant sliming down of this profile and a move towards more summative approaches to the
recording of progress, this barrier to engagement in play caused by a the seemingly continuous evidencing of
the children’s learning should effectively be removed. It is acknowledged that this maybe an over simplistic
view, as pressures, identified by Stevenson(2011); Elkind (2008); Wood and Attfield (2005) and Blatchford
(1992), relating to the evidencing of attainment and progress will still exist.
The schools senior leadership team has proposed a change to remove the protected non contact time that the
school provides for practitioners. This thesis recommends that this protected time for practitioners should be
re designed as time in which these practitioners can develop their theoretical knowledge on the value of play
and the quality of the environments they design by receiving short, regular theoretical and practical inputs
sessions designed by play advocates within the school. This protected time provides a space within the weekly
schedule of the practitioners in which they can develop their “Spielraum” (Bettelheim, 1987). It provides a
protected weekly time allocation away from potential barriers to the engagement in play, a space in which
children and adults alike will have the room to innovate and explore their thoughts. This recommendation is
supported by the literature of Bettelheim(1987); Moyles (2005); Miller and Almon(2009); Pellegrini and
Smith(2008); Csikzentmihalya (1996) and Paley (1988).
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5.3.3 To overcome the barrier to engaging in children’s play presented by “Stressful Surveillance,” (Jarvis,
2007) the schools senior leaders need to ensure that practitioners adhere to the adult: child ratio’s assigned
to the reception and nursery garden spaces.
Low adult: child ratio’s in playground or play space supervision results in the focus of the adults being strongly
directed towards the negative aspects of children’s play, this view is shared by Jarvis (2007) and Bishop and
Curtis (2001). To remove this barrier to practitioners engaging in children’s play, senior leaders in the school
must monitor team practice to ensure the correct adult: child ratios are being observed in all learning
environments.
5.3.4 The school needs to collectively review its position with regards to the seemingly self adopted zero
tolerance approach displayed by members of staff to the fantasy violence themed socio dramatic play of the
boys.
To overcome clichés and prejudices displayed by adults to the play choices of both the girls and boys, this
study shares the recommendation discussed in the DCSF (2007) publication, “Confident, capable and creative:
supporting boys’ achievements” in that the school needs to ensure that:
1. Whole staff teams agree on a similar approach to valuing, respecting and working with boys in their play choices.
2. Practitioners need to be aware of our own responses to boys when their play seems to be about fighting and power
3. (The School) needs to begin implementing changes which some staff may find contentious so that boys have access to a
balanced range of experiences.”
(DCSF, 2007, pg 18)
5.3.5 A Professional Learning Community should be created which challenges the existing play cultures of
the adults in school, with the intention of creating a new shared culture towards play and a shared
understanding of the need for playful practitioners.
(This recommendation has already been approved by the schools senior leadership team and governing body.)
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In Chapter Three it was discussed that this study would not adopt a “Pragmatic philosophy” (Cresswell, 2009),
it would not be used to enforce a change to practice which would see practitioners more engaged in the
children’s challenging play choices. However, as a result of this study’s sustained dialogue, a change in the
practice of some adults occurred. This recommendation is not about enforcing change, but about creating a
community that can continue the dialogue developed through this ethnography.
A review alone on the schools position with regards to the self adopted zero tolerance approach displayed by
members of staff to the fantasy violence/ socio dramatic play of the boys, will not be enough to challenge the
thinking of those practitioners identified in this ethnography who fail to see any value in the children’s fantasy
violence play. This view is shared by the literature of James and Connolly (2000) and Fullan (1993) who identify
a key barrier to change being the challenging of adults existing and traditional cultures in a school with the
intention of creating a new one.
This ethnography, supported by the literature of Howard (2010) and Jarvis (2007) identified how for
practitioners engaging directly in children’s autonomously created play and in theoretical learning on play, the
inherent value of these actions caused a change in their practice. (This is evidenced by the photographs and
comments recorded in the research journal, pages 64-70). This thesis therefore recommends that a
Professional Learning Community is created in this school through which the adults observing the inherent
value of engaging in children’s play choices, including fantasy violence themed play, can communicate a clear
understanding of theoretical learning and personal belief in its worth.
A Professional Learning Community will have the ability to facilitate change, without change being enforced.
Day et al (2000) observes how a Professional Learning Community provides a structure for learning change
through which, “Revolutionary Change” (Day et al, 2000), change that challenges existing school cultures, can
be developed. This view is supported by Taylor (2011) who observes how the development of an effective
learning community empowers the school community to share and assist each member of the group in dealing
with resistance to change.
A Professional Learning Community could create a common language regarding the importance of challenging
a zero tolerance to certain children’s play choices and the need for playful practitioners in this school. The
research literature of Greene (1995) and Newman and Wehlage (1995) in Amato (2008) identifies how such a
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community for learning could challenge adults to look beyond the familiar, in this case to move past the
tensions that underline the self adopted zero tolerance approach to fantasy violence play and move towards
an understanding of what we can do to enhance practice by becoming more engaged in the children’s
autonomously created play narratives. The creation of a Professional Learning Community will nurture a close
cooperation and sharing of responsibility for the children’s learning between staff and an increased
understanding of the children’s needs will lead to practice being amended by the learning communities
collaboration and deeper understanding of how the children use fantasy violence play to support their learning
and development. The creation of a Professional Learning Community to achieve this has the potential, as
observed by Day et al, (2000), to establish within the school the right kind of climate to enable the change to
be accepted, this view is shared by Bolam et al. (2005) in Hargreaves, Lieberman, Fullan and Hopkins (2010).
The schools senior leadership team and governing body have both already agreed to this recommendation and
the establishment of a Professional Learning Community has been officially identified within the schools key
actions for improvement in 2012/2013. This Community will study how teachers can develop their professional
skills to improve within our school:
1. A greater responsiveness to the children’s own interests
2. The frequency of times adults play with children
3. The value of play
4. The frequency that teachers listen to children
5. The relationship between children and adults.
(The Schools Key actions for improvements in 2012/2013)
The schools senior leadership team and governing body recognized the potential in creating, “A community of
reflective practitioners who together, are extending the knowledge and understanding of children’s learning
processes.” (Broadhead, 2006, pg. 202)
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5.3.6 The knowledge discovered through this ethnography places its researcher in a position in which they
could ethically develop a further action research project which explores the impact of fantasy violence play
on children’s self agency.
In defining the aims of effective action research for class based teachers, Waters-Adams (2006) outlines that:
“Perhaps the most important aspect of action research is that the process enhances teachers’ professional development
through the fostering of their capability as professional knowledge makers, rather than simply as professional knowledge
users. In an age of centralisation and the proliferation of national guidelines and strategies, action research can help
teachers feel in control of their own professional situation.”(Waters-Adams, 2006,)
This ethnography and its grounded analysis of both observed data and reviewed literature suggests that
fantasy violence play supports children in their ability to overcome their perceived fears, to develop their self
agency. This finding, constructed from observations and dialogues with all the fundamental stakeholders in
the schools community places the researcher in a position from which they could continue to extend their
knowledge of educational research methods and methodology by constructing a small scale action research
project that builds further knowledge around the connection observed between fantasy violence play and
children’s self agency. This action research project should be designed as an alternative approach to
supporting the children in overcoming their perceived fears about the school, an issue discussed in chapter
one.
5.4 Conclusion
In discussing ethnographic practices, Hey (1997) identifies how, “Research is invariably accomplished by an
uneven struggle against the messy complexities of life.” (Hey, 1997, pg. 45). Throughout this ethnography
tensions have existed between the researchers, “Twin concerns with naturalism and reflexivity” (Denscombe,
2005, pg73). Tensions have also existed between the roles of being a researcher and a classed based teacher
within the school. The role of being a teacher in this school, involved in early years education for over
thirteen’s years, provided the researcher with the knowledge needed to present the grounded analysis of the
observed data with a sense of authority and expertise. However, developing this research project from the
position of a class based teacher presented the researcher with many challenges, amongst them the ability to
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create a distance from the field of study and the constant need to reflect on both “Reflexivity” and
“Paternalism” (Lincon and Williams, 1988) to ensure that the analysis was grounded and did not show bias
towards the voice of the children.
While it is acknowledged this ethnography relates directly to the children in the reception cohort of this sub
urban school, it can be argued that the messages identified in this ethnography also relate to both national and
international concerns over the value of children’s play in schools. The increase in structured forms of learning
and the reluctance of practitioners to engage in children’s play promotes concerns relating to the segregation
of children from adults in school. The literature of Elkind (2008); Wood and Attfield (2005) and Blatchford
(1992) identifies this as a national issue, the literature of Zeiher (2003) in Christensen and O’Brien (2003);
Kamil, Langer,and Shanahan (1985); Nurani (2008); Goldstein(2008); Bresler(1996); Boruch(1999); and Ariès
(1973) identifies this an issue relevant for discussion across global educational settings.
This ethnography observed how fantasy violence play is valued highly by the children who create it;” It is their
self actualisation, a holistic exploration of who and what they are and know and of who and what they might
become.” (Broadhead, 2006, pg.89.) It is intended that this study will create a new learning community
through which a more “critical pedagogy of play” (Rogers and Evans, 2007) can be adopted. One which
encourages practitioners not only to see and appreciate the inherent value of the children’s own
autonomously created pieces of play, but also engage in it, increasing the moments in the school when
children announce, “Its alright, they let us play” (Arif)
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