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Abstract

Patna, the capital city of Bihar, though boasts of richcultural heritage, is unfortunately also known as thegarbage city of the country. This paper is drawn fromby a study conducted to comprehend the current sit-uation about waste production in Patna. We have fo-cused on Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) which iscommercial as well as residential and is generated inmunicipal notified areas. The study illustrates thatpopulation growth, rapid urbanisation, and a moresophisticated form of consumerism that detaches con-ventional practices, are the major factors influencingwaste generation in Patna. We also look at the cultureof lumpenism and insensitive attitude of the commu-nity towards the environment. It is our anticipationthat renewed focus of the local Municipal Council,attention by the provincial governance, and commit-ment by residents for clean and healthy locality canstem the rot and turn the tide for good.

Key words: Consumption, globalisation, knowledgeprocesses, Municipal Solid Wastes, Patna, wasteproduction

Here and now

Production is a social enterprise. To produce, we getinto relationship with others in society. Productionis sustained with re-production. It perpetuates in-equality or precipitates change. These processes de-

fine our time and space. In this paper we focus onPatna, the capital city of the province of Bihar inIndia, to comprehend the production of waste. Theidea for this paper came up when we picked up oneof the thread that defined this city.

After attesting to the rich historical heritage, Patnapresents itself as what the State High Court declared-the ‘Garbage City’ of the country. Figure 1 shows astreet sign in Hindi welcoming people to the city ofPatna. The streets of Patna are strewn with garbage(Figure 2 & 3) which is not only displeasing sight butalso have several environmental concerns. We analysethe nature of the wastes, the reasons for waste produc-tion, as well as the linkages of the local processes withglobal imperatives.

This paper draws from fieldwork which was con-ducted as part of the project on ‘Waste Management

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An Analysis of Waste Production in Patna

Papia Raj & Aditya Raj Indian Institute of Technology Patna (Bihar) India

isa.e-Forum© 2015 The Author(s)

© 2015 ISA (Editorial Arrangement of isa.e-Forum)

Figure 1. Welcome Message for Visitors Source: Photo taken during fieldwork

Training to Reduce Health Hazards of Solid Wastesin Patna’ funded by the Centre for Energy and Envi-ronment, Indian Institute of Technology Patna. Thelocus of the study was the New Patna/Nutan Anchalthat covers the largest geographical spread and has rel-atively affluence. It is also this milieu which has themost unplanned waste disposal. We situate this studywithin the broader framework that locates environ-mental change with social change. It is certainly nec-essary and, complementary, to the focus onproduction and consumption that have been centralto Sociology. Emphasis on waste, as Fagan (2003) in-dicates, is urgently needed as it is vital for understand-ing the relationship between social and environmentalchange.

The Context

While waste production is as old as human society,the nature of waste produced has changed with time.Earlier waste materials were from natural habitat orbody parts of species. These wastes were mostlybiodegradable. With time, the waste generated in oursociety has become more complex. Now, waste pro-duction is guided more by materialistic needs of peo-ple than subsistence livelihood practices. Industrialrevolution has led to the spurt of production and con-sumption that has been the key factor influencing anexponential rise in waste. The problem is accentuated

in developing countries such as India. Here, the rap-idly rising waste production is due to three interre-lated factors, namely, high rates of population growth,rapid urbanisation, and a more sophisticated form ofconsumerism. On average a resident in developingcountries produce up to 0.79kg of waste per capitaper day (Hoornweg et al., 2012). The sources of thesewastes include industrial, construction, biomedical,as well as municipal solid waste from households, ho-tels, resorts, restaurants, and other businesses. Thewaste, therefore, is composed of both organic and in-organic materials such as paper, soil, metal, plastics,glass, stone, wood, cardboard, textiles, and tires. Pro-jections show that over the coming decades both percapita waste production rates and population size willincrease, leading to even bigger challenges for rela-tively low income cities and countries, which cur-rently contribute up to 35% of the total wasteproduction in the world (ibid).

Before we proceed with our analysis of waste pro-duction, it is pertinent to note that we focus only onsolid waste in this paper, which is defined as the un-wanted or useless solid materials generated from com-bined residential, industrial and commercial activitiesin a given area. It may be categorised according to itsorigin (domestic, industrial, commercial, constructionor institutional); according to its contents (organicmaterial, glass, metal, plastic paper etc) or accordingto hazard potential (toxic, non-toxin, flammable,

Papia Raj & Aditya Raj

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Figure 2. Roadside Dumping of Garbage in Patna Source: Photo taken during fieldwork

Figure 3. Common Scene in Patna Source: Photo taken during fieldwork

radioactive, infectious etc). Within various solidwastes, we specifically focus on Municipal Solid Waste(MSW) which is commercial and residential wastegenerated in municipal or municipal notified areas ineither solid or semi-solid form excluding industrialhazardous wastes but including treatable bio-medicalwaste (The Municipal Solid Wastes Management andHandling Rules, 2000). Table 1 is compiled from aWorld Bank report and shows the source and types ofsolid waste.

Various studies (Huntley, 2010) have noted thatMSW are the most difficult sources of solid waste tomanage because of its diverse range of composite ma-terials. A considerable portion of these wastes consistsorganic matters resulting from the preparation andconsumption of food, including vegetable peelingsand leftover food. It also consists plastics, paper, glass,textiles, cellophane, metals and some hazardous wastefrom household products such as paint, garden pesti-cides, pharmaceuticals, fluorescent tubes, personalcare products, batteries containing heavy metals anddiscarded wood treated with dangerous substances

such as anti-fungal and anti-termite chemicals. In re-cent years there has been an increased focus to addressissues related to solid waste management in develop-ing countries, especially in terms of methods of dis-posal, recycling and treatment of waste. However,none of the studies to date have accounted for the fac-tors that lead to production of waste as practices ofeveryday lifestyle within a specific socio-cultural mi-lieu.

Our research affirms that MSW generations arethe result of practices of everyday life. Therefore,MSW management is a complex issue due to chang-ing lifestyle of people, rapid urbanisation, and under-estimated contributors and stakeholders (Jha et al.,2011). Our research illustrates that the rate of gener-ation of solid waste is more a functional result of oursocial activities. As noted earlier, one of the majorsources of MSW generations is the households. Inhere, family is the primary unit of socialisation whereindividuals develop their understanding of ‘what arewastes’. Learning and formation basic habits form thekernel of our social practices. This includes daily


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Source Typical Waste Generators Types of Solid Waste

Residential Single and multifamily dwellings Food wastes, paper, cardboard, plastics, textiles, leather, yard wastes, wood, glass,metals, ashes, special wastes (e.g., bulky items, consumer electronics, white goods, batteries, oil, tires), and household hazardous wastes (e.g., paints, aerosols,gas tanks, waste containing mercury,motor oil, cleaning agents), e-wastes(e.g., computers, phones, TVs)

Commercial Stores, hotels, restaurants, markets, Paper, cardboard, plastics, wood, food office buildings wastes, glass, metals, special wastes,

hazardous wastes, e-wastes

Institutional Schools, hospitals(non-medical Same as commercialwaste), prisons, government buildings, airports

Construction & New construction sites, road repairs, Wood, steel, concrete, dirt, bricks, tilesDemolition renovation sites, demolition of

buildings

Source: Adapted from World Bank Report, 1999

Table 1: Generators and types of solid waste

dietary practices including the preparation and con-sumption of food. They also comprise leisure activi-ties, customs, rituals, hobbies, and other lifestylechoices. These everyday practices are co-related withour environmental practices as their manifest or latentfunctions effect our environment. Hoornweg et al.(2012) indicate that waste composition and produc-tion are related to factors, such as, culture, climate,and state of development. Moreover, Sharan (2006)contends that environment is a fluid concept, linkingcultures, populations, materials and spaces in specificways in particular historical conjunctures.

Like other cities of developing countries, wasteproduction in Patna is also affected by these three in-terconnected factors of population growth, urbanisa-tion and increased consumption. Patna is the mostpopulated district in Bihar with the decadal growthrate of population (2001-2011) standing at 22.34%,and with a population density of 1,102 persons persquare kilometre (Census of India 2011). The increasein population growth rate in Patna is attributed todual causes of natural increase - due to high fertilityrate, as well as high rate of rural to urban migration.Patna is also the most urbanised district in Bihar, withan urbanisation rate of 43.5%, which is much higherthan the national average (ibid). Patna ranks very highin terms of solid waste generation in India and inPatna (2011) 52% of the waste generated is organicin nature and only 13% of the total waste is recyclable.Due to the lack of industries in Patna, a large propor-tion of the waste is generated from households, hotels,resorts, restaurants, and other businesses.

The Study

Patna is the capital city of Bihar which, according toDas (1992), is the land of paradoxes. In his book theRepublic of Bihar (1992), Das recognises that herewealth exists but there is no investment because oflawlessness. In Bihar, plenty also takes a back seat tothe comfort of middle men and landlords. This isabout the land, we ponder, which has been renownedin the past for good education, good governance, andworthy ways of life. The history of ancient India is thehistory of ancient Bihar (Thapar 1966). But unfortu-

nately all these significant achievements appear to haveleft no living legacy for contemporary Bihar. If thereare few millimetres of rain in the state capital, Patna,residents are fearful that the city will soon resemble aflooded locale as the drainage system of the city is inabysmal state. To reiterate, there is filth and stinkeverywhere including New Capital/Nutan Anchal re-gion (the study area) where the relatively rich and theaffluent reside. Several bureaucrats and political lead-ers live in this area. Many national and internationalnon-governmental organisations have their regionaloffice in this part of the city. It covers more than halfof the total area of the city and has the highest popu-lation thus generating maximum amount of solidwaste (Municipal Corporation of Patna, 2013).

Both qualitative and quantitative methods wereused in the fieldwork. While we did our pilot studywith a purposive sample, probability sampling designwas adopted to make our study as representative aspossible. A total of 200 questionnaires were in the sur-vey employed and they ranged from socio-demo-graphic profile, family income, behaviour patterns,social relations, and their like. Based on preliminaryanalysis of data collected through the survey, broadthemes were identified and 15 in-depth interviewswere conducted with different stakeholders in thecommunity. Ethnographic field-notes substantiatedour study. Our analysis suggests that the consumptionpatterns of New Capital/Nutan Anchal region in Patnacan be broadly categorised under several headingswhich ultimately are responsible for waste production.Some of the categories of waste that emerged are con-sumption of food; electrical appliances and gazettes;personal care products; real estate; and transportationvehicles. In the next section, we delve into a detaileddelineation of these categories.

Categories Of Waste Produced

Food is the first category. It is one of the most com-mon items of consumption that is directly related towaste production. Apart from what we eat, food in-volves various other aspects that acquire meaning andsignificance when examined from the perspectives ofwaste generation. To start with, common sense


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rationality influences the selection of different foods.For example, many of our respondents pointed outthat they would prefer to buy vegetables from specificoutlets that sell them in plastic bags properly labelledwith the price and weight rather than common ven-dors where one needs to bargain and where even thevegetables are not properly packed.

Most of the families surveyed are nuclear units andoften have dual income. In such a situation they leada very busy life. Also, due to the availability of largeamount of disposable incomes, these families tend toengage in eating out more often. Eating out in Patnadoes not necessarily mean dining at restaurants.Rather, people also prefer to buy fast food from streetvendors and small eating joints at the road side. Foodsat these joints are served either in aluminium or ther-mocal plates, which are easily disposable after use butnot degradable. Large portions of MSW that are lit-tered on roads in Patna are composed of such items.Interestingly, almost all the small restaurants in Patnaoffer ‘free home delivery services’ which have becomevery popular, as one gets to enjoy restaurant food athome without having to physically travel. All thesefoods are served in aluminium foiled packets in a plas-tic bag and accompanied by a latest menu card of therestaurant along with paper napkins, plastic spoon orforks, and pouches of sauce or salad. This practice isnot environmental friendly and becomes a big part ofthe daily waste production at the household level.

More than 70% of the respondents stated that onaverage the intake of non home-made food is approx-imately three times a week. Most residents have acompetition with those who live in other apartmentsof the building or with those in the neighbourhoodabout their cool lifestyle including the practice of eat-ing out. This is quite an alarming rate of consumptiongenerating huge amount of waste. As Baudrillard(1998) notes these are consumptions of ‘signs’ to re-inforce a specific social status. Respondents were givenoptions as to whether they would prefer food to beserved in steel or other metal utensils which could bewashed and re-used. All of them replied they wouldnot prefer such arrangements as they feel it might notbe hygienic. They also gave examples as to why theychose certain restaurants over others for home delivery

mainly because of their ‘hygienic packaging’. Respon-dents were then asked whether they were aware of theenvironmental effects of using such products. All ofthem gave an affirmative reply but when they wereenquired as to what could be done to minimise theproduction of waste, none replied that they shouldcheck their levels of consumption. Instead, everyoneblamed the municipal authority for not implementingbetter pickup and transport facilities of solid waste.

Waste generation from food consumption is notonly limited at the household level but also at thesource where food is sold. Here, the roads are infestedwith numerous eating joints and vendors selling var-ious types of fast food at different price ranges afford-able by people of all income groups. Based onparticipant observation, it was noticed that in theevening time the sale of such fast food items increasesand consumers are mostly young adults. There is anincreasing trend in Patna for young people to attendacademic coaching classes. Most of such classes areheld after school or college hours in the evening. Thisprovides a specific type of socialisation among youngadults, who hang out after the classes at the road sideeating joints. These eating vendors provide a particu-lar space for interaction among young people wherealong with food, they also enjoy the company of theirfriends. Under these circumstances, consumption offood is more an act to establish social identityamongst a peer group. However, such consumptionpractices are a major cause of generating huge amountof solid waste in the region, characterised by ‘use andthrow’ plates, cups, glass, spoon and napkins.

Electrical appliances and gazettes are thenext category. In developing countries, due to thewidespread availability of electrical and electronicgoods, there has been a tremendous increase in theamount of e-waste which has become a serious envi-ronmental concern (Pandey and Govind 2014). Theseelectrical goods range between toys; personal careitems (such as hair drier, electrical razor); entertain-ment and/educational products (television, video andCD players, i-pads, laptops, computers, and mobilephones) and appliances that are used for householdchores and activities; for example, washing machines,microwave machines, toaster, mixer-grinder, and so


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on. All the households surveyed for the study reportedhaving these products, though the quantity and brandvaried. One of the respondents replied: ‘These dayswe have become so used to these appliances, likewashing machine and microwave that it is impossibleto think of a life without these.’ Another respondentstated that ‘...at times I wonder earlier how we man-aged our lives without cell phones (laughs). I meannow it is so much easier to stay connected with yourfriends all the time.’

When we asked the respondents whether theywere aware that such items generate huge amounts ofe-waste and the adverse effect they have on the envi-ronment, their responses were interesting. About 43%said that they were aware about e-waste but not specif-ically about environmental hazards caused by them;while 26% reported they thought only computers andlaptops produce e-waste; 19% stated they were notsure about how everyday use of electrical appliancescan produce e-waste and the environmental effectswere limited only to those who deal with these wastes;and only 12% expressed concern about reducing e-waste production. When respondents were given op-tions as to whether they were willing to use less ofthese products to minimise e-waste production, theirresponses were almost unanimous as they stated thatone has to lose something for enjoying comforts inlife. From in-depth interviews it was evident that thepurposes of these goods are as means of communica-tion to express identity and to mark status (Stillman2003). Lodziak (2002) suggests that nowadays sourcesof identity dwell in the world of images, symbols andsigns. Giddens (1991) thus observes that a new kindof consumer had emerged for whom consumption it-self plays a central role in constructing new senses ofidentity based on and around the possession and own-ership of status-conferring goods.

Not far behind we have the category that coverspersonal care products and sanitary items.

A large proportion of the MSW comprises personalcare items such as cosmetics, deodorants, diapers, andso on. There has been an increase in consumption ofthese items whose values and comforts are being re-inforced through daily advertisements. In everyhousehold these items are very common. In fact, from

the survey it was evident that the levels of consump-tion of these products are almost on par with thehousehold’s consumption of grocery items. For exam-ple, about 87% of the respondents reported that theybuy such products of personal care more than twiceevery month. This suggests the frequent use of theseitems. Bourdieu (2003) argues that consumption isthe articulation of a sense of identity. According tohim our identity is made up by our consumption ofgoods, which displays our expression of taste. Manypeople’s sense of identities then, are affirmed and con-tested through specific acts of consumption (Jacksonand Thrift 1995). People define themselves by whatthey buy and by the meaning that they give to thegoods and services that they acquire. Lodziak (2002:51) argues that - for those with the financial means -there exists a ‘self-identity industry’ that includeshealth-clubs, fitness gyms, therapy centres, beauty sa-lons, cosmetic surgeries and use of specific products.The same is true for the respondents of this study.They all agreed that their consumption of particularpersonal care items were influenced more by adver-tisements to forge a distinct personal identity whichis characterised by living a comfortable lifestyle. To il-lustrate this with an example from another context,and as reported by Colon et al. (2013), all householdsthat had children below three years of age use diapersfor them but unfortunately these diapers are not dis-posed off in a sanitarily hygienic manner, therebycausing adverse environmental affects. The situationis similar even in Patna.

Real estate is another significant category inPatna these days. As mentioned earlier, a large amountof MSW in Patna is also produced through construc-tion and demolition. A tour of Patna illustrates thatnew buildings and shopping complexes, includingmalls, are being constructed in various places. With arise in disposable income among the middle class aswell as easy availability of various home loan schemesprovided by the banks, Patna has witnessed a steadyrise in the real estate market. Another factor that addsto this real estate boom can be contributed to theopening of different offices and state head quarters ofvarious NGOs. There is also an increasing influx ofstudent population from parts of Bihar to Patna in


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search of better educational and livelihood opportu-nities. Almost 35% of the household surveyed livedin a house and/or an apartment which they ownedwhile the rest 65% lived in rental accommodation.Of those who lived in rental accommodation, approx-imately 85% mentioned that they have pre-bookedan apartment in Patna, which was under construc-tion. 72% of those who lived in their own house re-ported they plan to have some construction in theirpremises for commercial uses. This could be either torent it out as office space or as student accommoda-tion. Interestingly, all the respondents were aware thatsuch activities would generate a lot of solid waste, butto them the attraction of income superseded theirconcern for environment. All these imply that apartfrom consumption of products to reinstate their socialstatus, people in Patna also indulged in consumptionof space (Jackson and Thrift 1995) which is also re-sponsible for generating solid waste in the city.

Transport vehicles can be an environmentalproblem and an arena in which consumers are boththe senders and receivers of symbolic meaning. Bychoosing to cycle or by selecting one rather than an-other type of car, individuals convey informationabout themselves. This is just as they interpret the so-cial meaning of other transport practices. Transportvehicles are important in connecting people betweendifferent spatial locations. Population growth in Patnais accompanied by the growth of transport vehicles aswell. Among these, the number of personal transportvehicles is ever increasing. Easy loans from differentbanks serve as a lubricant. However, it is the family’scompetition to have a better car than the neighbourthat sets the process going. Having an expensive caris a conventional symbol of high social status all overthe world. The roads here are unable to support theincreasing number of vehicles-resulting in traffic con-gestion. Also, while new cars have taken to the road,old means of transportation are still there. Animal-driven cart or human-driven rickshaw or slow movingtractor adds to the slow traffic situation and ever in-creasing sound and air pollution. What concerns ushere in this paper is solid waste. We have found a cor-relation between a stand-still traffic and the disposalof waste in the city by people using transport vehicles

to connect between two spatial locations. Participantobservation at three select traffic points show thatthrowing of wrappers and other leftovers from a carincreases with increasing traffic congestion. Partici-pant observation also guides us to comprehend con-sumption pattern in Patna, and thereby, wasteproduction reflects a complex admixture of traditionand modernity. We will discuss these and other sig-nificant points after we have delineated the consump-tion pattern and waste production below.

Consumption Patterns and WasteProduction

Consumption is a multi-dimensional concept. Its def-initions vary according to the academic discipline bywhich it is perceived. For example, Sociologists havefocused on consumption as a social activity ratherthan as a pure economic activity (Bocock 1993).Once people are influenced by the social and culturalpractices associated with the ideology of current dayconsumerism stemming from westoxicated values,then even if they cannot afford to buy the goods por-trayed in films, advertising, and in the media, theystill desire them. Consumption is, therefore, seen asbeing based increasingly upon desires, not simplyupon need (Baudrillard 1998). This sows the seed foranalysing an exceptional form of consumer behaviourtermed conspicuous consumption. Mason (1983:3) dis-tinguishes it as ‘being motivated by a desire to impressothers with the ability to pay particular high pricesfor prestige products.’ He further asserts that it is aform of consumption which is inspired by the socialrather than by the economic or physiological utilityof products. Conspicuous consumption is not a recentphenomenon although it may be in a new avatar inPatna. This concept surfaced as early as 1899 whenVeblen (1992), in his seminal work The Theory of theLeisure Class, mentioned such consumption behav-iour. Veblen contends that wealthy individuals oftenconsume conspicuous goods and services in order toadvertise their wealth and thereby achieve greater sta-tus. Hence, in conspicuous consumption the com-modities consumed are not necessities. They are‘status goods’ or ‘positional goods’. According to


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Baudrillard (1998), such goods are ‘signs’ or ‘sign val-ues’ as well as images or messages rather than com-modities that are consumed. The purposes of thesegoods are as means of communication to express iden-tity and mark status (Stillman 2003). Thus, conspic-uous consumption feeds off a status system (Mason1981). Categories of waste produced in Patna, and asdiscussed in the section above, justify this pattern ofconsumption.

When Veblen proposed his theory of conspicuousconsumption it was designed as a concept applicableonly to the rich and wealthy class, but in postmodernsociety, often termed the ‘consumer society’ (Clarke2003), conspicuous consumption is one of the mostdominant features of the new middle class. As Mason(1981: 150) states, ‘…conspicuous consumption maywell be confirmed in future as an exclusively middleclass form of behaviour.’ Ger and Belk (1996: 272)have added ‘consumptionscape’ to Appadurai’s initialfive scapes (ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes,financescapes and ideoscapes) that have defined globalcultural flows and disjunctures (Appadurai 2003) andhave tried to explain recent global flows of consump-tion. They state that the global consumptionscapeadds to the resources available to people and becomespart of how consumers draw from all available globaland local, new and old sources, as they use productsto position themselves in local age, gender, social class,religion and ethnic hierarchies. Based on this,Kjeldgaard (2003) situates consumption behaviourwithin the broader perspective of the global-localnexus, and explains how relations of a particular ‘local’with the global cultural economy affect consumptionbehaviour. Being cool and hanging out may signifyglobal flow, but consuming litti (a popular food inBihar) at a street corner gives a local flavour.

Bocock (1993) asserts that modern patterns ofconsumption for urban dwellers are, in part, a resultof living in the metropolis, the city and its suburbs.The processes involved in living in an urban locationincrease the awareness of style, of the need to consumewithin a repertory which is both distinctive to a socialgroup and expressive of individual preferences. Ger(1999) states that in transitional societies they alsoface tensions in their attempt to face the future

(modernity, progress) rather than the past (poor, rural,backwards, traditional) whilst maintaining their rootsand habits. Day in, day out, practices reflect the ne-gotiation of what it is to be modern, to be sensibleand thrifty whilst demonstrating success and re-spectability, and so on. Their argument can be sup-ported by the patterns of conspicuous consumptionamong urban middle class in Patna. Easy availabilityand accessibility of materials to the middle class pop-ulation in cities like Patna allows this group of peopleto imitate the consumerist values of the West, disre-garding their traditional behaviour. This, we believe,is a notable cause of increasing waste generation.

The everyday practices, daily habits, and routineactivities can be understood within the framework ofacculturalisation and deculturisation (Raj and Raj,2004). These two processes always go hand-in-handand never occur in isolation. The first step involvesgetting comfortable in using packaged products (ac-culturalisation) thus detaching from earlier ethics ofre-use (deculturisation). The effect on behaviouralchanges is not what we intent to analyse here. Rather,we are interested in what happens after being effectedby such changes. We believe that once the process ofdeculturisation becomes established, the desiring ma-chine (Deleuze and Guattari, 2005) experiences thegreatest discomfort when not using these products.The meaning of an object, like a car or organic foods,or a practice such as biking, reflects perceptions andjudgements about how and in what ways it differsfrom or is similar to alternatives, and where, when,how, and by whom it is owned, consumed, or engagedin. Desire gets introduced into thought, discourse,and then into action.

Consumption pattern of food and the kind ofwaste generated around it leads us to situate the be-haviour as hedonism. Packaged food points to an ex-perience of enjoyment. It means that you eat exactlywhat you want and when you want it. Hedonism canalso take an environmental form, as when consumersview the consumption of packaged food as a sensualtreat and take pleasure in the experience or at least theassociation of better quality, taste, and texture. Thismight be a case that women who spend more time inkitchen preparing food are now busy. Being busy is a


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sign of having an active and time-scheduled daily life.This is a context where shopping and cooking are de-signed not to take up too much time. Hence, semi-manufactured goods seem to be necessary. Theproliferation of processed foods promises emancipa-tion from household chores especially for women. Mediaand advertising reinforce these symbolic meanings.Moreover, signs of being modern and Western are im-portant especially in Patna. Processed foods are asso-ciated with a sense of decency and self-respect thatcomes from not depriving one’s family of the good lifeas seen on TV or as lived by one’s more affluent neigh-bours. All such foods are available at the supermarketsin plastic, tin or aluminium packets. Though it is easyto prepare and consume these food items, their pack-aging materials are unfortunately neither bio-degrad-able nor recyclable. As per the Municipal Solid WasteHandling Rule (2000), the minimum time taken fortin and aluminium to degrade is between 100-500years, while it is one million years for plastic.

It is cultural practice, then, and the knowledgeproduction mechanism that is at the root of the prob-lem. Rapid material and technological growth gaverise to a cultural modernisation with materialism andconsumerism at the core. A common theme whichemerges from all these cases is the changing definitionof what it is to be modern. Throughout, the patternis one in which the life which people aspire to or ex-pect relies on an increasing number of appliances andenvironmentally problematic services relating to mo-bility, hygiene, and increasing standards of indoorcomfort. The availability of these services and thetechnologies which make them possible symbolisemodernity. This modernity is the yardstick for nor-mality. Any deviance, either through inability of eco-nomic or cultural capital, desires enforcement forachieving normality. Consumers have their own yard-sticks with which they measure levels and patterns ofsufficient consumption. The moving mark of what isenough and pleasurable is negotiated in moral terms.Consumers legitimise their own high levels or aspira-tions of personal consumption with reference to arepertoire of justifications and excuses. Justificationsinclude pleasure, connoisseurship, instrumentalism,or altruism while excuses tend to focus on external

forces, including arguments about the way of themodern world, or the need to make up for past dep-rivation, or to reward success. Paradoxically, the preva-lence of these defensive vocabularies highlights theextent to which the ethos of consumption is legit-imised.

The process of knowledge production and appro-priation is led by the presiding deities of Europeanenlightenment. Dualism leads the way. Either you aregood or you are bad. Your modernity may be de-con-textual, but you must aspire to be one. Formalisticknowledge production trajectories give emphasis tothe Newtonian, Baconian, and Cartesian rationality.It is rooted in everything we produce and consume.This monocultural rationality negates the local con-text as well as environmental concerns. Also, environ-mentalism in India has only been mild and controlledby the modernised elite, several budding environmen-talists have been integrated into environmental de-partments in universities and in government agenciesand municipalities. Such institutionalisation and pro-fessionalisation fostered a consensus-oriented form ofenvironmentalism within the wider society. Thisbackground helps explain the proliferation of govern-ment initiated programmes for citizen participationin local environmental improvements, new non-rad-ical, professional environmental organisations and agrowth in environmental journalism in the massmedia.

In the above section, we have tried to connect themissing lines between consumption pattern and wasteproduction. This could be pertinent to comprehendthe nature and type of waste produced, especially mu-nicipal solid waste. We have seen that it is the mis-placed and raging consumption pattern that accountsfor increasing waste production. The ‘positivistic’knowledge machine only justifies conspicuous con-sumption and has become a part of way of life of peo-ple in places like Patna. In the next section, we wouldlike to examine what reinforces these patterns espe-cially in our research site. We start with a discussionon globalisation.


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G-local-isation and lumpen-ism

The term globalisation is used by various groups,often loosely, and thus assumes various meanings.Typically, globalisation is described as increased eco-nomic, cultural, environmental and social interdepen-dencies, along with new transnational financial andpolitical formations, arising out of the increasing mo-bility of capital, labour and information, with bothhomogenising and differentiating tendencies (Mittel-man 2001). As Appadurai (1999) rightly states, theword ‘globalisation’ provokes heated reactions. Someof these reactions concern definitions, others concernwhether globalisation has ‘gone too far’ or not, andstill others are about the officialisation of the term andits conversion into a slogan for the forces that supportliberalisation, marketisation and reform across theworld. Sociologist Robertson’s (1992) explanation ofglobalisation is based on the theory of society as a spe-cific kind of social system. He states that globalisationat the cultural level began to occur because of twothings - compression of the world and global conscious-ness. Kellner (2000) asserts that the term globalisationis a theoretical construct and argues that the conceptentails everything from the Westernisation of theworld to the ascendancy of capitalism. He concludesthat globalisation is one of the main processes notedin modern and post-modern social theories. Byanalysing the various views of globalisation held bypeople in developed countries Kellner demonstratesthat while some people view globalisation as increas-ing the homogeneity of societies, others on the con-trary, view globalisation as increasing thehybridisation of cultures and diversity.

In this article, it is not our intent to engage into adetailed discussion about globalisation; rather wewould like to reflect upon how the process of global-isation is responsible for the rise of a new middle classwhich is characterised by specific consumption prac-tices leading to increased intensity of waste generationin developing countries. Globalisation takes localroots here and can be comprehended as glocalisation,especially in the manner that it implicates the classstructure. We believe that the growth of the middleclass in Patna is based on a pattern where lumpenismas a cultural practice has been the harbinger of social

change. Through history the notion of the middleclass has remained highly contentious in the social sci-ences. The liberal pluralists tend to regard the middleclass as primarily a cultural entity defined by valuesof individualism and rationality, as well as by indica-tors of status, occupation and income. Accordingly,the middle class cannot be distinguished from thebourgeoisie and there is no means of distinguishingbetween the type of social power that they derive fromproperty on the one hand, and salaries and qualifica-tions on the other. However, while scholars continueto struggle to provide a comprehensive definition ofthe middle class, there has emerged in the literature asub-group within this class, namely the new middleclass. This conceptual framework originates in oppo-sition to the official Marxist theories of the late nine-teenth century. Betz (1992) relates the growth of thenew middle class with changing production systemsin a society and analyses it against a postmodern back-ground. Betz (1992: 100) points out that the ‘the the-oretical approaches to describe the new middle classin post-industrial, consumer and information societygenerally characterise the new middle class as a ratherhomogenous class (the service class of employers,managers and professionals) united in its members’shared pursuit of social status.’ He argues that basedon this theorisation, the new middle class emerges ata particular stage in a country’s economic develop-ment where its precise function is to promote con-sumption ethics. In the present context we contendthat globalisation has generated substantial employ-ment in a number of developing countries like India.This in turn has given birth to a new urban middleclass in these countries. An important majority of themembers of this emerging class are employed in theservice sector and constitute a growing and increas-ingly large proportion of these countries populations(Shurmer-Smith 2000).

Betz (1992: 99) concludes that the new middleclass is intricately connected to the growth of the ‘so-ciete de consommation.’ Featherstone (1987) statesthat consumption and tastes become vital channels inthe struggle between various classes and a particularclass, the new middle class, is formed leading to agrowing aestheticisation of everyday life via signs,


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symbols, and images of pleasure for consumption.Hence, the very nature of the new middle class putsheavy emphasis on consumption. In such a situationthe new middle class becomes the ‘new heroes of con-sumer culture’. In developing Asian countries, witheconomies predominantly based on extensive agricul-ture, the new middle class did not gain prominenceeither in number or in interest among researchers,media or politicians due to their insignificant num-bers until the 1970s. From that decade onwards glob-alisation trends triggered a range of liberalisationpolicies across Asia (albeit to very different degreesand not in Burma) causing a shift in many occupa-tional structures and the rapid growth of export-fo-cused industries leading to an employment boom.

In Asia the term ‘new rich’ is used interchangeablywith ‘new middle class’. This term is used to describebroadly the new wealthy social groups that haveemerged from industrial changes in Asia, with theirsocial power based either on capital and expertise orrent and/or position in the extensive state apparatus(Gerke 2000). The new rich are thus the professionalmiddle class. Nonetheless, this term is a starting pointfor examination rather than an analytical tool. Thisneeds to be clarified because the new rich is neither acohesive category nor does it have common historicalroots, and its impacts vary from one country to an-other depending on the pattern of economic transi-tion in the country. Therefore, there are likely to beseveral patterns in the emergence of the new rich andits influence on the cultural, social, economic and po-litical life of the country under study (Robinson andGoodman 1996). This group is commonly charac-terised by a newly emerging lifestyle- a metropolitan,or nouveau riche lifestyle - in which the consumptionof items such as branded clothes, personal adorn-ments and expensive pleasurable pursuits has becomecentral (Bocock 1993). In this article we suggest thatchanging consumption patterns is directly linked totheir change in lifestyle which has impacted upon theproduction of waste in these cities.

The new rich in Patna are a product oflumpenism. Lumpen way of life was epitomised dur-ing the last few decades when the agrarian and ruralclasses became the dominant caste. The unequal util-

isation of resources by the previous regimes, mainlyled by the upper caste, was rightly resented and givingback was purposely engulfed in behaviour patternsnot appreciated by the upper echelons. Investment ininfrastructure was stopped as the institutions were sodesigned, by the earlier political administration, thatthe benefits would be utilised only by the establishedclasses. Patna, pathetically, became a victim of its ownpeople who in trying to get back to each other tookresort in unruly behaviour that can at best can classi-fied as lumpenism. Such behaviour was visible inevery walk of life. Cattle on the road became an im-portant signifier of getting back at the urban elite whohad neglected rural Bihar. The political class enjoyedthe benefits while the rot only stemmed further. Thebureaucracy resented but was only concerned withtheir immediate neighbourhood. The bureaucracy en-compassed more funds through increasing corruptpractices. The flow of funds in the market for unpar-alleled consumerism has direct co-relation with cor-ruption in most branches of the bureaucracy here.The boom in real estate is also aided with incompa-rable extortion of funds by the lumpen political classand the corrupt bureaucracy. These two are joined bythe expatriates of Bihar, especially those who havemade a mark for themselves in other localities inIndia. There are noteworthy instances of contributionof the expatriate Bihari in social work- mostly aroundeducation and identity branding. However, the spurtin consumerist behaviour is a gift from them as well.

Use of lumpenism to comprehend the social for-mation and cultural patterns in Patna may draw frombut is not directly related to the concept of lumpen-bourgeoise espoused by A.G. Frank (1972). However,like the class discussed by Frank, even the culture ofthe class in Patna is insensitive to the local need.Whether it is the condition of pollution in the riverGanga or the streets, people are only bothered aboutthemselves and their loved ones. They are insensitiveto the community and their environment. They learnfrom practices of other cultures and try their best tocatch up. But when it comes to the practices whichsustain their own environment, people feel that bycontinuing those practices they may not be consideredmodern. The local word here for adopting the


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so-called modern practice is vikashit which in Englishwould mean developed. But, as one elderly respon-dent concluded, this attitude shows vikrit (meaning,that which has lost its mainstay) mentality. Overtrowdiness has been curbed during the current politicalregime but insensitivity and an attitude of communalownership is missing. While living rooms should beclean, there is however no concern for the streets andthe way inappropriate disposal of waste can create dif-ferent kinds of health hazard, for instance.

Looking Ahead

Chat puja conveys a totally different scenario in Patna.The streets are neat and clean. Production or disposalof waste is done with utmost care. During the build-up to this festival, celebrated six days after Diwali, thebehaviour patterns and attitudes of residents, gover-nance, and other stakeholders are seen to have totallychanged. People seem to care for their locality. De-votes place emphasis on recognising the cosmos andthe source of energy. This does provide a silver liningfor a better Patna. We believe that a change in attitudewill change behaviour patterns of people here in Patnaas well as any other place struggling to properly dis-pose off their wastes. One can have awareness raisingprograms that can be supported by the communityand the local governance. The awareness programmesmust place emphasis on connecting people with theirlocal community as well as with the larger environ-mental hazards. Increasing interest and motivation hasno effect if it is not followed up by resources, supportand structural improvements which make it possible,sensible, and normal for consumers to change theirroutines, habits and daily consumption practices.

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