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Morphology and phonology
LING 481/581
Winter 2011
• Morphology-phonology interactions
• Generative phonol model vs. word-based morphological model
• 2 types of phonol alternations?
Morphemes conform to phonol shape
• Reduplication
– Agta CVC- pl.
– Tagalog pag-CV- derived N
bari 'body' bar-bari 'bodies' mag-saddu 'leak' mag-sad-saddu 'leak in many places' uffu 'thigh' uf-uffu 'thighs' ulu 'head' ul-ulu 'heads'
laakad 'walk' pag-la-laakad
kandiilah 'candle' pag-ka-kandiilah
Root-and-pattern morphology
• Modern Standard Arabic verbal derivational categories (wazan (sg.), awzaan (pl.))
• = arrangement of consonants and vowels
wazan example category template
I katab (unmarked) CVCVC
II kattab causative CVCCVC
III kaatab reciprocal CVVCVC
IX ktabab
CCVCVC
XI ktaabab
CCVVCVC
Morphology-phonology interaction
• Allomorphs of morphemes – *ʌ+/*æn+ indefinite article
• ǝ|kʌp • ǝ|morɑn • ǝ|sɩstr̩ • æ|nʌvǝn (careful speech, 2 P words: æn|ʔʌvǝn) • æ|nImbǝsǝl (careful: æn|ʔImbǝsǝl) • æ|nænt (careful: æn|ʔænt)
– Lexical entry for indefinite article /ʌ/ / ___ C; /æn/ / ___ V ‘a(n)’ cf. another
Comparison of models
what goes on in here?
“Alternants” of morphemes • Allomorphs resulting from phonological
process of language
phulak aig elpid ornith gigant hrin
Obstruents agree in voicing with following obstruent. Coronal consonants are deleted before /s/.
Comparison of models
• Generative phonological model (451) – Phonological representations consist of features. – Phonological theory should predict all and only the
kinds of phonological phenomena that occur in human languages. Formal simplicity should be directly proportional to phonological naturalness.
– Rules generate phonetic representations from more abstract phonological ones.
• Word-based morphological model (481) (‘moderate word-form lexicon’) – HS: “most lexical entries consist of (complex) words”
Comparison of models
word-based model: if morphology contains complex words, why not the phonology properties of those complex words?
HS: moderate word-form lexicon
• Both words, word-schemata in lexicon
morphological patterns as lexical entries, can be used to create new words
Comparison of models
Polish sveter ‘sweater’ (nom. sg.) krater ‘crater’ (nom. sg.) zebr ‘zebra’ (nom. sg.) svetri ‘sweater’ (nom. pl.) krateri ‘crater’ (nom. pl.) zebra ‘zebra’ (nom. pl.)
Sonorant Cluster Epenthesis 0 [e] / C __ [+sonorant]#
Type equation here.
why not here too?
maybe these contain abstract segment
maybe these are exceptions to Sonorant Cluster Epen
HS (likely) perspective
• Lexicon contains /sveter/ N /Xi/ (gender)nom.pl. ‘sweater’ (nom. sg.) /Xa/ (gender)nom.pl. /svetri/ N ‘sweater’ (nom. pl.) /zebr/ N ‘zebra’ (nom. sg.) /zebra/ N ‘zebra’ (nom. pl.) /krater/ N ‘crater’ (nom. sg.) /krateri/ N ‘crater’ (nom. pl.)
i.e. there is no Sonorant Cluster Epenthesis
• Why bother with /svetr/ N /Xi/ (gender)nom.pl. ‘sweater’ (nom. sg.) /Xa/ (gender)nom.pl. [+Sonorant Cluster Epenthesis] /svetri/ N ‘sweater’ (nom. pl.) /zebr/ N ‘zebra’ (nom. sg.) /zebra/ N ‘zebra’ (nom. pl.) /krater/ N ‘crater’ (nom. sg.) /krateri/ N ‘crater’ (nom. pl.)
HS: 2 types of phonologically conditioned alternations
• ‘many linguists would say that only automatic alternations are truly phonological, whereas morphophonological alternations are really morphological in nature’
HS examples of automatic alternations
really 2 rules /o/ *ɑ+ / ___ |
/o ɑ/ *ǝ+ / |X.__, __.X|
Type of conditioning
• Morphophonological – Trisyllabic Shortening, if a rule at all, is lexically
conditioned • nation, national [+TSS]
• notion, notional
• Automatic – Purely phonological context
• German Final Devoicing: position in word
• English Flapping: vowels, relation to stress
• Russian Akanie: relation to stress
• Japanese Palatalization: before [i]
Phonetic coherence of undergoing sounds
• Morphophonological – [p b k] not a natural class
• Automatic – natural classes
• German Final Devoicing: obstruents • English Flapping: coronal stops • Russian Akanie: /o ɑ/ (non-high back vowels) • Japanese Palatalization: voiceless alveolar obstruents
Phonetic similarity of alternants
• Morphophonological – (any X~0 ‘a wide phonetic distance’; what about English pl. and past tense?)
• Automatic
– structural description and structural change similar • German Final Devoicing: [voiced] • English Flapping: [sonorant], [approximant] • Russian Akanie: *o ɑ+ vs. *ǝ+ • Japanese Palatalization: *t s+ vs. *tɕ ɕ]
Derived-only?
• Morphophonological
– Turkish /k/ deleted before morpheme-initial vowels, but not morpheme-internally ([sokak] ‘street’)
• Automatic
– not restricted
• English Flapping: city, fattie, baddie
Application to loanwords
• Morphophonological
– may or may not apply
• Turkish k deletion ‘extended to some loanwords’ (p. 219) but not others
• Automatic
– Flapping examples?
Speech rate (in)dependence
• Morphophonological
– not sensitive to speech rate
• Automatic
– may or may not apply in slow speech
– Flapping?
Structure-preserving?
• Morphophonological
– only neutralizing: creates segments that are already contrastive
• Automatic
– may create non-contrastive segments
• Flapping
Apply across word boundaries?
• Morphophonological
– “not generally possible”
• Automatic
– “may apply across word boundaries”
• Flapping – lot of (lotta)
– sort of (sorta)
Phonological productivity? • Hayes 2009
– ‘the capacity of a rule to apply in novel circumstances...Phonological rules, just like...morphological rules, can be evaluated and classified according to their productivity.’
• Haspelmath and Sims
• Variation in productivity ‘is a typical property of affixes, but not of *automatic+ phonological rules’
• Morphophonological alternations can vary in productivity
• Morphophonological (morphophonemic) alternations ‘behave in ways that are typical of morphological structure more generally’
– not only variation in productivity
– also “back formation”
• Polish “First Palatalization”
• -yć (forms verbs), -ny (forms adj), -ek, -ka dim
• back-formed augmentatives
• back-formed augmentatives, undoing 1st Pal
ʃk
ʧk
x
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