International African Institute

Agriculture in Uganda by J. D. JamesonReview by: John MiddletonAfrica: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Jul., 1972), pp. 258-259Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159179 .

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'genealogical generation' by which 'a son must enter the generation-set next to his father's '. Generations were ordered into two co-existing, parallel ' divisions', Kimanthi and Nyangi. Succession between generation-sets took place every ten or twenty years and was formalized by the admission of a new generation into the numerous sacred groves, which were under their control and gave them power to influence rainfall by appropriate ritual. Only those members who happened to be at the right age and had paid their goats of elderhood actually participated in the activity of their generation. Between alternate generations, the grand- fathers and the grandsons, there was a very special link, almost an identity. This special link recalls the ol-piron relationship of the Masai, but, as Saberwal remarks citing A. Jacobs (pp. 99-100), among the Masai it existed within the age-sets system.

In matters concerning the settlement of disputes the Embu turned especially to the ad hoc councils of elders (pp. 69-95) though their authority was rather limited. Indeed the whole political system as it appears from Saberwal's analysis never seemed to have reached strong cohesion and efficiency.

' Consequently, the warriors, trained to be aggressive and inde-

pendent, found it possible to defy presumably important social norms with impunity' (p. Ioo). Such loose structure is attributed by Saberwal to some ecological and social causes. In fact, on account of erratic rainfall, every five or ten years, new waves of immigrants came to settle among the Embu from neighbouring peoples, the Meru, Chuka, Mbeere, Kamba, and Kikuyu. 'The immigrants brought their variant beliefs and practices with them, introducing numerous alternatives in Embu culture' (p. 96).

Saberwal has chosen to base his description and analysis on a selection of 'cases'. He states his methodological creed as follows: ' Since approximation to the facts is the only attainable goal, I accept my informants' statements as true when I cannot show them to be untrue' (Preface). This is fair, but how far typical of the system as a whole is each case? Does the individual emphasis that is necessarily carried by every case not bear on the analysis and lead to conclusions whose general value for the system as a whole is only apparently legitimate? Faced by the limitations of his own evidence Saberwal himself is bound to ask 'whether earlier generations may have been more powerful and effective ' (p. 64). Such questioning does not constitute a negative criticism rather it shows how much stimulation for deeper research and methodological thinking can be derived from Saberwal's work.

A list of the figures (maps and diagrams), a list of cases (i8) and a bibliography are provided. B. BERNARDI

Agriculture in Uganda. Edited by J. D. JAMESON. Second edition. Published for the Uganda Government Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry by Oxford University Press, I971. Pp. xvii+395, 73 plates, 13 maps, tables. ?5.oo.

THIS compendium is a revised and enlarged edition of J. D. Tothill's book of the same name, originally published in 1940. The new edition has taken eight years to produce, and is written by some fifty past and present members of various agricultural organizations in Uganda, all of whom have first-hand knowledge of their topics. The book consists of twenty chapters covering the economic, social and geographical backgrounds, agricultural systems, crops, livestock, pests and diseases, on all aspects of farming in the different regions of Uganda; each chapter has a bibliography and the volume has many useful tables, maps, and photographs.

To this reviewer, a social anthropologist, the book appears very valuable as an authorita- tive, concise, and detailed reference book in basic fields in which anthropologists and others need professional guidance. I assume also that it will be of equal value to agriculturalists, both in Uganda and elsewhere, who desire to have the immense amount of information

'genealogical generation' by which 'a son must enter the generation-set next to his father's '. Generations were ordered into two co-existing, parallel ' divisions', Kimanthi and Nyangi. Succession between generation-sets took place every ten or twenty years and was formalized by the admission of a new generation into the numerous sacred groves, which were under their control and gave them power to influence rainfall by appropriate ritual. Only those members who happened to be at the right age and had paid their goats of elderhood actually participated in the activity of their generation. Between alternate generations, the grand- fathers and the grandsons, there was a very special link, almost an identity. This special link recalls the ol-piron relationship of the Masai, but, as Saberwal remarks citing A. Jacobs (pp. 99-100), among the Masai it existed within the age-sets system.

In matters concerning the settlement of disputes the Embu turned especially to the ad hoc councils of elders (pp. 69-95) though their authority was rather limited. Indeed the whole political system as it appears from Saberwal's analysis never seemed to have reached strong cohesion and efficiency.

' Consequently, the warriors, trained to be aggressive and inde-

pendent, found it possible to defy presumably important social norms with impunity' (p. Ioo). Such loose structure is attributed by Saberwal to some ecological and social causes. In fact, on account of erratic rainfall, every five or ten years, new waves of immigrants came to settle among the Embu from neighbouring peoples, the Meru, Chuka, Mbeere, Kamba, and Kikuyu. 'The immigrants brought their variant beliefs and practices with them, introducing numerous alternatives in Embu culture' (p. 96).

Saberwal has chosen to base his description and analysis on a selection of 'cases'. He states his methodological creed as follows: ' Since approximation to the facts is the only attainable goal, I accept my informants' statements as true when I cannot show them to be untrue' (Preface). This is fair, but how far typical of the system as a whole is each case? Does the individual emphasis that is necessarily carried by every case not bear on the analysis and lead to conclusions whose general value for the system as a whole is only apparently legitimate? Faced by the limitations of his own evidence Saberwal himself is bound to ask 'whether earlier generations may have been more powerful and effective ' (p. 64). Such questioning does not constitute a negative criticism rather it shows how much stimulation for deeper research and methodological thinking can be derived from Saberwal's work.

A list of the figures (maps and diagrams), a list of cases (i8) and a bibliography are provided. B. BERNARDI

Agriculture in Uganda. Edited by J. D. JAMESON. Second edition. Published for the Uganda Government Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry by Oxford University Press, I971. Pp. xvii+395, 73 plates, 13 maps, tables. ?5.oo.

THIS compendium is a revised and enlarged edition of J. D. Tothill's book of the same name, originally published in 1940. The new edition has taken eight years to produce, and is written by some fifty past and present members of various agricultural organizations in Uganda, all of whom have first-hand knowledge of their topics. The book consists of twenty chapters covering the economic, social and geographical backgrounds, agricultural systems, crops, livestock, pests and diseases, on all aspects of farming in the different regions of Uganda; each chapter has a bibliography and the volume has many useful tables, maps, and photographs.

To this reviewer, a social anthropologist, the book appears very valuable as an authorita- tive, concise, and detailed reference book in basic fields in which anthropologists and others need professional guidance. I assume also that it will be of equal value to agriculturalists, both in Uganda and elsewhere, who desire to have the immense amount of information

258 258 REVIEWS OF BOOKS REVIEWS OF BOOKS

This content downloaded from 193.104.110.48 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 10:30:09 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 259

presented here in a single place. Besides details of crops and plants, there is much on systems of land use and tenure that is good to have collected together. The sections on the social background of tribal groups are anthropologically superficial, in that too little account is taken of local variations; but they are probably adequate for most non-anthropological readers. The bibliographies are clearly set out and annotated.

This is a valuable book for anyone interested in the societies and development of eastern Africa, at either local or national levels. It will be a standard reference work for a long time. It is handsomely produced and published at what is these days a moderate price.

JOHN MIDDLETON

Le mariage Merina. By IGNACE RAKOTO. Paris: Laboratoire d'anthropologie juridique, I97I. (Systemes matrimoniaux africains). Pp. 67 (cyclo.).

THIS publication is a collection of files drawn up for an index on African law by the Equipe de recherche en anthropologie juridique Africaine. The information is drawn from an examination of a few well-known works on Merina custom, most of them referring to an undated' traditional 'period. All ultimately are based on oral tradition, none on observation of actual specific cases. Several of these sources are derivative one from the other. Added to this 'traditional' data there is a little information on legislative changes concerned with marriage mainly during the early colonial period. Each file is headed by a Malagasy word or phrase concerned with the topic of marriage, for example, the word for one of the marriage ceremonies or the word for a senior wife. The meaning and etymological derivation of the term is given followed by a general explanation of its context. Finally there is a paragraph on 'evolution' which considers legislative modifications in the concept. This mode of presentation means of course that a certain amount of repetition is necessary and it does not make for enthralling reading; furthermore no information can be obtained by the general reader which he could not get elsewhere fairly easily. The ultimate justification of this book must be the index for which it is destined. However, even for this the selection of the terms seems a little mysterious, some very rarely used phrases are discussed at length but there is no file for vady (spouse) orfisihoana (betrothal). No distinction is made between the forms of marriage of the descendants of freemen and of the descendants of slaves in spite of their very great differences. Little consideration is given to marriage as a system of alliance. No hint is given as to what a present day marriage might be like. The levirate is discussed (the word is used wrongly on page 2) but the equally frequent sororate is not mentioned. In spite of these shortcomings I could not spot any major inaccuracies. Fortunately a proper book by the author entitled Parente et mariage en droit traditionnel malgache is promised. This should prove more satisfactory to the general reader. MAURICE BLOCH

Bangwa Funerary Sculpture. By ROBERT BRAIN and ADAM POLLOCK. Art and Society Series. London: Duckworth, 1971. Pp. xii+I48, ill., map. ?4.

AT a time when social anthropologists have been declaring that the notion of' tribe' was really a product of the Colonial period, it is pleasing to have a book about a people whose identity was just so fortuitously established. Bangwa comprise nine tiny centralized states (the largest has a population of less than 8,ooo, the smallest less than 800) whose individual cultural links are closer with their eastern' Bamileke ' neighbours (another acquired Colonial identity) than they share amongst themselves: these nine states were, however, separated from their congeners by the political boundary of the French and British Cameroons (now East and West Cameroon) and it makes sense to consider them separately.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 259

presented here in a single place. Besides details of crops and plants, there is much on systems of land use and tenure that is good to have collected together. The sections on the social background of tribal groups are anthropologically superficial, in that too little account is taken of local variations; but they are probably adequate for most non-anthropological readers. The bibliographies are clearly set out and annotated.

This is a valuable book for anyone interested in the societies and development of eastern Africa, at either local or national levels. It will be a standard reference work for a long time. It is handsomely produced and published at what is these days a moderate price.

JOHN MIDDLETON

Le mariage Merina. By IGNACE RAKOTO. Paris: Laboratoire d'anthropologie juridique, I97I. (Systemes matrimoniaux africains). Pp. 67 (cyclo.).

THIS publication is a collection of files drawn up for an index on African law by the Equipe de recherche en anthropologie juridique Africaine. The information is drawn from an examination of a few well-known works on Merina custom, most of them referring to an undated' traditional 'period. All ultimately are based on oral tradition, none on observation of actual specific cases. Several of these sources are derivative one from the other. Added to this 'traditional' data there is a little information on legislative changes concerned with marriage mainly during the early colonial period. Each file is headed by a Malagasy word or phrase concerned with the topic of marriage, for example, the word for one of the marriage ceremonies or the word for a senior wife. The meaning and etymological derivation of the term is given followed by a general explanation of its context. Finally there is a paragraph on 'evolution' which considers legislative modifications in the concept. This mode of presentation means of course that a certain amount of repetition is necessary and it does not make for enthralling reading; furthermore no information can be obtained by the general reader which he could not get elsewhere fairly easily. The ultimate justification of this book must be the index for which it is destined. However, even for this the selection of the terms seems a little mysterious, some very rarely used phrases are discussed at length but there is no file for vady (spouse) orfisihoana (betrothal). No distinction is made between the forms of marriage of the descendants of freemen and of the descendants of slaves in spite of their very great differences. Little consideration is given to marriage as a system of alliance. No hint is given as to what a present day marriage might be like. The levirate is discussed (the word is used wrongly on page 2) but the equally frequent sororate is not mentioned. In spite of these shortcomings I could not spot any major inaccuracies. Fortunately a proper book by the author entitled Parente et mariage en droit traditionnel malgache is promised. This should prove more satisfactory to the general reader. MAURICE BLOCH

Bangwa Funerary Sculpture. By ROBERT BRAIN and ADAM POLLOCK. Art and Society Series. London: Duckworth, 1971. Pp. xii+I48, ill., map. ?4.

AT a time when social anthropologists have been declaring that the notion of' tribe' was really a product of the Colonial period, it is pleasing to have a book about a people whose identity was just so fortuitously established. Bangwa comprise nine tiny centralized states (the largest has a population of less than 8,ooo, the smallest less than 800) whose individual cultural links are closer with their eastern' Bamileke ' neighbours (another acquired Colonial identity) than they share amongst themselves: these nine states were, however, separated from their congeners by the political boundary of the French and British Cameroons (now East and West Cameroon) and it makes sense to consider them separately.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 259

presented here in a single place. Besides details of crops and plants, there is much on systems of land use and tenure that is good to have collected together. The sections on the social background of tribal groups are anthropologically superficial, in that too little account is taken of local variations; but they are probably adequate for most non-anthropological readers. The bibliographies are clearly set out and annotated.

This is a valuable book for anyone interested in the societies and development of eastern Africa, at either local or national levels. It will be a standard reference work for a long time. It is handsomely produced and published at what is these days a moderate price.

JOHN MIDDLETON

Le mariage Merina. By IGNACE RAKOTO. Paris: Laboratoire d'anthropologie juridique, I97I. (Systemes matrimoniaux africains). Pp. 67 (cyclo.).

THIS publication is a collection of files drawn up for an index on African law by the Equipe de recherche en anthropologie juridique Africaine. The information is drawn from an examination of a few well-known works on Merina custom, most of them referring to an undated' traditional 'period. All ultimately are based on oral tradition, none on observation of actual specific cases. Several of these sources are derivative one from the other. Added to this 'traditional' data there is a little information on legislative changes concerned with marriage mainly during the early colonial period. Each file is headed by a Malagasy word or phrase concerned with the topic of marriage, for example, the word for one of the marriage ceremonies or the word for a senior wife. The meaning and etymological derivation of the term is given followed by a general explanation of its context. Finally there is a paragraph on 'evolution' which considers legislative modifications in the concept. This mode of presentation means of course that a certain amount of repetition is necessary and it does not make for enthralling reading; furthermore no information can be obtained by the general reader which he could not get elsewhere fairly easily. The ultimate justification of this book must be the index for which it is destined. However, even for this the selection of the terms seems a little mysterious, some very rarely used phrases are discussed at length but there is no file for vady (spouse) orfisihoana (betrothal). No distinction is made between the forms of marriage of the descendants of freemen and of the descendants of slaves in spite of their very great differences. Little consideration is given to marriage as a system of alliance. No hint is given as to what a present day marriage might be like. The levirate is discussed (the word is used wrongly on page 2) but the equally frequent sororate is not mentioned. In spite of these shortcomings I could not spot any major inaccuracies. Fortunately a proper book by the author entitled Parente et mariage en droit traditionnel malgache is promised. This should prove more satisfactory to the general reader. MAURICE BLOCH

Bangwa Funerary Sculpture. By ROBERT BRAIN and ADAM POLLOCK. Art and Society Series. London: Duckworth, 1971. Pp. xii+I48, ill., map. ?4.

AT a time when social anthropologists have been declaring that the notion of' tribe' was really a product of the Colonial period, it is pleasing to have a book about a people whose identity was just so fortuitously established. Bangwa comprise nine tiny centralized states (the largest has a population of less than 8,ooo, the smallest less than 800) whose individual cultural links are closer with their eastern' Bamileke ' neighbours (another acquired Colonial identity) than they share amongst themselves: these nine states were, however, separated from their congeners by the political boundary of the French and British Cameroons (now East and West Cameroon) and it makes sense to consider them separately.

This content downloaded from 193.104.110.48 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 10:30:09 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions