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NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY
ORIGINAL ‘CROSSOVER?’ POPULAR BALLAD-TUNES AS ART-MUSIC FOR VIOLS IN
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND
A LECTURE-RECITAL
SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF MUSIC
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
for the degree
DOCTOR OF MUSIC
Program of Music Performance Studies
By
Phillip Woodrow Serna
EVANSTON, ILLINOIS
June 2007
ii
ABSTRACT
Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century
England
Phillip Woodrow Serna
The modern concept of musical ‘crossover’ or ‘fusion’ often entails a combination or
juxtaposition of evidently incongruous styles, performance techniques and repertoire.
‘Crossover,’ as a concept, is dependent on arbitrary and non-musical definitions, labels and
divisions which might not naturally exist. It implies boundaries between performance media,
styles, and dissemination of music. For the Early Music scholar and performer, this artifice lies
predominantly between printed musical sources and oral musical traditions. Early Music
performers and scholars have always been able to acquire knowledge about performance practice
from manuscripts, treatises, diaries and court records. In order to craft compelling and better
informed performances, scholars and performers now look to living oral traditions. Performers
are exploring intersections between the oral and print music traditions of Europe, between
European and Sephardic music, and between European and music of indigenous peoples with
Western music during the Spanish colonial period. From medieval performers looking to the
traditions of Persia, Morocco and Turkey, to explorations of Chinese music to inform repertoire
from the period of Marco Polo’s explorations, early musicians are exploring more repertoire than
ever before.
This concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance
traditions is not an exclusively modern phenomenon. An under explored intersection between
orally transmitted music and art-music exists involving popular music, dance music, ballad-tunes
and the instrumental compositions for lyra-viol and viol consort in seventeenth-century England.
iii
This lecture will explore the dissemination of ballad tunes through the medium of the British
Broadside Ballad, as well as through instrumental music in the form of solo literature for the
lyra-viol and chamber music for viol consort. Regarding instrumental settings of ballad-tunes for
viol, selected ballad-tunes to be examined include Bonny Sweet Robin (Robin is the Greenwood
Gone), Daphne, Fortune My Foe, Go from My Window and Walsingham. Lyra-viol sources
containing ballad-tune settings to be examined include John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on
the Viol, Lyra-Way, as well as sources for viol in manuscript form, specifically the Manchester
Lyra-Viol Manuscript (c1660).
Additionally, this document will include two transcriptions, adapted specifically for this
lecture-project: Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) and Onder
een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green) for Viol Consort. Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (c1562-
1621) was a Dutch composer and organist who was influenced by English composers for virginal
like Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), particularly in regards to the variation forms employed with
ballad melodies.
iv
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my family: Kathleen, Fred (for whom I owe my introduction to the
viol) and Paul Serna, Bogdan and Sofie Mikołajczyk, Alex, John, Jacob and Amanda Tsang, for
their steadfast support of my endeavors; to Martin Simmons for his creative ideas and support;
and especially to my dearest wife and best friend, Magdalena, for whose example, wisdom,
friendship, love, and encouragement has always sustained and inspired me.
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the support from so many individuals: This lecture-recital would not
have been possible without the efforts of my committee chair Dr. Linda Austern, whose advice
and suggestions have proved invaluable. I would also like to thank my doctoral committee for
their guidance, especially DaXun Zhang for seeing me through my final exams. I would also
like to thank Mary Springfels for being an exceptional musician and wonderful mentor, always
inspiring the best in performance. I would like to thank Russell Wagner and Ken Perlow, for all
of their kindness, generosity and thoughtful advice while preparing the recital. I would like to
offer credit to Gary Berkenstock of the Chicago Early Music Consort for the suggestion of the
Walsingham divisions during a concert in 2006. Lastly, I would like to thank my other
colleagues who are performing in my lecture recital: Lynn Donaldson, Katherine Shuldiner and
Constance Strait.
vi
LECTURE-RECITAL PROGRAM
Northwestern University
School of Music
Presents
Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century
England
a Doctoral Lecture-Recital
Phillip Woodrow Serna, Double Bass & Viola da Gamba
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree Doctor of Music
Doctor of Music Major Project Committee:
Dr. Linda Austern PhD, Musicology, Committee Chair
Professor DaXun Zhang, Lecturer, Double Bass
Professor Mary Springfels, Lecturer, Viola da Gamba
Assisted by:
Lynn Donaldson, Viola da Gamba
Ken Perlow, Viola da Gamba
Katherine Shuldiner, Viola da Gamba
Mary Springfels, Viola da Gamba
Constance Strait, Viola da Gamba
THIS RECITAL WILL BE PERFORMED AT A415
1/6th
COMMA MEANTONE TEMPERAMENT
Tuesday, May 22, 2007, 7:00 PM
Jeanne Vail Chapel, Alice S. Millar Religious Center
1870 Sheridan Road, Evanston, Illinois
vii
Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art- Music Phillip W. Serna
for Viols in Seventeenth-Century England
Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Ballad and Dance-Tunes Performed on Bass Viol
From the Cambridge University Manuscript Dd.5.20, fol.19, Published in Musica
Britannica, Volume IX, No.109, 1955
Walsingham Anonymous
From the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript Richard Sumarte
Mid-Seventeenth Century, c1660 (15?? – after 1630)
Fortune [My Foe]
Daphne
Queen Marie’s Dumpe
Monsieur’s Almain
Solus Cum Sola (After Dowland)
What if a Day
[My] Roben to the Greense-Woode Gone
Whoope Doe Me No Harme [Goode Man!]
Lachrymae (After Dowland)
The Nightingale
INTERMISSION
Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Tunes Performed on Tenor Viol
From the Published Collection: Musicks Recreation John Playford
on the Viol, Lyra-Way from the 1651, 1652, 1669 and 1682 Editions (1623 – 1686)
Blew Cap, No. 9, Playford 1652
Parthenia, No. 7, Playford 1669
Franklin, No. 23, Playford 1669
Focky Went to the Wood, No. 27, Playford 1682
Gerards Mistresse, No. 55, Playford 1652
The Merry Milk-Maid, No. 30, Playford 1669
None Shall Plunder But I, No. 21, Playford 1651
Now the Fight’s Done, No. 32, Playford 1682
Farwell Fair Armida, No. 94, Playford 1682
Amarillis, No. 69, Playford 1682
viii
Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Song Performed on Double Bass
From the Published Collection: Musicks Recreation John Playford
on the Viol, Lyra-Way from the 1651, 1652, 1669 and 1682 Editions (1623 – 1686)
Ah Cruel Bloody Fate, No. 28, Playford 1682
Could Man His Wish Obtain, No. 88, Playford 1682
Gather Your Rosebuds, No. 13, Playford 1652
Glory of the West, No. 19, Playford 1651
Hunt is Up, No. 122, Playford 1661
On the Bonny Christ-Church Bells, No. 25, Playford 1682
Over the Mountain, No. 4, Playford 1652
Step Stately, No. 5, Playford 1652
The K[ing] Enjoys [His Own Again], No. 7, Playford 1652
The Hobby-Horse Dance, No. 20, Playford 1682
Vive Lay Roy, No. 40, Playford 1661
BRIEF PAUSE/ TUNING
Music Transcribed for Viol Consort Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck
Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna (1562 – 1621)
Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) For Consort á 5
Music for Consort – Canzon super ‘O Nachbar Roland’ Samuel Scheidt
For Consort á 5 (1587 – 1654)
Music for Consort – Ricercar ‘Bonny Sweet Robin’ Thomas Simpson
For Consort á 4 (1582 – 1630?)
Music for Consort – Go from my Window Orlando Gibbons
For Consort á 6 (1583 – 1625)
Lynn Donaldson, Viola da Gamba
Ken Perlow, Viola da Gamba
Katherine Shuldiner, Viola da Gamba
Mary Springfels, Viola da Gamba
Constance Strait, Viola da Gamba
THIS RECITAL WILL BE PERFORMED AT A415
1/6th
COMMA MEANTONE TEMPERAMENT
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT.................................................................................................................................... ii
DEDICATION............................................................................................................................... iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................................v
LECTURE RECITAL PROGRAM............................................................................................... vi
INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................................1
CHAPTER I: The Circulation of Ballads in Early Modern England...............................................3
CHAPTER II: Rise of the Lyra-Viol and the Viol Consort in Early Modern England .................16
CHAPTER III: Selected Ballad-Tune Settings for Lyra-Viol and Viol Consort...........................22
Walsingham ..........................................................................................................................22
Fortune My Foe.....................................................................................................................28
Daphne or When Daphne from Fair Phoebus Did Fly..........................................................37
Bonny Sweet Robin or Robin is to the Greenwood Gone ....................................................41
Art Song as Ballad: Lachrimae or Flow My Teares .............................................................48
Go from My Window............................................................................................................55
CONCLUSIONS............................................................................................................................58
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY.....................................................................................................59
APPENDIX I: Introduction to Sweelinck Editions for Viol Consort ............................................69
APPENDIX II: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn for Viol Consort .....................72
APPENDIX III: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Onder een Linde Groen for Viol Consort ............83
1
INTRODUCTION – Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in
Seventeenth-Century England
The modern concept of musical ‘crossover’ or ‘fusion’ often entails a combination or
juxtaposition of evidently incongruous styles, performance techniques and repertoire.
‘Crossover,’ as a concept, is dependent on arbitrary and non-musical definitions,1 labels and
divisions which might not naturally exist. It implies boundaries between performance media,
styles, and dissemination of music. For the Early Music scholar and performer, this artifice lies
predominantly between printed musical sources and oral musical traditions. Early Music
performers and scholars have always been able to acquire knowledge about performance practice
from manuscripts, treatises, diaries and court records.2 In order to craft compelling and better
informed performances, scholars and performers now look to living oral traditions. Performers
are exploring intersections between the oral and print music traditions of Europe, between
European and Sephardic music, and between European and music of indigenous peoples with
Western music during the Spanish colonial period.3 From medieval performers looking to the
traditions of Persia, Morocco and Turkey,4 to explorations of Chinese music to inform
performances of music of Marco Polo’s period,5 early musicians are exploring more repertoire
than ever before.
This concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance
traditions is not an exclusively modern phenomenon. An under explored intersection between
orally transmitted music and art-music exists involving popular music, dance music, ballad-tunes
1 Robynn J. Stillwell, “ Crossover,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>
2 Tina Chancey, “ Voices from the Cutting Edge – Medieval and Renaissance Groups Challenge Listeners and
Themselves with Innovative Performance Practices,” Early Music America 7, No.2 (Summer 2001): 24. 3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid, 26.
2
and the instrumental compositions for lyra-viol and viol consort in seventeenth-century England.
This lecture will explore the dissemination of ballad tunes through the medium of the British
Broadside Ballad, as well as through instrumental music in the form of solo literature for the
lyra-viol and chamber music for viol consort. Regarding instrumental settings of ballad-tunes for
viol, selected ballad-tunes to be examined include Bonny Sweet Robin (Robin is the Greenwood
Gone), Daphne, Fortune My Foe, Go from My Window and Walsingham. Lyra-viol sources
containing ballad-tune settings to be examined include John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on
the Viol, Lyra-Way, as well as sources for viol in manuscript form, specifically the Manchester
Lyra-Viol Manuscript (c1660).
3
CHAPTER I: The Circulation of Ballads in Early Modern England
Reproduced from Save a Thief from the Gallows, and He’ll Hang Thee if He Can, the Early
Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the
Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.196-197.
“For a peny you may have all the Newes in England, of Murders, Flouds, Witches, Fires, Tempests, and what not, in one of Martin Parkers Ballads.”
Henry Peacham in The Worth of a Penny (1641)6
Preexisting familiar ballad-tunes, along with print media, coalesced in the literary genre
identified as the British Broadside Ballad. In print, the broadside ballad flourished from the
beginning of the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) to the close of the seventeenth century.7 While
having its origins in medieval oral ballad traditions, the broadside ballad was a print medium that
was “purchased, overheard orally, memorized, or even copied in manuscript form by audiences
6 Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640 (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press,
1991), 11. 7 Sarah F. Williams, ‘“ Now Rise Infernal Tones”: the Representations of Early Modern English Witchcraft in Sound
and Music.’ (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 2006) 135.
4
representing a wide range of social classes and evincing various degrees of literacy.”8
The English term ballad is derived from the Middle English balade. The English ballad
refers to what was simply a “dancing song,” while the term ballad derives from the Latin “to
dance.”9 A ballad, as a musical and poetic form, is simply a song that contains a strong narrative
element. A distinctly urban and London-based phenomenon,10
the broadside was the print
medium in which ballad texts were transmitted one at a time. “Broadsides”, also referred to as
“broadsheets,” were large uncut sheets of paper printed on one side.11
The advent of printing
allowed for a massive production of rhymed broadsides, so that by the seventeenth century, these
publications “came to be the chief publications of the London press and the works most dear to
the common people.”12
Broadsides were the cheapest form of print media available in
seventeenth-century England.13
Broadside publications encompassed many types of popular
street literature, including handbills, proclamations, advertisements, religious documents, as well
as songs and ballads.14
While the earliest English language newspapers began to appear in the
1620s in Europe, it would take another two centuries for the vast majority of the general public
to receive news from sources other than broadsides.15
Among the most circulated ballad-tunes in early modern England,16
Fortune My Foe was
often set to broadside texts about disasters as in The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke
8 Joshua Fisher, “ He is turned a Ballad-Maker”: Broadside Appropriations in Early Modern England,” Early Modern
Literary Studies 9.2 (September, 2003): 3.1-21 <http://purl.oclc.org/emls/09-2/fishball.html> 9 Bruce R. Smith The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1999), 170. 10
Pamela Fumerton, “ Not Home: Alehouses, Ballads, and the Vagrant Husband in Early Modern England,” Journal
of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32, Number 3 (Fall 2002): 497. 11
Watt, 11. 12
Fisher. 13
Watt, 11. 14
Leslie Shepard, The Broadside Ballad: A Study in Origins and Meaning (London: H. Jenkins, 1962), 23. 15
Shepard, 29. 16
Smith, 203.
5
Fig. 1. Reproduced from The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke, the Early Modern
Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel
Pepys’ Collection, 1.68-69r.
Fig. 2. Reproduced from The Araignement of John Flodder and his Wife, the Early Modern
Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel
Pepys’ Collection, 1.130-131r.
(see figure 1) on the last of May 1622, complete with religious messages and morals for the
listener. Additionally, Fortune My Foe was also known as a “hanging tune” for its association
with horrific public executions as in The Araignement of John Flooder and His Wife (see figure
2) and Anne Wallens Lamentation (see figure 3).17
The Araignement of John Flooder relays the
news of the execution of John Flodder and his wife by hanging for burning the town of Windham
in Norfolke on the 6th of June, 1615. As political commentary in Protestant England, Flodder and
17
Fisher.
6
Fig. 3. Reproduced from Anne Wallens Lamentation, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad
Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.124-
125.
his wife are portrayed as Papal sympathizers, and were deserving of death. In Anne Wallens
Lamentation, Anne Wallen is burned at the stake for the murder of her husband. The ballad
depicts a drunken John Wallen and an episode of domestic violence which ultimately concludes
with his stabbing by his wife Anne Wallen. It is told from the first person perspective of a
remorseful confession prior to her execution:
My judgement then it was pronounced plaine Because my dearest husband I had slaine:
In burning flames of fire I should fry,
Receive my soule sweet Jesus now I die.
Not all ballads were on such gruesome or libelous subjects. Many moral and religious
ballads survive. As a scholar of popular balladry, Natascha Würzbach writes:
Owing to the preponderance of sad, horrific, and stirring narrative subjects it is
sentimental, scandalized comments together with those of a serous moralizing nature which on the whole predominate in the narrative street ballad.
18
The ballad An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find, Great Consolation for a
Troubled Mind (see figure 4), sung to the tune of Fortune my Foe, states:
18
Natasha Würzbach, The Rise of the English Street Ballad, 1550-1650. trans. by Gayna Walls. (Cambridge; New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 112.
7
Fig. 4. Reproduced from An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find, Great Consolation for a Troubled Mind, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-
Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.63.
Aim not too High in things above thy reach Beware of pride, the Mother of Mishap
Nor be too wise within thy own conceit, Whole sugred snares shall seek to intrap, A thou hat wealth and wit at will Be meek in Heart, and lovely minded still,
So give him thanks that shall increase it still. So shalt though Gods Commandments
fulfill.
Broadside publications covered a variety of subject matter from news, gossip, scandals, criminal
biographies, trials, satirical poems, invectives, lamentations, and godly miracles, to fantastic
monstrous births or witchcraft. 19
The format often limited the size of the narrative to 80 to 120
lines.20
Broadside ballads were distributed in mass quantities in churchyards, inns, fairs21
such as
Bartholomew and Stourbridge,22
marketplaces, taverns, and ale houses.23
Additionally, they were
disseminated in large public spaces such as Westminster Hall, Saint Paul’s Cathedral and the
Royal Exchange.24
The most common method of distributing ballads was through the
employment of ballad-singers (or ‘ballad mongers’), while keeping supplies of printed ballads
19
Würzbach, p.108; Hyder E. Rollins, Rollins, Hyder E. “The Black-Letter Broadside Ballad,” PMLA 34, No. 2 (1919): 258; Williams, p.136. 20
Würzbach, p.108. 21
Ibid. 22
Ibid, 153. 23
Ibid, 136. 24
Smith, 60.
8
fully stocked and displayed in book-stalls.25
This usually occurred on the periphery of events,
since the ballad-singer was not integrated into the festivities. This offered a spectacle in and of
itself since the ballad-singer communicated the text in as lively a way as possible.26
Natascha
Würzbach writes:
The speaker inherent in the text with his highly developed audience relationship has the
features that do with it – of the poseur, market-crier, and salesman – and is characterized
by the intensity of his actions. He poses as joker, reporter of sensational events and
narrator of sentimental stories, and can take on fictitious roles. 27
Würzbach adds that contemporary writers often lamented the ‘inferior’ musical quality of
ballad renditions. These renditions were described as coarse and “the untrained croaking or
sentimental whining of the singers” was dismissed with contempt by men of letters. Ballad
mongers were often discredited on the basis of their social status. 28
They were often described as
idle youths, escaped convicts and swindlers.29
Ballad-singers sold their wares, largely
unmolested until Parliament instructed magistrates “to flog and imprison ballad-singers at sight
and to confiscate their stock.”30
Even with their social status, performance and sale of ballads
was so common that allusions to ballad-singers can be found in the literature of Early Modern
England.31
While printed broadsides were obtained easily, they were quite probably the single most
disposable form of literature. On the topic of the dating of broadside ballads, Würzbach notes,
“frequent reprintings or imitations of previously published texts present a particular
bibliographical problem, appearing as they do without any indication they are not the original.”32
25
Rollins, 323 26
Würzbach, 13. 27
Ibid, 98. 28
Ibid, 251. 29
Ibid. 30
Ibid, 98. 31
Ibid, 15. 32
Ibid, 3.
9
Dating is difficult prior to 1556, the year the Stationers’ Company was incorporated. The
Stationer’s Company required legal registration of all ballads.33
Many ballad-printers ignored
registration, but with over three thousand entries, the Stationers’ Company preserved a large
number of ballad titles for posterity.
Determining the authorship of ballad texts is difficult, particularly later in the seventeenth
century when publishers no longer included the author. Among the two hundred authors who
wrote broadside ballads were Thomas Deloney, Leonard Gibson, Martin Parker, Laurence Price,
Richard Johnson and William Elderton.34
These authors were often characterized as “trivial”
authors who were “bent on making a quick profit.”35
Outside of the feudal system of patronage,
these authors were often socially stigmatized along with “actors, beggars, and street peddlers as
vagabonds.”36
Even worse, a criticism that is often leveled at the street ballad was “its
immorality and obscenity as opposed to the purity and piety expected of literature.”37
Nonetheless, numerous Elizabethan and Jacobean playwrights and poets were known to have
composed ballads.38
Poets and dramatists such as William Shakespeare (1564-1616) and
Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593) appropriated the broadside ballad form sometimes for
mockery, sometimes for celebration of popular pastimes.39
Broadside ballads and ballad-singers
often inspired references and plots in plays. A pick-pocketing ballad monger was featured in Ben
Jonson’s comedy Bartholomew Fair (1614)40
and the character of Autolycus was performing
ballads to the crowd in Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale (c1609-1610).41
Christopher Marlow,
33
Shepard, 52. 34
Rollins, 260. 35
Würzbach, 251. 36
Würzbach, 21; Fisher. 37
Würzbach, 246. 38
Ibid. 39
Ibid. 40
Williams, 153. 41
Würzbach, 247.
10
Fig. 5. Reproduced from The Judgment of God Shewed Upon One John Faustus, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the
Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.142.
author of The Tragical History of Doctor Faustus (1604), likely based the play upon the
broadside ballad The Judgment of God Shewed Upon One John Faustus (see figure 5). The
earliest surviving ballad on the Faustus subject probably dates from the 1590s.42
In regards to
music in sixteenth and seventeenth-century dramatic works, especially in Shakespearean plays,
Shakespearean scholar Frederick Sternfeld states, “The tradition of the theatre favoured an
abundance of song and comedy.”43
Furthermore, concerning the appearance of ballads and
popular songs in dramatic works, Shakespearean scholar John Long adds:
While the comedies contain many “ayres,” which may be defined as art songs written and
set to special music by known poets and composers, the songs in the tragedies and
histories are, with one or two doubtful exceptions, ballads, ballad fragments, or bits of popular songs anonymous in authorship and apparently belong to a popular tradition.
44
Expounding on Long’s statement, early music specialist Mary Springfels writes:
In addition to performed vocal music, Shakespeare used all kinds of music and musical instruments referentially. The folk song and ballad tunes he quoted so frequently were
equally well known to the groundlings as to the more distinguished patrons. Scraps of
42
Claude Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick; New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1966), 225. 43
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 1. 44
John H. Long, Shakespeare’s Use of Music, Volume 1 (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 1972), 49.
11
these tunes were used to create in-jokes and to evoke other sentiments as well.45
In addition to the printed text, broadside ballads were often embellished by woodcut
illustrations. The degree to which ballads were illustrated changed significantly from the
sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries. Out of the extant sixteenth-century ballads on religious
subjects, only a fifth of published ballads were illustrated at all. Out of these, only one quarter
had woodcut illustrations. In the seventeenth century, particularly from the period of 1600-1640,
more than five-sixths of surviving ballad publications was illustrated.46
This unification among
illustration, printed text, and the sung dissemination, made the broadside ballad an effective
method of communication in early modern England.
In the sixteenth century, ballad tunes were often only named in approximates a quarter to
a third of religious ballads, while the percentage of surviving secular ballads specifying their
ballad tune was between a third and a half.47
Secular ballads without a labeled ballad tune were
less common in the seventeenth century. The most significant collection of print ballads,
consisting of 1376 ballads, was owned by John Selden. Later, this collection was completed by
Samuel Pepys,48
English naval administrator and “gentleman-amateur composer and performer
on the viol.”49
In the Samuel Pepys collection, there are approximately 1800 ballads and only
167 of them have accompanying music printed before the verses.50
Ballad singers often had
hundreds of tunes in their repertory. 51
Many of these melodies survived due to the adaptive
45
Mary Springfels, “ Music in Shakespeare's Plays,” Encyclopedia Britannica’s Guide to Shakespeare Online.
(accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.britannica.com/shakespeare/ article-9396030> 46
Watt, 78. 47
Ibid, 79. 48
Rollins, 262 49
McDonald Emslie, “Samuel Pepys,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 50
Tassie Gniady, “ Ballad Music,” Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara (Accessed [4/15/2007]),
<http://www.english.ucsb.edu/emc/ballad_project/background_essays/ballad_music.asp> 51
Jeremy Barlow, “Broadside Ballads,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
12
nature of the repertory. Lyrics were exchanged, inserted and substituted against easily
identifiable tunes during London daily life.52
A number of other ballad melodies have only
survived through notated instrumental music. Sixteenth and seventeenth-century instrumental
works often employed divisions (variations) on ballad tunes. Composers who set ballad tunes for
instruments included William Byrd (1542-1623), John Bull (c1562-1628), Orlando Gibbons
(1583-1625), and Thomas Morley (1557-1602).53
English instrumental music, as K.F. Booker wrote, “was more often than not based on
folksong, popular song, art song, folk dance, popular dance or courtly dance.”54
This is true in
regards to the connection between popular ballad culture and the learned musical culture in early
modern England. With the decline of the status of the minstrel during the reign of Elizabeth I,55
musical tastes shifted towards different forms of entertainment in the seventeenth century. The
seventeenth century was a period of heightened musical literacy. Balladry, while a populist art
form, drew on learned traditions of the day, and vice versa. The seventeenth century saw the
publication of numerous instrumental tutors on the performance of ballads. John Playford’s
instrumental music publications were immensely popular, recognizing ballad and popular music
as essential to the music student’s repertoire.56
Ballad tunes appear in Playford’s collection The
Dancing Master (1651),57
which grew from one hundred tunes to nine hundred tunes in three
volumes by later publications in the early eighteenth century.58
Some publications by Playford
which contained ballad tunes include The Musicall Banquet (1651) Apollo’s Banquet (1651),
Musick’s Delight on the Cithren (1666), Musick’s Handmaid for keyboard instruments (1678),
52
Williams, 135. 53
Simpson, xii. 54
K. F. Booker, “Folksong in English Instrumental Music,” Music & Letters .52, No.2 (April 1971): 227. 55
Williams, 170. 56
Simpson, xiii. 57
The Dancing Master was published with the original title The English Dancing Master in 1651. 58
Simpson, xiii.
13
Apollo’s Banquet for the Treble Violin (1669), and Musick’s Recreation on the Lyra-Viol
(1652).59
To be a respectable musician in Early Modern England, one was expected to “read music,
to sing music as well as play, to teach wealthy amateurs, and even to compose part-music for
domestic recreation.”60
This would often include the composing of ballad settings and popular
songs. The professional musician would often be apprenticed at an early age to a master, similar
to many other early modern professions. In cities, musicians would often be apprenticed as
choristers at the local church or cathedral. The apprentice would spend hours learning by
example as well as careful and painstaking practice. These musicians might be employed as
waits (musicians who played for civic functions, parades, etc.) or work as theater musicians.
They might work to have apprentices of their own, attain a court appointment, or join a
household as a servant.61
Professional musicians still relied on the system of patronage, which
could take several different forms.62
A musician could serve at court or in households in different
roles: as performer, composer, or music tutor. For the noble amateur, the “lute and viol seem to
have been instruments that anybody could (and did) play, while the keyboard was reserved for
the serious musician.”63
Musicians often were indentured and retained as part of the household’s
servants, allowed to work elsewhere when duties permitted. Patrons often allowed their names to
be used to lend respectability to a side venture. This would typically take the form of a
publication.64
Members of the leisured classes often took up instruments to entertain themselves and
59
Frank Kidson, “John Playford, and 17th-Century Music Publishing,” The Musical Quarterly 4, No.4 (Oct. 1918):
520. 60
Watt, 15. 61
Julia Craig-McFeely, ‘English Lute Manuscripts and Scribes 1530-1630.’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Oxford, 1993) 14. 62
Ibid. 63
Ibid. 64
Ibid
14
obtain a social skill.65
Books comprised of broadside ballads were compiled in manuscript form,
making the ballad familiar to the most elite in English society.66
Often these members of the
elite, noblemen and women, would have manuscripts written to improve their social status
through marriage.67
They often had compilations of works written for them, sometimes by a
single composer, or compilations by various composers. These manuscripts often contained
original works, dances, as well as ballads. Manuscript ballad settings for keyboard instruments
survive in sources such as My Ladye Nevels Booke, a collection of works by William Byrd
(1542-1623), as well as the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book featuring works by William Byrd, John
Bull (c1562-1628), Peter Philips (c1560-c1633), William Inglott (1554-1621), John Munday
(c1550-1630), Edward Johnson (fl1592-1594) and Martin Peerson (1572-1650).68
Some lute
manuscripts contain ballad settings by John Dowland (c1563-1626), John Johnson, Anthony
Holborne (?-1602), and Francis Cutting (fl1595).69
One of the largest surviving lyra-viol manuscripts is the Manchester Lyra-Viola
Manuscript, also known as the Manchester Gamba Book. The Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript
(c1660)70
contains 246 solo works for lyra-viol in tablature notation in twenty-two distinct
tunings. It also contains 12 pieces in staff notation.71
It contains original works, ballad settings,
settings of lute works, popular music, dance music, ballad settings in tablature, as well as a
limited number of other works in staff notation. About the origins of the Manchester Lyra-Viol
Manuscript, Paul Furnas writes:
65
Ibid, 16. 66
Watt, 17. 67
Craig-McFeeley, 16. 68
Simpson, xii-xiii. 69
Ibid, xii. 70
Ibid, 60 71
Paul Furnas, “ Introduction to the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,” The Viola da Gamba Society of America Online (Accessed 3/25/2007), <http://www.vdgsa.org/pgs/mlvms.html>
15
Internal evidence hints at the possible identity of the original compiler of the manuscript.
Nearly every piece in the manuscript is followed by the name (or, in a few rare instances,
the initials) of the composer or arranger of the piece. Half of the thirty-eight names that appear in the manuscript are otherwise unknown. The fact that four of these nineteen
“otherwise unknown” contributors share the surname Read suggests that the manuscript
was compiled in the Read household. The word “finis” appears only once in the entire
manuscript (at the end of the fourth piece in the twenty-first tuning), suggesting that the
compiler expected this to be the end of the collection. Henrie Read’s name as the composer of this “final” piece makes him the prime candidate as the compiler who
modestly put his own piece at the end, or perhaps used it as a symbolic musical signature
at the end of the compilation. Another nine pieces inconveniently follow that “final”
piece, but two of those additional nine are also by Henrie Read, so he remains the prime
candidate.72
Some of the ballad settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript include Daphne,
Fortune My Foe, Robin is to the Greenwood Gone, and The Nightingale. Other popular works
include settings of Dowland’s Lachrymae, Solus cum Sola, and What if a Day, as well as popular
songs and dances including Monsieur’s Almain, Queen Marie’s Dumpe, and Whoope Doe Me No
Harme. All of these settings are by Richard Sumarte (late 1500s-after 1630), for whom little is
known. Paul Furnas speculates that he may have been the resident music tutor in the compiler’s
household.73
72
Ibid. 73
Ibid.
16
CHAPTER II: Rise of the Lyra-Viol and the Viol Consort in Early Modern England
“…the stateful instrument Gambo Violl shall with ease yeelde full various and as devicefull Musicke as the Lute. For here I protest the Trinitie of Musicke, parts, Passion and Division, to
be as gracefully united in the Gambo Violl, as in the most received Instrument that is, which here
with a Souldiers Resolution, I give up to the acceptance of at noble dispositions.”
Captaine Tobias Hume, from the Musicall Humours (1605)74
Although the viol became part of English court music-making during the reign of Henry
VIII (1509-1547), the seventeenth century was the period in which the viola da gamba spread
throughout England.75
At a time of changing tastes in England, it was prophetic that the
insistence by Tobias Hume (c1569-1645) that the viol ‘shall with ease yeelde full various and as
devicefull Musicke as the Lute’ would signal the impending emergence of the viol as a solo,
ensemble and continuo instrument.76
The viol and lute were both instruments that “anybody
could (and did) play, while the keyboard was reserved for the serious musician.”77
The two types
of literature cultivated for the viol in early modern England were solo literature and consort, or
chamber music literature.
The solo literature can be divided into two categories: literature for the division viol, and
literature written for the lyra-viol (or viol played lyra-way). The lyra-viol (or ‘harp viol’)
developed in England during the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603).78
According to Viol historian
Nathalie Dolmetsch; the lyra-viol’s origin is an Italian instrument, the Lyra da Gamba. The Lyra
da Gamba instrument had twelve strings, with a bridge that was nearly flat. It was meant for
playing harmonies and accompanying the voice. Italian composer Alfonso Ferrabosco I (1543-
74
Tobias Hume, Hume, Tobias. The First Part of Ayres 1605 (Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury Publications Ltd.,
2002), 2. 75
Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 76
Michael Morrow, Collette Harris, and Frank Traficant e: ‘Tobias Hume’, Grove Music Online (accessed
[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 77
Craig-McFeely, 14. 78
Nathalie Dolmetsch, Viola da Gamba. (London: Robert Stockwell, Ltd., 1975), 74.
17
Variations in the Sizes of Viols79
Body Length String Length (bridge to nut)
PARDESSUS DE VIOLE 31.5 cm.-33.5 cm. 33 cm.-33.5 cm.
(g),c',e',a',d",g"
TREBLE VIOL 35 cm.-39 cm. 35 cm.-35.5 cm. d,g,c',e',a',d"
ALTO VIOL 35 cm.-41 cm. 35 cm.-40.5 cm.
c, f,a,d,g',(c")
TENOR VIOL 47.5 cm.-53 cm. 45 cm.-52 cm.
(G),c,f,a,d,g'
(Note that the smaller Tenors are usually without bottom G)
LYRA VIOL 55.5 cm.-60 cm. 53.5 cm.-60 cm. Variable tuning
DIVISION VIOL 62 cm.-68 cm. 65 cm.-66 cm.
D,G,c,e,a,d'
BASS VIOL or CONSORT BASS 68 cm.-71 cm. 68 cm.-70.5 cm.
(A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d'
VIOLONE 98.5 cm.-105 cm. 97 cm.-105 cm.
D¹,G¹,c,E, A, d
Fig. 6. Reproduced from Nathalie Dolmetsch, “Of the Sizes of Viols,” The Galpin Society
Journal, Hertfordshire, United Kingdom: The Galpin Society, Vol. 17, Feb. 1964, p.27.
1588) was employed by the English court in 1560, and he is credited with bringing the lyra-viol
to England.80
The term ‘lyra-viol’ was occasionally applied to a viol sized between a consort
tenor and bass.81
Through comparison in Christopher Simpson’s publication The Division-Violist
(1659), we can deduce that the lyra-viol weighed less than a consort bass viol, or a division viol
79
Nathalie Dolmetsch, “ Of the Sizes of Viols,” The Galpin Society Journal 17 (Feb.1964): 27. 80
Ibid. 81
Alison Crum, Play the Viol: A Complete Guide to Playing the Treble, Tenor and Bass Viol (London; New York:
Oxford University Press, 1992), 107.
18
(for viol sizes, see figure 6, page 17). The lyra-viol also had a less rounded bridge82
making it
ideal for playing chords. The composer and luthier, Daniel Farrant, experimented with
sympathetic strings behind the fingerboard, similar to a viola d’amore.83
These attempts to
provide the viol with sympathetic strings did not become standardized and had no lasting
influence.84
Later in the seventeenth century, it was common practice to play lyra-viol music on
a standard viol played lyra-way.
The majority of the literature for lyra-viol was printed or written in what is referred to as
French lute tablature notation.85
This would incorporate six lines, representing the strings on a
lute or viol, with rhythm placed above the score. This system used letters to represent the
location of which fret to play. An a represented an open string, b the first fret, c the second, d the
third, e the fourth, f the fifth, and so on.
The lyra-viol was often required to play in a number of different tunings or scordatura,
employing combinations of intervals of thirds, fourths and fifths. These were also represented in
tablature fret lettering. With this system, it is not always easy to determine the pitch names, nor
the pitch names of the strings. Frank Traficante, a researcher on aspects of the lyra-viol and its
literature, suggests it is safe to hold constant the top string at d’.86
This is consistent with John
Playford who states to raise the first string “as high as it will conveniently bear without breaking,
then Tune” the other to it.87
At one point, there were approximately fifty distinct tunings,88
making tablature notation indispensable for the performer of this repertoire. Among the standard
82
Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 83
Nathalie Dolmetsch, Viola da Gamba. (London: Robert Stockwell, Ltd., 1975), 75. 84
Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 85
Craig-McFeely, 15. 86
Frank Traficante, “ Introduction,” The First Part of Ayres 1605. Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury Publications Ltd.,
2002. 87
Playford, John. An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (Ridgewood, N.J.: Gregg Press, 1966). 93-94. 88
Crum, 110.
19
tuning systems are the Viol Tuning, the Viol Tuning with a low C, Harpway Sharp, Harpway
Flat, and the Bandora Sett. The viol, or plain tuning, was written as ffeff (consisting of the
intervals of a fourth, fourth, third, fourth and fourth). Fret lettering refers to the highest pitched
string first, and then refers to the intervals downwards in pitch. A variation on this is ffefh in
which the lowest string is lowered by a whole step to C (consisting of the intervals of a fourth,
fourth, third, fourth and fifth). Harpway Sharp is defhf (consisting of the intervals of a second,
third, fourth, fifth and fourth), Harpway Flat is edfhf (consisting of the intervals of a third,
second, fourth, fifth and fourth), and the Bandora Sett is fefhf (consisting of the intervals of a
fourth, third, fourth, fifth, and fourth).89
Among 18 Elizabethan, Jacobean and Stuart era publications for lyra-viol between the
years of 1601 and 168290
, there are Tobias Hume’s First Part of Ayes (1605), followed by
Captaine Hume’s Poeticall Musicke (1607), William Corkine’s First Book of Ayres (1610) and
Second Book of Ayres (1612). Additionally, seventeenth-century publications focusing on the
instruction performance of solo literature included John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on the
Lyra Viol (1652), Christopher Simpson’s remarkably comprehensive The Division-Violist (1659)
and Benjamin Hely’s The Compleat Violist (1699).91
Over 75 sources exist from various
countries of music for lyra-viol in tablature form. These manuscripts exist in fragments, while
others in larger anthologies.92
In printed and manuscript sources, we find many works for lyra-
viol by such composers as John Coprario (c1575-1626), Simon Ives (1600-1662), John Jenkins
(1592-1678), William Lawes (1602-1645), Christopher Simpson (c1605-1669) and others. One
89
Grace Feldman, Feldman, Grace. The Golden Viol - Method for the Bass Viola da Gamba, Vol. 6: Tablature and
Lyra-Viol (New Haven: Grace Note Press, 1998), 6. 90
Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 91
Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 92
Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
20
of the largest surviving lyra-viol manuscripts is the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, also
known as the Manchester Gamba Book.
In regards to the sizeable consort literature, two primary forms of seventeenth-century
music are written for the viol consort in England: dance forms and contrapuntal compositions
such as fantasias. Popular dances included the almain, ayre, courante, galliard, pavan, and
sarabande.93
The consort fantasia for viols was a popular medium for composers in seventeenth-
century England. The fantasia, a composition whose form was derived ‘solely from the fantasy
and skill of the author who created it,’94
was a form of composition that varied from
improvisatory works, to strictly contrapuntal works, to works with sectional forms. 95
Not to be
regarded as a species of the fantasia,96
the In nomine was also a very popular composition that
was particular to England. The In nomine, in contrast to the fantasia, used cantus firmus, a
medieval and renaissance term for a pre-existing melody used as the basis of a contrapuntal
work.97
The cantus firmus was derived from the section ‘In nomine Domini’ from John
Taverner’s six-part Mass Gloria tibi Trinitas.98
During the seventeenth century, viol consort literature “was widely cultivated at court, in
cathedral closes and university colleges, and in the homes of many gentlemen and noblemen.”99
Composers who wrote specifically for viol consort include William Byrd (1542-1623), John
Coprario, Thomas Lupo (1571-1627), John Ward (1571-1638), Alfonso Ferrabosco II (c1572-
1628), Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625), John Jenkins, William Lawes and Henry Purcell (c1659-
93
Crum, 83. 94
See quote from Luis de Milán (1535–6) in Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed
[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 95
Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 96
Ibid. 97
M. Jennifer Bloxam, “Cantus Firmus,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 98
Warwick Edwards, “ In Nomine,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 99
Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>
21
1695). A variety of different sizes of viols were employed, particularly in chamber music. A viol
consort consisted of a treble viol, alto viol, tenor viol, and bass viol, and occasionally a
contrabass violone (for viol sizes, see figure 6, page 17). A typical English ‘chest of viols’ used
in chamber music would be comprised of six viols: two treble viols, two tenor viols and two bass
viols, or occasionally two treble viols, three tenor viols and one bass viol.100
‘Broken’ consorts
consisted of instruments from different families performed together. These occurred in many
different combinations. Thomas Morley’s Consort Lessons (1599 and 1612) and Rosseter’s
Lessons for Consort (1609) were written for Lute, Bandora, Bass Viol, Cittern, Treble viol, and
Flute.101
Seventeenth-century publications focusing on the performance of consort literature
included Thomas Robinson’s The Schoole of Musicke (1603) and John Playford’s A Breefe
Introduction to the Skill of Musick (1654).102
100
Howard Meyer Brown and Ian Woodfield, “ Chest of Viols,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 101
Warwick Edwards, “ Broken Consort,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 102
Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
22
CHAPTER III: Selected Ballad-Tune Settings for Lyra-Viol and Viol Consort
WALSINGHAM
The original is unbarred. Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and
its Music. Rutgers University Press, 1966, p.741.
As you came from Walsingham
from that holy land,
Met you not with my true love
by the way as you came?
How should I your true love know,
that hath met many a one
As I came from the Holy Land,
that have come, that have gone?
She is neither white nor brown,
but as the heavens fair:
There is none hath a form so divine
on the earth, in the air.
Such a one I did meet, good sir,
with an angel-like face;
Who appear’d like a nymph, like a queen
in her gait, in her grace.
She hath left me here alone,
all alone as unknown:
Who sometimes loved me as her life,
and called me her own.
What is the cause she hath left thee alone,
and a new way doth take,
That sometime did thee love as herself,
and her joy did thee make?
I have loved her all my youth,
but now am old as you see:
Love liketh not the falling fruit,
nor the withered tree.
For love is a careless child
and forgets promise past,
He is blind, he is deaf when he list,
and in faith never fast.
His desire is fickle, fond,
And a trustless joy:
He is won with a word of despair,
And is lost with a toy.
Such is the love of women kind
and the world so abused: Under which many childish desires
and conceits are excused.
Yea but love is a durable fire,
in the mind ever burning: Never sick, never old, never cold,
from itself ever turning.103
103
Text appears in Duffin, 422-423.
23
Fig. 7. Reproduced from Frauncis New Jigge, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.126-127.
According to Ross Duffin in Shakespeare’s Songbook, the Walsingham poem “survives
in several manuscript sources of the late sixteenth century and was probably printed in Thomas
Deloney’s Garland of Good Will (c1592)”.104
In the Walsingham ballad (see page 22), a lover
meets a pilgrim returning from the Shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham. This pilgrim notifies the
lover that the mistress he seeks is ‘dead and far away,’ and the lover then grieves over her
death.105
Along with Go from my Window, Walsingham appears in Frauncis New Jig from
around 1595 (see figure 7, page 23). Ballad-tunes were often used in the Jig (also known as the
104
Duffin, 423. 105
Long, 122.
24
Droll).106
This genre was often performed at the close of a play and symbolized a connection
between ballad and dance. As Diana Poulton writes in her article on the black-letter ballad, “in
this context a short comedy, sung, danced and mimed, that was often played in the theatres of the
times as an after-piece to the serious play. There could be two, three or four characters in the jig,
and several 'acts', each with its own tune.” Other ballad-tunes referenced in Frauncis New Jig
include Jewish Dance and Bugle Boe.107
Shakespeare uses texts from Frauncis New Jigge in Romeo and Juliet, Act I, Scene 5. In
regards to the ballad text for Walsingham, Shakespeare’s appropriation is used in a much
different context. In Act 4, Scene 5 of Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Ophelia sings Walsingham,
followed by Bonny Sweet Robin and the text And Will He Not Come Again to the tune of Go
from my Window:108
OPHELIA: How should I your true love know From another one?
By his cockle hat, and his staff,
And his sandal shoon.
White his shroud as mountain snow,
Larded with sweet flowers, That bewept to the grave did not go
With true lovers showers:
He is dead and gone, Lady, he is dead and gone;
At his head a grass-green turf,
At his heels a stone.109
The first line is a quotation from the Walsingham ballad’s second stanza “How should I your true
love know that hath met many a one?” In this scene, Ophelia’s madness begins to deepen, either
due to the death of her father, by the loss of Hamlet and his love, or both. While Hamlet’s
madness is only feigned, Ophelia’s becomes tangible and apparent.110
It has been interpreted by
106
Simpson, 55. 107
Diana Poulton, “The Black-Letter Broadside Ballad and Its Music,” Early Music 9, No. 4 (Plucked-String Issue
2, October 1981): 428. 108
Duffin, 53. 109
From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 422.
25
many scholars that her madness is love madness, a commonly understood and accepted malady
in the sixteenth century.111
As Shakespeare scholar Carroll Camden wrote on the quotation, “first
and third quatrains tell of true love and would naturally be linked in Ophelia's mind with Hamlet.
Shakespearean scholar Frederick Sternfeld writes, “when Ophelia sings consecutive stanzas
Shakespeare portrays her madness by a fickle change of thought which fluctuates between her
concern of Hamlet’s affection and her misery over her father’s death.” Perhaps, then, in her mind
it is Hamlet who is "dead and gone" since he is dead and gone for her.”112
On Shakespeare’s character Ophelia from Hamlet, Frederick Sternfeld summarizes:
The early tragedies of Shakespeare are sparing in the use of song. But with
Ophelia's mad scene in ‘Hamlet’ a new level of the playwright's development is reached: the tragic heroine sings four songs in a single scene. The first of these
begins ‘How should I your true love know’. It is a re-shaping of a lyric that was
particularly popular in text as well as tune during the Elizabethan and Jacobean
periods.113
Additionally, by singing ballad-tunes, Sternfeld surmises that in Ophelia’s distraught
state, “she reverts to the songs a nurse may have taught her.” Where the ‘ayre’ would be seen as
aristocratic in nature, Sternfeld notes that performance of the ‘crude’ ballad would often be
relegated to the servant class instead of the nobility.114
According to John M. Ward, “clearly the heyday of ‘Walsingham’ was in the decades
around 1600.”115
Surviving settings of Walsingham include settings for keyboard by Dr. John
Bull (c1562-1628) and William Byrd (1542-1623), one for orpharion, two for cittern including
one by Anthony Holborne (?-1602), eight for lute including settings by John Dowland (c1563-
110
Carroll Camden, “On Ophelia’s Madness,” Shakespeare Quarterly 15, No.2 (Spring 1964): 249. 111
Harry Morris, “ Ophelia’s ‘Bonny Sweet Robin’,” PMLA 73, No.5, Part 1 (Dec. 1958): 601. 112
Camden, 249. 113
Frederick W. Sternfeld, “ Ophelia's Version of the Walsingham Song,” Music & Letters 45, No. 2 (April 1964):
108. 114
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Traged.( London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover
Publications, 1963), 64-65. 115
John M. Ward, “ Apropos ‘The British Broadside Ballad and Its Music’,” Journal of the American Musicological
Society 20, No.1 (Spring 1967): 79.
26
Fig. 8. Reproduced from “Jacobean Consort Music,” Musica Britannica, Thurston Dart and
William Coates Eds., Published by the Royal Musical Association, Vol.9, 1955, p.200.
1626), as well as settings for lyra-viol.
116
There are 4 surviving settings of Walsingham for lyra-viol from the 1580s through the
1630s.117
The only published setting of Walsingham is by William Corkine ( fl1610-1629) in his
Second Book of Ayres, Some to Sing and Play to the Base-Violl Alone (1612).118
The three
manuscript lyra-viol settings include an anonymous series of five variations in British Museum
Manuscript MS15118, fol.32,119
six anonymous variations for lyra-viol in Cambridge University
116
Ward, pp.79-80. 117
Ibid, 80. 118
Simpson, 741. 119
Ward, 80.
27
Library Manuscript Nn.6.36, fol.19120
and seven anonymous lyra-viol variations in Cambridge
University Library Manuscripts Nn.6.36, fol.15 and Dd.5.20, fol.19,121
which were later
published in Musica Britannica, Volume IX, 1955, p.200 (see figure 8).122
The Musica Britannica Walsingham variations are set for standard viol tuning,
probably for bass viol (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' (see figure 6, page 17). Walsingham was written out in
manuscript in tablature notation, but the modern edition (see figure 8) is in staff notation. Each of
the seven divisions or variations is distinctly different in style. All of the variations consist of an
eight-measure phrase structure that begins firmly in g-minor, moves toward B-flat major and
returns to g. The first variation of the ballad-tune is made up of an eight-measure phrase
following the harmonic motion of g-minor to B-flat major returning to g, but only with an open
fifth. It is only slightly ornamental, with few chords. The second variation demonstrates two
different and opposing styles that will be featured in future variations: virtuosic sixteenth-note
passages, arpeggiations that emphasize extremes of register, and fast chord changes. The third
variation utilizes arpeggiations that emphasize extremes of register, while the fourth variation
focuses on fast chord changes. The fifth variation focuses on fast sixteenth-note passage work
that outlines both the melodic contour of the Walsingham ballad melody as well as the harmonic
underpinning. The sixth variation combines arpeggiations, virtuoso sixteenth-note passagework,
and frequent chord changes. The final variation is less chordal but combines the virtuoso
sixteenth-note passagework with arpeggiated patterns. The extreme changes of register,
passagework, and chord changes make these Walsingham variations a challenging work for solo
lyra-viol.
120
Ibid. 121
Ibid. 122
Simpson, 741.
28
FORTUNE MY FOE
Fortune, my foe, why dost thou frown on
me?
And will my favours never greater be?
Wilt thou, I say, forever breed me pain? And wilt thou ne'er restore my joys again?
Fortune hath wrought me grief and great
annoy,
Fortune has falsely stole my love away. My love and joy, whose sight did make me
glad;
Such great misfortunes never young man
had.
Had fortune took my treasure and my store, Fortune had never griev’d me half so sore,
But taking her whereon my heart did stay,
Fortune thereby hath took my life away.
Far worse than death, my life I lead in woe, With bitter thoughts still tossed to and fro,
O cruel Chance, thou breeder of my pain,
Take life, or else restore my love again.
In vain I sigh, in vain I wail and weep;
In vain mine eyes refrain from quiet sleep; In vain I shed my tears both night and day,
In vain my love, my sorrow do bewray.
My love doth not my piteous plaint espy,
Nor feels my love what gripping grief I try: Full well may I false Fortune’s deeds
reprove,
Fortune, that so unkindly keeps my love.
Where should I seek or search my love to find,
When fortune fleets and wavers as the wind:
Sometimes aloft, sometimes again below,
Thus tottering Fortune tottereth to and fro.
Then I will leave my love in fortune’s
hands,
My dearest love, in most unconstant bands,
And only serve the sorrows due to me,
Sorrow, hereafter though shalt my Mistress be.
And only joy, that sometimes conquers
kings Fortune that rules on earth, and earthly
things,
So that alone I live not in this woe,
For many more hath Fortune served so.
No man alive can Fortune’s spite withstand,
With wisdom, skill, or mighty strength of
hand;
In midst of mirth she bringeth bitter moan,
And woe to me that hath her hatred known.
If wisdom’s eyes blind Fortune had but seen,
Then had my Love, my Love forever been:
Then, love, farewell, though Fortune favor
thee, No Fortune frail shall ever conquer me.
123
123
Text appears Duffin, 152-153.
29
Fig. 9. Reproduced from A Sweet Sonnet, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive,
University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.512-513.
Evidently one of the most popular and well-known tunes of the era, Fortune my Foe is
one of the most familiar tunes to which broadside ballads were set.124
The ballad-tune takes its
name from the ballad A Sweet Sonnet, wherein the Lover exclaimeth against Fortune for the loss
of his ladies favor, almost past hope to get again, and in the end receives a comfortable answer,
and attains his desire, as may here appear (see figure 9). The text and ballad-tune to Fortune My
Foe probably appeared in the 1580s, with one of the earliest sources of the music being the
Dallis Lute Book (1583-1585).125
As previously mentioned, Fortune My Foe has been coupled
with texts about disasters as in The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke (see figure 1, page
5). Fortune My Foe has also been associated with public executions as in The Araignement of
John Flooder and His Wife (see figure 2, page 6) and Anne Wallens Lamentation (see figure 3,
124
Simpson, 225. 125
Duffin, 154.
30
page 6).126
It has also been associated with lamentations, crime ballads, trials and tales of
witchcraft. 127
It was sung to texts warning the impious, to deathbed confessions and other dark
126
Fisher, Joshua, “He is turned a Ballad-Maker”: Broadside Appropriations in Early Modern England,” Early Modern Literary Studies 9.2 (September, 2003): 3.1-21 <http://purl.oclc.org/emls/09-2/fishball.html> 127
Williams, 136.
31
Fig. 10. Reproduced from Titus Andronicus Complaint, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad
Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.86.
32
subjects.128
With its connection to the Doctor Faustus subject, many ballads refer to ballad-tune
Fortune My Foe as Doctor Faustus.129
FALSTAFF: I see what thou wert, if Fortune thy foe,
were not Nature thy friend.130
In addition to Falstaff’s quote in William Shakespeare’s The Merry Wives of Windsor, the
ballad Titus Andronicus Complaint (see figure 10), sung to the ballad-tune Fortune My Foe, is an
early example where there is no woodcut. Later ballad printing would refer to the Titus
Andronicus subject as The Lamentable and Tragical History of Titus Andronicus.131
Although it
is uncertain whether the ballad or Shakespeare’s play Titus Andronicus was written before or
after the ballad Titus Andronicus Complaint,132
Shakespeare scholar Richard Louis Levin offers
this information on the ballad:
The ballad was entered in the Stationers’ Register along with Shakespeare’s play on 6
February 1594 and survives in a manuscript written around 1600, in a collection of poems published in 1620, and in a number of sixteenth and seventeenth-century
broadsides. The early editions have no woodcuts, but all the broadsides published after
1656, when the Stationers’ Register records a transfer of rights, have a large woodcut on
the top with the text below it, which is the standard format for ballads at this time.
Most scholars now believe that this ballad derives from Shakespeare’s play, but we
cannot call it a reading of the play. It is an adaptation, where some of the play’s events
are omitted (most notably, the sacrifice of Alarbus, which is also missing from the
German play) and others are modified in accord with the narrative and stylistic
conventions of the ballad genre, which are very different from the dramatic conventions governing Shakespeare’s work.
In regards to musical settings of Fortune My Foe, the ballad-tune is found in numerous
seventeenth-century manuscripts.133
There were settings written for lute including settings by
John Dowland (c1563-1626) and others, as well as keyboard settings by composers such as
128
Simpson, 225. 129
Ibid, 228. 130
From The Merry Wives of Windsor, Act 3, Scene 3, Duffin, 152. 131
Richard Louis Levin, “The Longleat Manuscript and Titus Andronicus,” Shakespeare Quarterly 53, No.3 (Fall
2002): 335. 132
Duffin, 400. 133
Simpson, 226.
33
Reproduced from the Manchester Gamba Book, facsimile courtesy of Mary Springfels
Fig. 11. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune (c1660) is reproduced from the
Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
William Byrd (1542-1623) and Thomas Tomkins (1572-1656).
In addition to the lyra-viol setting of Fortune My Foe found in Cambridge University
Library Manuscript Nn.6.36, fol.15, a set of variations can be found in William Corkine’s Ayres,
34
to Sing and Play to the Lute and Basse Violl (1610), 134
as well as Richard Sumarte’s setting
Fortune from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript. Sumarte’s setting is written out in
manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 11). It is written for standard viol tuning,
(G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17). Similar to
his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes a polyphonic
work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage, implying
harmonies, and filling out harmonies.
Fig. 12. The first statement of Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol
Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.
Sumarte composed Fortune as a theme with 3 divisions, or variations. The first statement of the
ballad-tune (see figure 12) is made up of a four-measure phrase that is repeated, followed by an
eight-measure phrase, for a total of sixteen measures. The melody is minimally ornamented with
full chordal accompaniment.
134
Simpson, 227.
35
Fig. 13. First Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced
from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,
available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.
The second statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 13) follows the same sixteen measure
scheme. This division contains more thinly voiced chords, while implying harmonies and
melodic shapes of the ballad-tune through arpeggiation and eighth-note rhythmic figurations.
Fig. 14. Second Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol
Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.
The third statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 14) follows the same sixteen measure scheme
as before. While this division is mostly without chordal accompaniment, it features virtuoso
passage work and extreme change of register implying simultaneous melodic and bass voice
motion.
36
Fig. 15. Third Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from
Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,
available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.
The final statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 15) in Sumarte’s setting of Fortune does not
feature the same virtuoso technical challenge but does exhibit the highest degree of
ornamentation out of the three divisions.
Continental settings of Fortune My Foe were numerous. In Dutch, the melody was
known as Enghelsche Fortuyne or Fortuyn Anglois.135
In addition to keyboard settings by
Samuel Scheidt (1587-1654), there is a setting of Engelsche Fortuyn (English Fortune) by
Scheidt’s teacher, Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (1562-1621). Sweelinck’s keyboard setting has
been transcribed for viol consort á 5 by Phillip W. Serna (see appendix 1 and 2). This
transcription is scored for two treble viols, one tenor viol, and one bass viol. All three variations
are 24 measures in length. None of the transcription calls for extremes of registers but the first
treble part and the bass have difficult divisions. This transcription is recommended for
intermediate to advanced performers. In the original keyboard setting, Sweelinck’s variations are
mostly four-voice textures but there are instances of five-voice textures. While preserving the
original voice leading, this transcription alternates the four-voice textures mostly between
interior voices, occasionally with the bass.
135
Simpson, 228.
37
DAPHNE OR WHEN DAPHNE FROM FAIR PHOEBUS DID FLY
Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. Rutgers
University Press, 1966, p.164.
When Daphne from fair Phoebus did fly,
o the west wind most sweetly did blow in
her face.
Her silken skirt scare cover’d her thigh;
the god cried, o pity! and held her in chase. Stay, nymph, stay, nymph, cried Apollo,
tarry, and turn thee, sweet nymph, stay,
Lion or tiger, doth thee follow
turn thy fair eyes and look this way.
O turn, o pretty sweet and let our red lips meet:
Pity, O Daphne, pity me!
She gave no ear unto his cry,
but still did neglect him the more he did moan;
Though he did entreat, she still did deny,
and earnestly prayed him to leave her alone.
Never, never, cried Apollo,
unless to love thou wilt consent, But still, with my voice so hollow
I'll cry to thee while life be spent.
But if thou pity me
‘twill prove thy felicity.
Pity, O Daphne, pity me!
Away, like Venus’ doves she flies,
the red blood her buskins did run all a-down.
His plaintive love she still denies,
and cries: Help Diana, save thy renown!
Wanton, wanton lust is near me, cold and chaste Diana’s aid.
Let the earth a virgin bear me
Or devour me, quick, a maid!
Diana heard her pray
and turned her to a bay. Pity, O Daphne, pity me!
Amazed stood Apollo then
while he beheld Daphne turn’d as she
desir’d. Accursed am I above gods and men,
with grief & laments my senses are tir’d.
Farewell, false Daphne, most unkind,
my love lies buried in thy grave!
Long sought I love, yet love could not find, therefore, this is my epitaph:
This tree doth Daphne cover
that never pitied lover.
Farewell, false Daphne, that would not pity
me: Although not my love, yet art thou my
tree.136
136
Text appears in Duffin, 199-120.
38
Fig. 16. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Daphne (c1660) is reproduced from the
Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
The story of Daphne originates in Ovid’s Metamorphosis, which was first translated into
English in 1567 by Arthur Goldig.137
An undated and unregistered broadside A pleasant new
Ballad of Daphne: To a New Tune (Roxburghe Ballad Collection, I:388, see p.34) appears in the
early seventeenth century along with two stanzas with empty musical staves in Giles Earle’s
Songbook (c1615).138
Reference to line six of the broadside ballad exists in Rowley, Decker and
Ford’s collaborative play Witch of Edmonton (1621).139
The ballad was published in ballad
collections, called chapbooks, such as the Royal Garland of Love and Delight (1674), The
137
Duffin, 120; Simpson, 163. 138
Simpson, 163-164. 139
Ibid, 163.
39
Fig. 17. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Daphne is reproduced from Paul Furnas’
Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the
Viola da Gamba Society of America, p.257.
Garland of Delight (1681), and Cupid’s Garland set round about with Guilded Roses.140
Settings of Daphne can be found in the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book as well as the first
eight editions of John Playford’s The Dancing Master (1651-1690). Daphne also appears in an
anonymous instrumental five-part setting in British Museum Manuscript Add.17786, fol.7.141
140
Simpson, 164.
40
Recorder divisions on Daphne can be found in the first volume of Der Fluyten Lust-Hof (1644)
by Jacob Van Eyck (c1589-1657).
Richard Sumarte’s setting of Daphne from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript is
written out in manuscript in tablature notation (See Fig.16). It is written for standard viol tuning,
(G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17). Similarly to
his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes two
polyphonic divisions with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage,
implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies.
141
Simpson, 164
41
BONNY SWEET ROBIN OR ROBIN IS TO THE GREENWOOD GONE
Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. Rutgers
University Press, 1966, p.60.
Robin is to the greenwood gone They bore him bare-fac’d on the Bier,
Leaving me to sigh all alone. And in his grave rain’d many a tear,
Yet I am resolv’d to have no other boy, Fare you well my Dove, my boy,
For bonny sweet Robin is all my joy. For bonny sweet Robin was all my joy.142
Bonny Sweet Robin was known by numerous names such as Robin, My Robin is to the
Greenwood Gone, and Robin Hode is to the Greenwood Gone. During the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries, the popularity of Bonny Sweet Robin far outweighed that of
Greensleeves. 143
The lost ballad, A Doleful adewe to the last Erle of Darby sung to the tune of
Bonny Sweet Robin, was licensed in 1594.144
One early surviving ballad set to Bonny Sweet
Robin was Henry Gosson’s A Courtly New Ballad of the Princely Wooing of the Fair Maid of
London, by King Edward (see figure 18).145
The first line of that ballad, Fair Angel of England,
became the title of the tune used in many subsequent broadsides.146
Bonny Sweet Robin also
appears in religious publications such as New, Christmas Carols (1642) and New Carolls
(1661).147
142
Text appears Duffin, 72. 143
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover
Publications, 1963), 69. 144
Simpson, 60. 145
Ibid, 61. 146
Ibid. 147
Ibid.
42
Fig. 18. Reproduced from A Courtly New Ballad of the Princely Wooing of the Fair Maid of
London, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa
Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 3.235.
OPHELIA: They bore him bare-fac’d on the Bier,
Song. And in his grave rain’d many a tear,
Fare you well my Dove. . . . . .
There's fennel for you, and columbines. there's rue
for you; and here's some for me: we may call it
herb-grace o' Sundays: O you must wear your rue with
a difference. There's a daisy: I would give you some violets, but they withered all when my father
died: they say he made a good end,
Song For bonny sweet Robin is all my joy.148
In Act 4, Scene 5 of Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Ophelia sings Bonny Sweet Robin which is
preceded by Walsingham. After Bonny Sweet Robin, Ophelia will sing And Will He Not Come
148
From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 72.
43
Again to the tune of Go from my Window. Ophelia has re-entered the scene after her brother
Laertes receives news of their father’s death. Observing Ophelia’s behavior, and being unable to
reason with her, later in the scene, Laertes concludes that “human nature is delicate in matters of
love, and when it is so “it sends some previous instance of itself after the thing it loves.”149
The significance of Shakespeare quoting Bonny Sweet Robin is that, in addition to the
sixteenth century colloquial ‘phallic’ reference,150
it establishes the pivotal reason for Ophelia’s
insanity.151
Shakespearean scholar Harry Morris notes, “there can be little doubt that a partial
cause is the death of her father at the hands of her beloved, but the major cause must be laid to
her loss of Hamlet.”152
In this context, her disease, like that of hysteria later, is sexual frustration
and social helplessness.153
English scholar Leslie Dunn notes that Ophelia’s songs fit into the
genre of the lament, a song form traditionally associated with women.154
As a song of loss, it is
appropriate that Ophelia sings Bonny Sweet Robin over the loss of Hamlet, the death of her father
by Hamlet’s hand, or both. 155
As Frederick Sternfeld states, “the very character of the tune, and
the dramatic exigencies of Ophelia’s mad scene demand that the song of ‘Robin’ be sung.”156
Singing was seen reinforcing gender stereotypes in Early Modern England, where a character
would give into “feminine” excesses of emotions.157
It is a point where, against social standards
of the day, Ophelia is allowed true expression of her feelings and thoughts. Unfortunately, as
literary critic Elaine Showalter states, Ophelia’s moment of unrestrained self-expression is
149
Camden, 252. 150
Leslie C. Dunn, “ Ophelia’s Songs in Hamlet: music, madness, and the feminine,” in Embodied Voices:
Representing Female Vocality in Western Culture. Eds. Leslie C. Dunn and Nancy A. Jones (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994) 60. 151
Morris, 601. 152
Ibid. 153
Carol Thomas Neely, “‘Documents in Madness’: Reading Madness and Gender in Shakespeare’s Tragedies and Early Modern Culture,” Shakespeare Quarterly 42, No.3 (Autumn 1991): 315-338. 154
Dunn, 62. 155
Camden, 249. 156
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 71. 157
Dunn, 60-61.
44
Fig. 19. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone (c1660) is
reproduced from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
followed, “as if in retribution, with her death.”158
The music for Bonny Sweet Robin or Robin is to the Greenwood Gone survives in
approximately thirty sources dating from 1597-1621. While six of these are published settings,
the remainder exists in manuscript form only.159
There are numerous settings of Bonny Sweet
Robin for consort as well as solo settings for bandora, cittern, lute, virginal and viols. Some
composers of settings of Bonny Sweet Robin include Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), William Byrd
(1542-1623), John Dowland (c1563-1626) and Anthony Holborne (?-1602).160
Two anonymous
settings that survive for lyra-viol include Robin in Cambridge University Manuscript
158
Ibid, 62. 159
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 68. 160
Simpson, 59-60; Ward, 31.
45
Nn.6.36, f.19v,20, and Bonny Sweet Robin from the Dublin Trinity College ‘Ballet’ Book,
D.1.21, p.27.161
Richard Sumarte’s setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone from the Manchester
Lyra-Viol Manuscript is the only surviving lyra-viol setting with a known author. Robin is to the
Greens-woode Gone is written out in manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 19). It is written
for standard viol tuning, (G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure
6, page 17). Similar to his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,
Sumarte writes a polyphonic work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing
bass passage, implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies.
Fig. 20. The first statement of Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the
Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America,
p.255.
Sumarte’s setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone, while centering on the key area of g-
minor, is a variation set, containing two divisions. The first variation (see figure 20) consists of
twenty-four measures, consisting of a repeated four-measure unit followed by an eight measure
phrase. With an ornamented version of the Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone ballad-tune, the
viol accompanies the melody with occasional chords.
161
Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover
Publications, 1963), 76-77.
46
Fig. 21. Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-
woode Gone is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the
Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America,
p.255.
The second variation of the ballad-tune (see figure 21) follows the same twenty-four measure
scheme. This division contains more thinly voiced chords, while implying harmonies and
melodic shapes of the ballad-tune through arpeggiation and eighth-note rhythmic figurations.
Thomas Simpson (b1582-c1628), composer of the Ricercar Bonny Sweet Robin, was a
string player, composer and editor working on the European continent. Along with William
Brade (1560-1630), Simpson is credited with the dissemination of English court music to the
European continent.162
Simpson included the Ricercar in his 1621 collection, the Taffell-Consort.
Simpson compiled this collection while he was employed in the small German court of
Bückberg.163
The Taffell-Consort is unique in that all fifty works take advantage of the
instrumentation of two soprano instruments, a tenor, and a bass stringed instrument, a
configuration that will eventually evolve into the string quartet.164
It was not written specifically
for ‘viols or violins’ as were the consort works of Dowland. Peter Holman, a distinguished
scholar and performer, theorizes “there are pieces in D major and even A major, keys well suited
162
Holman, Peter. Four and Twenty Fiddlers: the Violin at the English Court, 1540-1690 (Oxford; New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993), 155. 163
Ibid, 253. 164
Ibid.
47
to the open strings of the violin but outside the traditional hexachord system” of the viol.165
Simpson also included figured continuo parts in the collection as well. The collection contains
fifty works by English composers ranging from John Dowland (c1563-1626), Robert Bateman
(fl1609-1618), Alfonso Ferrabosco II (c1575-1628), Robert Johnson (c1583-1633), as well as
German composers including Nicolaus Bleyer (1591-1658), Engelmann, Johann Grabbe (1585-
1655), Johann Grosche or Krosch, Christoph or Christian Töpfer, and Maurice Webster.166
Most
of the Taffell-Consort works were most likely arranged by Simpson himself.
The Ricercar Bonny Sweet Robin (Taffell-Consort no.29)167
is a highly polyphonic work
with complex interplay between fragments of the ballad-tune interspersed among the different
voices. A seventeenth-century Ricercar was a complex esoteric instrumental work illustrating a
compositional technique.168
In the case of Simpson’s setting, this Ricercar features imitative
counterpoint. An interesting point is that the only complete statements occur in the bass voice,
both at the beginning of the Ricercar and at the end. Otherwise, Simpson employs fragmentary
aspects of the ballad in imitation among the different voices. Simpson extends the cadential
material at the close of the ballad tune, while alternating harmonic textures from minor to major
at cadence points.
165
Ibid, 254. 166
Ibid. 167
Peter Holman, “Thomas Simpson,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 168
John Caldwell, “Ricercare,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>
48
ART SONG AS BALLAD: LACHRIMAE OR FLOW MY TEARES
Shepherds, leave your frollicke Layes Gleeful Hymes & Roundelayes,
Sorrow now requires there bee
No songe heard but Lachrimae.
This quote from Pastorall Elegie on ye untimely Death of ye Watchfull and Painful
Pastor's Mr Lawrence Howlet is from an undated manuscript poem, and exemplifies the
popularity of John Dowland’s Lachrimae pavan.169
Lachrimae was disseminated widely in
England and abroad in printed editions and manuscripts. John Dowland’s compositions
combined elements of the broadside ballad, dance music, the consort song and the madrigal.170
There are no surviving ballads written to the tune of Lachrimae. While not a ballad per se,
Lachrimae appears in numerous settings alongside ballads and is referenced in the popular oral
ballad literature. An example can be found in the ballad Wit's never Good til it is Bought, Part
2:171
And I oft like a bird have been cought
In the prison to stay
Where I sung Lachrimae; Thus true wit's never good till 'tis bought.
John Dowland (c1563-1626) was one of the most well known and prolific composers
and performers of the lute.172
Among the number of English publications of Dowland’s works
are The first Booke of Songes (1597), The second Booke of Songs (1600), Lachrimae (1604), A
Pilgrims Solace (1612), and Robert Dowland’s A Musicall Banquet (1610). The Lachrimae
pavan brought Dowland much renown, not only in England, but across Europe.173
This is
169
Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 27. 170
Peter Holman and Paul O’Dette, “ John Dowland,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 171
Poulton, 27. 172
Ibid, 25. 173
Ibid.
49
FLOW MY TEARES
Flow my tears fall from your springs! From the highest spire of contentment Exilde for ever let me mourn; My fortune is thrown;
Where night’s black bird her sad infamy sings, And fear and grief and pain for my deserts
There let me live forlorn. Are my hopes, since hope is gone.
Down, vain lights, shine you no more! Hark! you shadows that in darkness dwell, No nights are dark enough for those Learn to contemn light.
That in despair their lost fortunes deplore. Happy, happy they that in hell
Light doth but shame disclose. Feel not the world’s despite.
Never may my woes be relieved, Since pity is fled;
And tears and sights and groans my weary days
Of all joys have deprived.
Fig. 22. Reproduced from Musica Britannica, John Dowland’s Flow My Teares from The second Booke of Songs (1600)
primarily due to Dowland’s many travels, as well as to the number of posts he held in German
and Dutch courts.174
According to Dowland researcher Diana Poulton, evidence exists that Dowland’s
Lachrimae was known to the general public. This evidence is shown in the dramas of the early
seventeenth century. Lachrimae is mentioned in at least eight seventeenth-century plays
including Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1611),
Thomas Middleton’s No Wit, No Help like a Woman (1613), Fletcher’s The Bloody Brother
(c1617), Philip Massinger’s The Maid of Honour (1621), John Webster’s The Devil's Law Case
(1623), Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Time Vindicated (1622-3), Fletcher and Massinger’s Fair
Maid of the Inne (1626), and Massinger’s The Picture (1629).175
Additionally, more evidence
that Lachrimae was appropriated by English oral tradition can be found in Sir Thomas Overbury
174
Michael Gale and Tim Crawford, “ John Dowland’s ‘Lachrimae’ in its Continental Context” (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.soi.city.ac.uk/~timc/ECOLMtest/IMSweb/Dow2wd95REV.htm> 175
Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 25.
50
His Wife: with Additions of New Newes, and Divers more Characters:176
Does any man desire to learne musique? Every man heere sings Lachrimae at first sight.
Lachrimae first appears in John Dowland’s First Booke of Songes or Ayres (1597)177
as
a setting for solo lute. The second is from The second Booke of Songs (1600) in the form of the
art song Flow My Teares (see figure 22). Dowland’s third setting was the 1604 consort
publication Lachrimae, or Seaven Teares Figured in Seaven Passionate Pavans, with divers
other Pavans, Galiards, and Almands, Set Forth for the Lute, Viols or Violons, in Five Parts.178
The centerpiece of this set is the seven pavans: Lachrimae antiquae (Old Tears),179
Lachrimae
antiquae novae (New-Old or Renewed Tears),180
Lachrimae gementes (Groaning or Wailing
Tears),181
Lachrimae tristes (Sad Tears),182
Lachrimae coactae (Enforced or Insincere Tears),183
Lachrimae amantis (Lover's Tears),184
and Lachrimae verae (True Tears or Tears of Religious
Conviction).185
Lachrimae appears in approximately 100 manuscripts and prints in various solo and
ensemble settings and arrangements.186
There are sixteen copies of Lachrimae in English
sources, seventeen in foreign publications and manuscripts, as well as a setting for three lutes.
Other settings include consort settings, and settings for virginals, recorder, organ, cittern,
176
Ibid, 27. 177
Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 25. 178
Peter Holman, Dowland: Lachrimae (1604) (Cambridge Handbooks to the Historical Performance of Music) (Cambridge University Press, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), xiii. 179
Ibid, 52. 180
Ibid. 181
Ibid, 53. 182
Ibid, 54. 183
Ibid, 56. 184
Ibid, 57. 185
Ibid, 59. 186
Peter Holman and Paul O’Dette, “John Dowland,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
51
Fig. 23. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Lachrymae (c1660) is reproduced from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
52
bandore, and lyra-viol.187
Richard Sumarte’s setting of Lachrimae from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript is
written out in manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 23). It is written for standard viol
tuning, (G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17).
Similar to his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes a
polyphonic work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage,
implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies. Unlike Dowland’s lute setting in The first Booke
of Songes (1597), Sumarte’s setting is in d-minor (if performed on a consort bass viol) or g-
minor (if performed on a consort tenor viol). Sumarte does not change any of Dowland’s original
lute part writing but does not write more than two voice counterpoint (see figure 25). Also, this
texture allows for ornamentation by the performer, and room to include cadential flourishes that
exist in Dowland’s lute, consort, and song settings. In addition to Dowland’s Lachrimae, Richard
Sumarte also sets Solus cum Sola (see figure 26) and What if a Day (see figure 27) for lyra-viol
using the same compositional techniques found in his ballad-tune settings.
187
Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 27.
53
Fig. 25. Music from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Lachrymae is reproduced
from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, p.115.
54
SOLUS CUM SOLA
Fig. 26. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Solus cum Sola (c1660) is reproduced from the
Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
WHAT IF A DAY
Fig. 27. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of What if a Day (c1660) is reproduced from
the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.
55
GO FROM MY WINDOW
Go from my window, love go, Begone, my juggy, my puggy,
Go from my window, my dear. Begone, my love, my dear. The wind and the rain The weather is war,
will drive you back again; ‘t will do thee no harm;
You cannot be lodged here. Thou can’st not be lodged here.188
Go from my Window was a widely popular ballad-tune during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, appearing in more than a dozen sources for lute, as well as numerous
settings for virginal. Additionally, it appears in John Playford’s publication The Dancing Master
(1651-1686) as well as several seventeenth-century Dutch sources.189
Go from my Window survives in print form in the fourth section of the broadside ballad
Frauncis New Jig around 1595 (see figure 7, page 23) along with Walsingham. Most likely, Go
from My Window originates from at least a decade later.190
Evidence of this can be found in a
broadside ballad titled Goe from the Window Goe that was licensed March 4,1588, but does not
survive.191
The text for Go from my Window appears in The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607)
by playwright Francis Beaumont (1584-1616) as well as The Rape of Lucrece (1608) by Thomas
Heywood.192
In Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Go from my Window fits perfectly to the text for Ophelia’s
188
Duffin, 176. 189
Duffin, 176; Simpson, 257. 190
Simpson, 257. 191
Ibid. 192
Ibid.
56
Song And Will He Not Come Again. In Act 4, Scene 5 of Hamlet, Ophelia sings And Will He Not
Come Again directly after singing Bonny Sweet Robin:193
OPHELIA: And will he not come again,
And will he not come again?
No, no, he is dead, go to thy Death-bed:
He never will come again. His Beard was as white as Snow,
All Flaxen was his pole:
He is gone, he is gone,
And we cast away moan:
God ha' mercy on his soul! And of all Christian souls, I pray God.
God buy ye. 194
In Shakespeare’s plays the symbolic role music played was to represent “excessive feminine
passions.”195
The text of And Will He Not Come Again reinforces a strong emotional reaction of
grief and loss, which is seen as a threatening loss of control, excesses that will drive Ophelia to
madness and death.196
Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625) was a well known and respected keyboardist and
composer of religious music, keyboard works, as well as a large output for viol consort.197
Gibbons composed variations on the ballad melody Go from my Window for 2 treble viols, 2
tenor viols, and 2 bass viols. Researcher Richard Nicholson presumes that Go from My Window
was probably composed by Gibbons since a portion of the work being written on the back of a
manuscript was almost exclusively devoted to Gibbons works.198
Go from my Window consists of a series of contrapuntal statements using the ballad as a
cantus firmus. Gibbons passes the ballad-tune around to each part, so that way by the conclusion,
193
Duffin, 53. 194
From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 52. 195
Dunn, 59. 196
Ibid, 59-60. 197
John Harper, “ Orlando Gibbons,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 198
Francis Baines, “The Consort Music of Orlando Gibbons,” Early Music 6, No.4 (Oct. 1978): 543.
57
every performer will have played the ballad melody. While there is evidence in one source that
Go from My Window originally consisted of the first four variations,199
Gibbons setting consists
of 10 complete statements of the ballad melody, plus some additional cadential material at the
close.
During the first variation, the ballad-tune occurs in the second treble viol, while during
the second variation it appears in a slightly ornamented form in the first bass viol. The second
variation features rhythms alternating between the various voices. The third variation
sees the ballad-tune move to the second tenor viol voice, while in the fourth variation, the ballad-
tune is in the first treble part accompanied by syncopated rhythms. After a fermata, the
fifth variation begins with a rhythm in an ornamented statement of the ballad in thirds
alternating between the two treble viols and the first tenor/ first bass viol pair. During the sixth
variation, the ballad-tune appears in the second tenor viol, while in the seventh, it appears in the
lowest voice, the second bass viol. The contrapuntal voices feature syncopations centering on
a . rhythm. The eighth variation, while filled with elaborate four part counterpoint, only has the
harmonic underpinning of the ballad-tune alternating between the first and second bass viols.
The ninth variation features the ballad-tune in the first treble viol part. Below the first treble is a
sequence of five-voice counterpoint and “a terrifyingly difficult passage for the basses”200
in
which they appear to be “dueling”201
virtuosic and “virginalistic”202
divisions. During the tenth
variation, the ballad-tune appears in the second treble viol part, while the other voices alternate
rhythms with the inclusion of extra cadential material at the close of the work.
199
Oliver Neighbour, “ Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625): The Consort Music,” Early Music 11, No.3 (Jul. 1983): 356. 200
Baines, p.543. 201
John Harper, “ Orlando Gibbons,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 202
David Pinto, “Magic and Mystery in Gibbons and Dowland,” Early Music 33, No.1 (Feb. 2005): 137.
58
CONCLUSIONS
“I love a ballad in print.”
William Shakespeare, The Winter’s Tale, Act 4, Scene 4
The concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance
traditions – the intersections between the oral tradition of the British Broadside Ballad, and the
print music of early modern England enrich the performance of seventeenth-century music.
Ballad-tunes reached every level of English society, and the effect that traditional music had
upon art music was profound. For a culture that teetered between an oral and literate culture,
cross pollination of poetry and music was essential to seventeenth-century life. From art-song
such as Dowland’s Lachrimae, to the ballad-seller on the streets of London, oral traditions have
enriched early modern art music and vice versa. From mixed consorts, to ballad-tunes in solo
lyra-viol literature of the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, to the complex ballad variations for
ensembles by Gibbons, Scheidt and Simpson, the exploration of the musical ‘crossover’ or
‘fusion’ between written and oral musical media will only continue to enrich the performance of
early modern instrumental repertoire.
As the erosion of the permeable frontier between print musical sources and oral musical
traditions continues, performers and researchers will continue the research into manuscripts,
treatises, diaries and court records. Oral traditions such as popular British balladry will continue
to inform historically-informed performances. The continued exploration between printed art
music and orally transmitted music of early modern England will unearth new performance
information to increase our knowledge of improvisatory genres such as the broadside ballad,
dance music, popular music, and to apply that knowledge to the instrumental literature.
60
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Harris, Collette. “The Viol Lyra-Way,” Chelys, The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 4 (1972): 17-21.
Hughes, Charles W. “The Music for Unaccompanied Bass Viol,” Music & Letters 25, No.3 (July
1944): 149-163.
Meyer Brown, Howard and Ian Woodfield, “Chest of Viols,” Grove Music Online. (accessed
[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>
Morrow, Michael, Collette Harris, and Frank Traficante: ‘Tobias Hume’, Grove Music Online.
(accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>
Morton, Joëlle Fancher, “Back to the Future,” Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://earlybass.com/future.htm>
________. “Baroque Bowed-Bass Instruments,” Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://earlybass.com/baroque_bowed.htm>
________, “Bass Matters: So Really, What is a Violone? Some Answers, and More Questions,”
Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://earlybass.com/matters.htm>
________, “The Early History and Use of the G Violone,” Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://earlybass.com/violone.htm>
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Planyavsky, Alfred. The Baroque Double Bass Violone.Translated by Alfred Barket, Lanham,
MD: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1998.
Pulver, Jeffrey. “The Viols in England,” Proceedings of the Musical Association, Cambridge:
Oxford University Press, 47th Sess. (1920 - 1921), pp.1-21.
Traficante, Frank. “Introduction,” The First Part of Ayres 1605. Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury
Publications Ltd., 2002.
________, “Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online. (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
________. “Lyra Viol Tunings: ‘All Ways Have Been Tryed to Do It’,” Acta Musicologica 42, Fasc.3/4 (July-December 1970): 183-205,256.
________. “Music for Lyra Viol: Manuscript Sources,” Chelys, The Journal of the Viola da
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Woodfield, Ian. “Die englische Lyra-Viol: Instrument und Technik by Annette Otterstedt,”
Music & Letters 71, No.4 (November 1990): 540-541.
________, “Viol [viola da gamba, gamba],” Grove Music Online. (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
________, “Viola da Gamba,” Grove Music Online. (accessed [3/25/2007]),
<http://www.grovemusic.com/>
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Museum,” Chelys, The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 2 (1970): 23-33.
MUSIC HISTORY AND PERFORMANCE PRACTICE SOURCES
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540-541,543.
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70
APPENDIX I: Introduction to Sweelinck Edition for Viol Consort
Phillip Woodrow Serna
Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (c1562-1621) was a Dutch composer and organist. He was
influenced by English composers for virginal like Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), particularly in
regards to the variation forms employed with ballad melodies. For this reason, it seemed logical
to add continental ballad settings to the lecture-recital Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-
Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century England. Consulting Fritz Noske’s edition
of the complete keyboard works by Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck, I transcribed two of Sweelinck’s
organ settings: Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) and Onder een Linde Groen (All in a
Garden Green) for Viol Consort.
Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe), a Transcription for Viol Consort á 5
Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) has been scored for two treble viols,
one tenor viol, and one bass viol. This combination would be easily transferable to a modern
string quartet or period instrument violin band. Engelsche Fortuyn is a sectional set of variations.
All three variations are 24 measures in length. None of the transcription calls for extremes of
registers, but the first treble part and the bass have difficult divisions. This transcription is
recommended for intermediate to advanced performers.
Consulting Fritz Noske’s Kritischer Bericht in regards to his editorial decisions, I studied
the work in detail noticing that for the majority of the keyboard variations, Sweelinck only
composed three and four-voice textures. Unfortunately, there are several places where it would
be necessary to split into 5-voices. These particular instances proved far too perilous, with
double stops interfering with the integrity of the original organ registers. The main solution is to
71
alternate material among the five parts. This solution should keep the textures transparent,
preserving the original chord voicing and counterpoint.
Onder een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green), a Transcription for Viol Consort á 4
Sweelinck’s Onder een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green) has been scored for one
treble viol, one tenor viol, and two bass viols. The first and second variations are 36 measures in
length, while the fourth is only 35 measures in length. Onder een Linde Groen is a sectional set
of variations. This transcription is significantly more difficult, including complicated rhythms,
and a tempo that is significantly faster than the Engelsche Fortuyn. Divisions in the treble and
second bass voices are similar in nature to the divisions in Orlando Gibbons’ Go From My
Window. This transcription is recommended for advanced performers only.
Consulting Fritz Noske’s Kritischer Bericht in regards to his editorial decisions, I studied
the work in detail noticing that for the majority of the keyboard variations, Sweelinck only
composed three and four-voice textures. For this work, it is not necessary to avoid double stops,
since they were rare and did not affect the integrity of the original counterpoint, chord voicing, or
registers.
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
C
C
C
C
C
Treble Viol I
Treble Viol II
Tenor Viol I
Tenor Viol II
Bass Viol
˙ œ œ
∑
Ó ˙
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ#
˙ ˙
∑
œ œ ˙
˙ ˙
˙ ˙
œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
Ó . œ
œ œ œ œ
w
∑
œ œ ˙#
œ œ# ˙
˙ ˙
˙ œ œ# œ œ
Ó ˙
˙ ˙
w
∑
Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe)
Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck
Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna
© 2007 Phillip W. Serna, Viola da Gamba
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
6
˙ ˙
œ œ œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ Ó œ
œ œ œ œ
∑
w
œ œ œ ˙#
œ œ# ˙
˙ ˙
∑
∑
œ œ œN œ œ œ œ œ
Ó ˙
∑
∑
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
10
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
∑
∑
˙ Ó
∑
œ œ ˙
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
Ó œ œ œ
∑
∑
∑
.˙ œ œ
œ œ ˙
∑
∑
∑- 2 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
15
w
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
∑
w
w
∑
œ œ œb œ œ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
Ó ˙
Ó ˙
˙ ˙
∑
w
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
Œ œ œ œ œ
Ó œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
∑
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
20 w
œ œ ˙
Jœ œ Jœ ˙
˙ ˙
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
Ó œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
Ó œ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œb œ
˙ Ó
∑
w
œ œ# œ ˙
˙ .œ Jœ
Ó ˙
∑
w
œ œ œ ˙
.œn Jœ ˙
˙ ˙- 3 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
25
˙ œ œ
˙ Ó
˙ œ œ
w
˙ ˙
˙ ˙
∑
˙ ˙
˙ œ# œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙n œ œ
w
∑
w#
‰ œ œ œ œ œ
w
˙ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ#
œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
30
˙ ˙
∑
œ .˙
˙ œ# œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œN œ œ
˙ ˙
œn œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
∑
˙# Ó
œ Ó .
œ œ œ œA œ œ œ# œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙N œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œN œb œ œ- 4 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
34
Jœ ‰ Œ Ó
Jœ ‰ Œ Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
w
∑
.œ Jœ œb œ œ œ
.œ‰ Ó
∑
œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ
∑
Jœ ‰ Œ Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
w
œ œ œ œ œ
Ó ‰ œ œ œ
œ Œ Ó
‰ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œN œ
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
38 ˙ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
∑
‰ œ œ œ œb œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ jœ# œ jœ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
wn
w
∑
‰ œ œN œ# œ œ
w
∑
˙ œ œ
Œ œ œ œ
w
Œ œ œ œ
∑
w
w
Œ œN œ œ
w- 5 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
43
∑
˙ œ œ
˙ Ó
‰ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
∑
w
w
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
‰ œ œ œ .œ Jœ
w
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
w
∑
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ
∑
œ Œ . œ œ œ
œ ˙ œ#
œ# ˙ œ
w
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
48
∑
wn
w
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ Œ
˙ œ Œ
∑
‰ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
˙ ˙#
˙ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œb œ
∑
œ œ œA œ œ œ œb œ œ œ- 6 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
52
w
w#
w
∑
œ œ œ# œ œ œN œ œ œ œ
∑
Œ . jœ œN œ œ œ
∑
‰ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ
w
∑
˙ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œN Jœ# œ Jœ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
55
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ
œ ˙ œ
∑
œ Œ Ó
w
w
w#
Ó ˙
∑
œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 7 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
57 ˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ Ó
∑
œ œ œ œ œN œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ
w
w
Ó ˙
∑
≈ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
59
≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
Ó ˙
w
w
w
w
Ó ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
˙ ˙
˙ ˙
- 8 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
62
≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ
∑
˙ Ó
˙ œ œ
˙ ˙
≈ œ œ œ# œ œ œn œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
œ# œ ˙#
w
˙n Ó
˙ Ó
∑
œ Œ Ó
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
65
≈ œN œ œ œA œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ
∑
∑
∑
wA
œ œ ˙
∑
∑
∑
œ œN ˙
Œ . Jœ œN œ œ œb
‰ œ œb œ œ œ
∑
∑
w- 9 -
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
68 œ Œ Ó
œ Œ Ó
Œ . Jœ œb œ œ œ
‰ œ œb œ œ œ
w
‰ œ œ œN œ œ œb œ
∑
œ ˙ œ
œ Œ Ó
w
Jœ ‰ Œ Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
˙ œ œ
˙ ˙
∑
œ ˙ œ#
‰ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ
œ# œ ˙
w
&
&
B
B
?
b
b
b
b
b
Tr. I
Tr. II
Ten. I
Ten. II
Bass
72
œ œ œn œ œ œb œ œ
jœ ‰ Œ Ó
jœn Œ ‰ Œ ‰ ‰
œ ˙ œb
w
wnU
wU
wU
wU
wU
- 10 -
&
B
?
?
C
C
C
C
Treble Viol
Tenor Viol
Bass Viol I
Bass Viol II
Variatio
Variatio
Variatio
Variatio
.œ Jœ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ œ
∑
˙ Ó
˙ ˙
œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
œ ˙ œ œ
∑
w
w
.œ Jœ œ œœ
∑
w
w
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
6
.œ ‰ Ó
.œ Jœ œ œœ œ
˙ ˙
˙ ˙
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ Œ Ó
œ ˙ œ#
˙ ˙
.˙ œ œ
˙ ˙
..œœJœ˙
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
∑
Onder een Linde GroenJan Pieterszoon Sweelinck
Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna
© 2007 Phillip W. Serna, Viola da Gamba
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
11 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
w#
∑
w
œ œ œ œ œ œn œ
œ Œ Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ Œ Ó
∑
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ ˙
Ó œ œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
15 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ Jœ# œ Jœ
∑
˙ œ œ œ œ
w
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ# œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ# œ
œ œ# ˙
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙̇
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ- 2 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
20
œ œ œ œ ˙
œ# œ ˙
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
.œ jœ œ œ œ
Ó .œ Jœ
˙ Œ œ
w
.œ Jœ œ œ œ#
œ œ œ .œ# Jœ
˙ Œ œ
w
.œ Jœn œ œ œ
œ œ œ# .œ Jœn
˙# Œ œ
w
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ œ .œ Jœ
˙ Œ œ
w
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
25 .œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ# ˙ œ
œ œ œ .œJœ
w
œ œ œ œ ˙
w
œ œ œ œ ˙
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
Jœ œ Jœ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ ˙
∑
∑- 3 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
29
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
Ó . œ
œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ ˙
w
˙# ‰ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ ˙#
w
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
33 ˙ ‰ œ œ œ
˙# ‰ œ œ œ
‰ œ# œ# œ# ˙
w
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
˙ ‰ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ ˙
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ ˙ œ#
œ# œ ˙
w
w
w
.œJœ˙
w
Secunda variatio
Secunda variatio
Secunda variatio
Secunda variatio
.œ Jœ œ œ
∑
∑
∑
- 4 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
38 .˙ œ
.œ Jœ œ œ
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
.˙ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
.œ Jœ œ œœ
œ .œ œ œ œ
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ Œ Ó
∑
Ó œ œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
43
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
∑
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
w
w
˙ Œ œ
Œ œ .œ œ .œ œ
∑
w
- 5 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
47 .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ
.œ œ .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ
∑
w
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
w#
∑
w
˙̇ Œ œ
œ Œ Ó
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Jœ ‰ Œ
Óœ œ œ œ
w
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
51 œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
Ó . œ œ
œ œ œ œ Jœ ‰ Œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
Ó ˙
œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
3
œ œ# œ3
œ œ œ ˙
œ Œ˙
Œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
- 6 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
55
˙ œ œ
∑
˙ Ó
3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ3
œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
Œ3
œ œ œ ˙
Œ œ ˙
3
œ# œ œ œ ˙
.œ jœ œ œ œ
Ó .œ Jœ
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
∑
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ œ .œ Jœ
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
∑
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
59 .œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ œ .œ Jœ
.œb Jœ œ œ œn
∑
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ œ .œ Jœ
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
∑
.œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
∑
w
.œ œn œ ˙
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
‰œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
- 7 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
64 œ œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ ˙
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
‰ œ# œ# œ œ œ œ œ
∑
‰œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ œ# œ œ Jœ ‰
∑
œ# œn œ œ œn œ
.œ jœ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
∑
.œ Jœ œ œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
68 .œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙#
∑
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ# ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œn œ œ
.œ Jœ ˙
œ œ .œ Jœ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ# ˙ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ
- 8 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
72 .˙ œ
.˙ Œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ# œ
Tertia variatio
Tertia variatio
Tertia variatio
Tertia variatio
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
74
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œœ œn œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
˙ Œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
˙# ˙
.˙ œ
- 9 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
77 œœ œn œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ
∑
˙ ˙
.˙ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
˙ Ó
.œ Jœ# œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ
Jœ ‰ Œ Ó
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
80 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
∑
˙ Ó
˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œ œ
˙ ˙
∑
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 10 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
82
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œn œ œ
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ
.˙ œ œ
.˙# œ# œ
∑
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
85 .˙ œ
.˙n œ
∑
œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
.˙ œ
.˙ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ ˙ œ#
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 11 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
88
˙ Œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ œ œ œ ≈ ‰
Œ œ œ œ œ Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ
œ œ œ œ œ ‰ . Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
∑
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
91
œ œ œ œ œ
≈ œ œ œ œ ‰ . Œ œ
Œ œ œ œ œ Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ
Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ# œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
Œ œ ˙
w
∑
- 12 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
94 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙#
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
w
∑
œ œ œœ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
w
∑
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
97 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
œ# ˙ œ
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œœ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
w
w
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 13 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
100 œ œ# ˙
œ œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
œ# œ ˙
œ œ ˙
œ œ ˙
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
103
˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
Ó ˙
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ ˙
˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ
˙ Ó
Ó ˙#
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
Ó ˙
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
- 14 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
106 ˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ Jœ# œ Jœ
∑œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
w
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
Quarta variatio
Quarta variatio
Quarta variatio
Quarta variatio
109 .œ Jœ œ œ
Œ .œ œ œ œ
˙ ˙
˙ œ œ
˙ ˙
w
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
˙ .œ Jœ
œ œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
.œ jœ œ# œ œ œ
.œ# Jœ œ œ œ œ
œ .œ Jœ œ#
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
˙ Ó
˙ œ œ
- 15 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
114
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ jœ œ jœ#œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
∑
˙ ˙
˙ œ œ œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œœ Œ
∑
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
118
˙ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
˙ œ œ
∑
œ œ œœœœ œ œ
.˙ œ
w#
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œ œœ
.œ Jœ œ œœ
.œ‰ Ó
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 16 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
122
.œ jœ œ œ œ
.œ Jœ œœ œ
∑
‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ
œ œ œ ˙
Œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ
‰ œ ‰ œ# ‰ œ ‰ œ
œ œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
126 œ œ# ˙
œ œ ˙
‰ œ ‰ œ ≈ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
∑
œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
Ó ˙œ œ ˙
∑
œ# œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
- 17 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
129
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
Ó . œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ
Ó ˙
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
134
w
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ
w
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ# œ
œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙
- 18 -
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
137
œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ
∑
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
œ œ ˙
œ œ# œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ# œ œ œ
&
B
?
?
Tr.
Ten.
Bass I
Bass II
139
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ Ó
Œ œ ˙
˙ Œ œ
œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
Œ œ ˙
˙ Œ œ#
œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ
∑
Œ œ ˙
˙ Œ œ
- 19 -
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