afrikaans co

10. Afrikaans Pronunciation“ Dutch Pronunciation by Afrikaners

Luciano Canepari © 2012

10.1. Modern Afrikaans (or ‘South-African Dutch') derives from the Dutchlanguage brought to South Africa three and half centuries ago. Here we will showthe phonemes of Afrikaans as intralinguistic not very abstract entities, and in norelation with those of Dutch, although with more o‚cial and generic symbols.Of course, our phon(oton)etic transcriptions will use canIPA symbols. But, lateron, we will describe the accent of Dutch as spoken by Afrikaners (\ „ite South--African speakers of Afrikaans), referring to the International-Dutch phonemicsystem used in the book.

<e first vocogram of ˙ 10.1.1 shows the nine short vowels of Afrikaans. <eyinclude /È/ (È), which is slightly di‡erent from both /¢/ (¢) and / / (ö), and alsosome taxophones of /™/ (e, ER÷ Ú∆, Ú§) and /a/ (a, œ∆, œ§). <us, we have /i, e÷ %, ¢,

^, È, a÷ u, o/ (i, e÷ ˚, ¢, ö, È, a÷ ¯, o) (and (E, Ú, œ), just seen).Examples: skiet ('skit), bed ('bet), wel ('VÚ∆, -Ú§), herberg ('HERbERw), nuus ('n˚s),

dit ('d¢t), kus ('kös), vereniging (fÈ'ReÙnÈwÈN, -X-), ek maak (òÈk'müŒk), kat ('kat), al('òœ∆, -œ§), rok ('Rok), boek ('bÛk).

In the upper part of the second vocogram of ˙ 10.1.1, we put /iÈ, %È, uÈ/, toindicate that we have three very narrow diphthongs, (Û¤, ˚&, Û¨), which only oc-cur followed by /R/ (equally plus /+, é, 0/). We prefer so, rather than a strictly pho-nemic simple, /i, %, u/ (as in Dutch), or a possible choice between /ii, %%, uu/ or/iæ, %æ, uæ/. <is falls within our Afrikaans phonemic system that relies heavilyon schwa combinations. Examples: mier ('mÛ¤R), muur(e) ('m˚&R[È]), voer ('fÛ¨R).

<e rest of the second vocogram shows four narrow diphthongs (one with an

/i/ (i)

/e/ (e, Éı, ER)

/%/ (˚), /u/ (¯)

/+/ (~), /o/ (o)/È/ (È)

/¢/ (¢)

/a/ (a, √ı)

/iÈ/ (Û¤)

/eÈ/ (eÙ, e’«s, EÄR[t-s])

/%È/ (˚&), /uÈ/ (¯¨)

/+È/ (~~) /oÈ/ (oP, Úœ«s)

/¢È/ (¢¢)

/AÈ/ (å∏, úÕ«s)

˙ 10.1.1. Afrikaans principal vowels.

opener taxophone when followed by /R/: /eÈ/ (EÄ), and a monotimbric one for theextremely rare /¢È/ (¢¢)): /eÈ÷ ¢È, ^È÷ oÈ, AÈ/ (eÙ÷ ¢¢, öö÷ o¨, üŒ).

Examples: sê ('seÙ), mens ('meÙ«s), perd ('pEÄRt), brûe ('bRöö), môre ('moìRÈ),spons ('spoì«s), taak ('tüŒk), Afrikaans (&òafRÈ'küŒ«s, -Ri-), lîe ('l¢¢).

In regional pronunciations, the structure /ééns/ (––«s) (both in word final orinternal position) may be extended to other phonemes, as for instance /i, ¢, È, ^,

¥È/ (here we just transcribe the neutral and the strictly corresponding non-neutralvariants): diens ('dins, ≠≠'dœ¤«s), insig ('ò¢nsÈw, -X, ≠≠'ò¢¢«-), erns ('òeÙRns, ≠≠'òEÄRÈÈ«s),kuns ('köns, ≠≠'kïï«s), seuns ('s&öns, ≠≠'s&°ï«s).

10.2. <e first vocogram of ˙ 10.1.2 shows the three phonemic (closing) diph-thongs, shared with Dutch, though a bit di‡erent not only in their starting points,/Èi, È%, Èu/ (Úi, Ï˚, ÑÛ) and the three descending diphthongs, typical of Afrikaans,/¤È, ¥È, ìÈ/ (¤Ù, &ö, ¨%).

Examples: ryp ('RÚip), vuis ('fÏ˚s), hout ('HÑÛt); lees ('l¤Ùs), Koetzee (kÛt's¤Ù), reuk('R&ök), rook ('R¨%k).

<e second vocogram of ˙ 10.1.2 gives six vowel sequences obtained by com-bining some of the elements already seen. Two are very common, /aÈi, oÈi/ (üŒi,

oìi); two are less common, /iu, ui/ (ÛÛ, ÛÛ); while the other two are quite rare,/œi, oi/ (œI, ìI).

Examples: haai ('HüŒi), hooi ('Hoìi); leeu ('lÛÛ), moeilik ('mÛÛlÈk); baie ('bœIÈ),toiings ('tìIÈNs).

<e vocogram of ˙ 10.3 adds the eight transitional diphthongs, typical ofdiminutives. <ey are formed by one of the stressed V –/e, ¢, ^, u, o, a, oÈ, AÈ/

(e, ¢, ö, Û, ¨, o, œ, ü)– combined with /i[¸]ki/ (I[∞]†i), where the /i/-(I)-element canbe more or less evident (also as (i, I), including (`) zero, sometimes, especially be-cause /¸/ can be su‚cient when present).

Examples: bedjie ('beI£i), prentjie ('pReI∞£i), pitjie ('p¢I£i), kindjie ('k¢I∞£i), put-jie ('pöI£i), puntjie ('pöI∞£i), hoedjie ('HÛI£i), soentjie ('sÛI∞£i), pootjie ('poI£i), oond-

2 10. afrikaans pronunciation

/Èi/ (Éi)/È%/ (Ï˚) /Èu/ (∑¯)

/¤È/ (¤Ù)/TÈ/ (&~)/¨È/ (¨X)

/AÈi/ (å∏i)

/ai/ (√I)

/iu/ (Û¯)

/ui/ (¯Û)

/oÈi/ (oPi)/oi/ (PI)

˙ 10.1.2. Afrikaans principal true diphthongs.

jie ('òoI∞£i), rotjie ('RìI£i), mondjie ('mìI∞£i), matjie ('mœI£i), randjie ('RœI∞£i), maat-jie ('müI£i), aandjie ('òüI∞£i).

10.3. Now, we have to add a number of non-neutral variants. <us, ˙ 10.2 and˙ 10.3 only show the di‡erences, without repeating what is shared between theneutral and the mediatic accents of Afrikaans. Most variants are mediatic ones,indicated as ≠ (corresponding to m), a few are regional, indicated as ≠≠, ≠≠≠. In acertain way, someone might interpret both ≠ as a personal target, if just aimingat the mediatic accent, instead of at the neutral one. After all, enough is as goodas a feast. But, we also include /a/ Ó(A) and /aa/ Ó(Aa, Aa«s) (shown in the first vo-cogram of ˙ 10.2.1), which (subjectively) may be felt as being ‘better interna-tional realizations'.

<is same vocogram of ˙ 10.2.1 gives the opener realizations of /¢, ¢È/ ≠(È, ÈÈ),coinciding with neutral /È/ (È). But, mediatic /È/ has a number of di‡erent real-iza tions, ≠(Ù, Ú, ÿ) and ≠≠(ù, å), so that a certain di‡erence can be maintained be-tween a true /È/ and /¢, ¢È/. <e variants ≠≠(ù, å) may occur in final position beforea pause, but mostly when they are followed by a –mainly tautosyllabic– velar oruvular C (/k, N, X/).

Again in the first vocogram of ˙ 10.2.1, we can also see both the mediatic (andSouthwestern, including Cape Town to Namibia) realizations of /AÈ/ ≠(Õ∏, Õπns)

and the broadest regional ones, ≠≠(Oø, Oøns, Oø«s), ≠≠≠(øø, øøns, øø«s), most typ-

10. afrikaans pronunciation 3

/ei[N]ki/ (eI[∞]£i) /+i[N]ki/ (~I[∞]£i)

/¢i[N]ki/ (¢I[∞]£i)

/AÈi[N]ki/ (åI[∞]£i)/ai[N]ki/ (√I[∞]£i)

/ui[N]ki/ (¯I[∞]£i)

/¨i[N]ki/ (¨I[∞]£i)/oÈi[N]ki/ (oI[∞]£i)

˙ 10.1.3. Afrikaans diphthongs used in some types of diminutives.

/%/ (≠≠…, ≠≠≠Û)/%È/ (≠≠…¢, ≠≠≠Û¢)

/eÈ/ ≠(eÙns), /+/ ≠≠(È)/oÈ/ ≠(oPns)

/u/ ≠≠(%, W)/uÈ/ ≠≠(%T, Ww)

/e/ ≠(™, E) ≠≠(É, Ä) ≠≠≠(å, x, √)

/È/ ≠(Ù, É, x|*) ≠≠(‘, å|*)

/a/ Ó(A)

/¢[È]/ ≠(È[È])/AÈ/ Ó(Aa, Aans) ≠≠≠(øø, øøns) ≠≠(Oø, Oøns) ≠(ù∏, ù∏ns)

˙ 10.2.1. Di‡erences between neutral and mediatic Afrikaans vowels (including some non--neutral variants).

ical of the former Transvaal area, now ascribable to Northeastern South Africa.Examples: nuus (≠≠'n…s, ≠≠≠'nÛs), muure (≠≠'m…¢Rå, ≠≠≠'mÛ¢Rå, ≠-ù), boek ≠≠('b%k, 'bWk),

voer ≠≠('f%¥R, 'fWwR), mens (≠'meÙns), dit (≠'dÈt), lîe (≠'lÈÈ), kus (≠≠'kÈs), kat (Ó'kAt),ek maak (ÓòÈk'mAak, ≠òùk'mÕ∏k, ≠≠òåk'mOøk, ≠≠≠-øøk), Afrikaans (Ó&òafRÈ'kAans, ≠&òa-

fRÿ'küŒns, -Ri-, ≠≠&òafRù'kOøns, ≠≠≠&òafRå'køøns), spons (≠'spoìns). Afrika is ('òüŒfRÈ&ka,

-fRi-, Ó'òAafR¢&ka, ≠'òÕ∏fRÿ&ka, ≠'òOøfRù&ka, ≠≠≠'òøøfRå&ka).<e second vocogram of ˙ 10.1.2 shows both the light mediatic (and South-

western) variants of /e/ ≠(™, E∆, E§) and the broadest ones (coinciding with someregional realizations, as well, of Central and Northeastern South Africa) ≠≠(Ú, Ä∆,

Ä§, ÄR) ≠≠≠(å, ù∆, ù§, œR).Examples: bed (≠'b™t, ≠≠'bÚt, ≠≠≠'båt), wel ≠('VE∆, -E§) ≠≠('VÄ∆, -Ä§), ≠≠≠('Vù∆, -ù§),

herberg (≠≠'HÄRbÄRw, ≠≠≠'HœRbœRw).

10.4. <e first vocogram of ˙ 10.2.2 shows the frequent mediatic realizationsof seven phonemes. For three of them, instead of diphthongs, we have (0é)

sequences of semiapproximants plus vocoids, /iu, ¤È, ¨È/ ≠(ãÛ÷ ãe, ãÙ÷ Wö, Wì, Wo);besides, for /e, ^, o/ we also have ≠(™, Ï, ø) (the first one is less centralized thanin the second vocogram of ˙ 10.2.1; from an international point of view theymight be considered as ‘better variants': Ó); then, /AÈi/ ≠(Õ∏i), as well.

Examples: leeu (≠'lãÛ), lees ≠('lães, 'lãÙs), Koetzee ≠(kÛt'sãe, -'sãÙ), rook ≠('RWìk, 'RWok)

≠≠('RWök); bed (≠'b™t, ≠≠'beIt), kus (≠'kÏs), rok (≠'Røk), haai (≠'HÕ∏i).In the second vocogram of 10.2.2, we can see a number of mediatic tiny di‡e-

rences for /¤È/ ≠≠(iÙ, ÛÙ) ≠(IÙ, ¤Ú), /¥È/ ≠≠(˚ö) ≠(&Ï), /¨È/ ≠≠(Û%, u%) ≠(U%, ¨ù); thosewith a higher starting point are most typical both of the mediatic accent and ofSouthwestern South Africa, including Cape Town (to Namibia, where Afrikaansis also spoken currently). So, in spite of being more di‡erent from the neutralrealizations we have seen, they might be considered either as ≠, or even Ó.

Examples: lees ≠('liÙs, 'lÛÙs, 'lIÙs, 'l¤Ús), Koetzee ≠(kÛt'siÙ, -ÛÙ, -IÙ, -¤Ú), reuk ≠('R˚ök,

'R&Ïk), rook ≠('RÛ%k, 'Ru%k, 'RU%k, 'R¨ùk).In ˙ 10.2.3, we can see the neutralization of two couples of diphthongs used


/¤È/ ≠(IÙ, ¤É) ≠≠(iÙ, ÛÙ)

/TÈ/ (≠&Ï, ≠≠¢‘) ≠≠≠(¤È)

/TÈ/ ≠≠≠(ãÙ)

/¨È/ ≠(UX, ¨x) ≠≠(¯X, uX)

/¤È/ ≠(ãe, ãÙ)/e/ (≠™, ≠≠eI0)

/+/ ≠(Ï)/o/ ≠(ø)

/iu/ ≠(ã¯)

/AÈi/ ≠(ù∏i)

/¨È/ ≠≠(j~) ≠(jP, jo)

˙ 10.2.2. Further di‡erences between neutral and mediatic Afrikaans vowels (including somenon-neutral variants).

in forming diminutives (/¢i, î/, /ï, oÈi/) and the timbres for /AÈi/.Examples: pitjie ('pÈI£i), kindjie ('kÈI∞£i), putjie ('pÈI£i), puntjie ('pÈI∞£i); poo-

tjie ('pìI£i), oondjie ('òìI∞£i), rotjie ('RìI£i), mondjie ('mìI∞£i); maatjie ('mÕI£i), aan-djie ('òÕI∞£i).

Let us now consider ˙ 10.3. <e three vocograms show the mediatic –≠– variantsof the three phonemic diphthongs /Èi, È%, Èu/ (including some mediatic and regionalvariants of /Èi/, and the ‘better international variants' –Ó– for all of them), /Èi/ (Ó™i,

≠ÙI, ≠≠åI, ≠≠≠ùÙ), /È%/ (Óπ&, ≠ö˚) ≠≠(ÿ…, ù¥) ≠≠≠(ÚÛ, å:), /Èu/ (ÓØÛ, ≠ùÛ), /jÈu/ (≠≠jÚÛ).Examples: ryp (Ó'R™ip, ≠'RÙIp, ≠≠'RåIp, ≠≠≠'RùÙp), vuis (Ó'fπ&s, ≠'fö˚s) ≠≠('fÿ…s, 'fù¥s)

≠≠≠('fÚÛs, 'fåãs), hout (Ó'HØÛt, ≠'HùÛt), jou ('jÑÛ, Ó'jØÛ, ≠'jùÛ, ≠≠'jÚÛ). Of course, di‡er-ent native hearers would certainly be rather puzzled, should they ever happen tohear words like uitreik˚ uiteinde ('òÏ˚t&RÚik, 'òÏ˚t&òÚindÈ) pronounced with (å:) and(åI) together in the very same word, as something unreal, like *('òå:t&RåIk, 'òå:t&òåIn-

dÈ); but, luckily, no sane native speakers would possibly say anything of the kind.In fact, they would spontaneously use realizations su‚ciently apart in the vocogram.

10.5. Passing to the consonants of Afrikaans, in addition to the four nasal pho-nemes /m, n, ¸, N/ (m, n, ¸, N), we find several homorganic taxophones for /n0/

(M, <, ∞, …) and a provelar semi-nasal for /'ééns/ (––«s), besides a dental ((≤)). We


/¢i[N]ki, +i[N]ki/ ≠(ÈI[∞]£i)

/AÈi[N]ki/ ≠(ùI[∞]£i)

/ï[N]ki, oÈi[N]ki/ ≠(PI[∞]£i)

˙ 10.2.3. Some di‡erences and neutralizations in diphthongs for diminutives.

/Èi/ (Ó™i, ≠ÙI,

≠≠åI, ≠≠≠xÙ)

/Èu/ (ÓÖ¯, ≠x¯)

/jÈu/ ≠≠(jÉ¯)

/È%/ (Óê&, ≠~˚) ≠≠(‘…, xT) ≠≠≠(ÉÛ, åã)

˙ 10.3. Di‡erences between neutral, mediatic and some regional variants in the three typi-cal phonemic diphthongs.

decided to use /¸/, not to let people think that /nj/ might be interpreted as (<_j),which is typical of many Germanic languages, as for instance English onion ('å<-

jÈn). Lexeme-final /Rm, lm/ are generally realized as (RÈm, lÈm) or (Rµ, lµ), while/Rn, ln/ are only occasionally realized as (RÈn, lÈn) or (R~, l~) (in Dutch this phe-nomenon is much more widespread, with further C]˘

Examples: maa ('müŒ), nach ('naw), oranje (òo'Ra¸È), tong ('toN); envelop ('òüŒM-

fÈ&lop), stand ('stant), van sjokola (fa<&fiokÈ'lüŒ), mandjie ('mœI∞£i), ons ('òoì«s), bank('baNk), van chloor (fa…'wl¨%R); film ('f¢lÈm, -lµ), storm ('stoRÈm, -Rµ).

Let us add psalm (pÈ'salÈm, -lµ) to show another example of schwa insertionin the sequence /+ps/, where a potential monosyllable becomes a trisyllabic word!

„en nie /'ni/ ‘not' forms a rhythm unit with a preceding word, it is weaker(&ni), and undergoes assimilation and reduction: jy sal nie (j[Ú]i'sa&li), ek weet nie(Èg'V¤Ù&ti).

10.6. <e set of stops includes the phonemes /p, b÷ t, d÷ k, g/ (p, b÷ t, d÷ k, g),with /g/ both as a xenophoneme –g gh– and as a rare phoneme in the sequence/gÈ/, instead of considering it as a very peculiar taxophone of /X/ (w, X) in thatsingle context, and as an assimilatory taxophone. Sometimes, /b, d, g/, after a pause,can be (B, D, G), especially in mediatic pronunciation. In addition, we have (ò) oc-curring before stressed V or between V or word-beginning. We also have ([∞]†i)

for /¸kji/ -(n)tjie˚ -(n)djie in diminutives, as we have already seen; and (t, d) inthe homorganic sequences (tfi, dë) /tS, dΩ/ used in foreign words.

Examples: pop ('pop), ribbe ('R¢bÈ), tent ('tent), dood ('d¨%t), knie ('kni), berge('bERgÈ), brugge ('bRögÈ), ek dink (òÈg'd¢Nk), ghrop ('gRop), uitjie ('òÏ˚†i), tjap ('tfiap),jellie ('tfieli, 'të-, ±'dë-, 'j-).

Words in /-'éndÈR/ (with a short V] are colloquially changed into /-'énÈR/: kin-ders ('k¢nÈRs), onder ('òonÈR) (also onder-). Words in /-'éndÈ[l]/ generally keep their/d/; while an intervocalic /d/ in an unstressed syllable may become a flap, (ˇ), ina very colloquial way of speaking (even if deriving from //td// ï /[d]d/, followinga typical assimilation rule, shared with Dutch, by which, on the contrary, for thegrammeme -de˚ we have //-=dÈ// ï /-=tÈ/): middel ('m¢d·, -ˇ-, °), middag ('m¢&daw,

-ˇ-, -X), wat die… ('Va[d]di, 'Vaˇi), but wat dan? ('Va[d] 'dan), vertraagde (fÈR'tRüŒwtÈ,

-XtÈ). Also the /+d/ of the grammeme die /di/ ‘the', when preceded by anothergrammeme, undergoes assimilation and reduction: in die (&ò¢[n]ni-, Èni-), op die(&òo[p]pi-), met die (&me[d]di-), deur die (&d&ö[R]Ri-, &d&öˇi-), voor die (&f¨%[R]Ri-, &f¨%ˇi-).

As for the constrictive phonemes of Afrikaans, we have /f/ (f) [f˚ v] and thesemiconstrictive /v/ (V) [w÷ with (V) after tautosyllabic C]˘ <en, we find /s/ (s)[s˚ z] and the xenophonemes /z/ (z) [z]˚ /S/ (fi) [sj] and /Ω/ in the sequence /dΩ/ (±ë,

dë, tfi) [ j] together with /tS/ (tfi) [tj˚ or the original spelling) for loan words. Let us


m (M) (,)(n)n (∞) ˙ («)(≤) Np b t d (t d) (£) k g (ö)

f √ (V) (,)(ß) (x-H)s z (s z) ë ò (X)-º (≠º)j(≠ã) (ã) (≠j)(≠¸) H(≠˜)

(5) R(r-[)-l ≠(K-r)(ı-§)

˙ 10.4. Table of Afrikaans consonants: phonemes, taxophones and variants.

observe that we use (s, z), although we can also hear dentoalveolar (s, z) and evenalveolar (fi) especially in /Rs, s+, st, sk/. <en, we have a uvular constrictive trill (w)

for /X/ [ch˚ g]˚ which can lose its trilled nature (X), with two constrictive velar taxo-phones (again as a trill or not) before front V (H, x).

Examples: vyf ('fÚif), wind ('V¢nt), swem ('sVem), see ('s¤Ù), zero ('s¤ÙR¨%, 'z-), Zoe-loe ('zÛlÛ), sjef ('fief), genie (fiÈ'ni, ±ë-), gewig (wÈ'V¢w, XÈ'V¢X), geel ('H¤Ù∆, 'x-, -§).

Among the approximants˚ /j/ (j) can become a semiconstrictive, (ª), for empha-sis or precision. In the mediatic accent, we also have two semi-approximants –(ã,W), palatal, and velar rounded– for the variant realizations of /iu, ee, oo/ (ÛÛ, eÙ,

oì), which become (ãÛ÷ ãe, ãÙ÷ Wo, Wì, Wö) (first vocogram of ˙ 10.2.2, in thetable of C˚ they are shown as ≠). <e laryngeal approximant is a voiced /h/ (H),


m M ˙ n

n N ∞

˙ ,

«

p b t d

t d £ k g f

x

X º

s z

ß ë ò

s z

,

√ V

º H

j

˝

ãã

˝

j

˝

¸

˜ r

K

5 R

r

[

1

+l

+ı

ù+

Hö

˙ 10.5. Afrikaans Contoids: phonemes, taxophones and variants.

also after pauses or in contact with voiceless C˚ that may become voiced, where-as –in grammemes and su‚xes– it readily drops entirely. Before non-back V /h/

(H) may become palatal (ã).Examples: juk ('jök, "ªök), miljoen (m¢∆'jun, -§'-, -"ªun), hond ('Hont), apartheid (a-

'paRt[H]Úit), onthou (ont'HÑÛ, -d'H-), hen ('ãen), hups ('ãöps), ek gehoor het nie (òÈk-

wÈ'H¨%RÈt&ni, &òek-, -kX-).<en, we have an alveolar tap /R/ (R) in any context (but can become partial-

ly devoiced, (∂), or completely voiceless, (fl), before a pause); we can also find (r)for emphasis or precision; or ≠(+¸, ¸+) in mediatic pronunciation. In SouthwesternSouth Africa /R/ is very frequently uvular ≠≠(R, r, ⁄, r) in any context. To end withthe C of Afrikaans, we have an alveolar lateral /l/ (l), which becomes velarized,(∆) or –especially, but not exclusively, in the mediatic accent– semi-lateral velar-ized, (§) (both of them also intense for /Èl+/ (·, °)).

Examples: raar ('RüŒR, -∂, -fl, "rüŒr), portier (poR'tÛ¤R, -∂, -fl, por"tÛ¤r), kleur ('kl&öR,

-∂, -fl, "kl&ör), lap ('lap), slyp ('slÚip), nul ('nö∆, -§), belg ('bÚ∆w, -§-, -X).

10.7. <e vocogram of ˙ 10.6 shows the very many possible realizations of un-stressed jy /’jÈi/ ≠(ji, jÛ, jI, j¤, j¢, jÙ, jÚ) (which are non-neutral, or colloquial, includ-ing plain (j), that may occur before V as in jy eet (jÚi'ò¤Ùt)… ('j¤Ùt)). <ey are quitenormal in colloquial speech, in spite of the fact that current Afrikaans orthogra-phy and grammars only show the three following reductions for grammemes: thearticle 'n (È), the possessive s'n (sÈn) (or s'ne (sÈnÈ)), and the negative g'n (wÈn, XÈn)

(from geen ('w¤Ùn, 'X-)). First of all, any unstressed monosyllabic grammeme cer-tainly has a form without stress, while possibly keeping its normal vowel timbres.And this certainly is a kind of reduced form.

But there are several others that can be heard in current speech, in addition tothe enclitic possessive se (sÈ), which grammars present, although without explicit-ly saying that it has a real phonic reduced form. <us, here are those that one isvery likely to hear in spontaneous speech: is (Ès, s), as (Ès), het (HÈt, Èt), ek (Èk), en(Ùn, Èn), by (bÈ), my (mÈ), ny (nÈ), vir (fÈR), wil (V°), dit (dÈt), dat (dÈt, dœt), doen(dÈn), te (tÈ) (even if meaning ‘too'), om (Èm), soos (sÈs), met (mÙt, mÈt), moet (mÈt),hom (HÈm, Èm), jou (jÈ, jù), jou is (j%¢s), jy is (jÚ[i]s), -V hy (éÚi), dis is (d¢s), maar(mùR), na (na), vandag (fÈn'daw, -X), vanaand (fÈn'òüŒnt), vanmiddag (fÈ[m]'m¢-

daw, -X)…Let us also note: ek is sewe (òÈk's¤ÙVÈ), wie is jy? (¿VisÇjÚi3 3), gedoen het (wÈ'dunÈt,

X-), terug ('tRöw, -X), telefoon (&telÈ'f¨%n, tÚ∆'f¨%n), telefoongids ('telÈf¨%…&w¢ts, 'tÚ∆f¨%…-,


/’jÈi/ ≠(ji, jÛ, jI, j¤, j¢, jÙ, jÉ, j˘é)

˙ 10.6. Possible reduced forms for unstressed jy.

-&X¢ts), ek het hom gesien (ò&ekÈtÈmwÈÇsin3 3, -X-), toe om die kinders (&tumiÇk¢nÈRs3 3), is ditgenoeg? (¿&ò¢stÈ[t]wÈ'nÛw12, -XÈ'nÛX12)…

Let us observe: Kaapstad ('küŒp&stat), Pretoria(pRÈ't¨%Ria), Bloemfontein (&blum-

fon'tÚin). Lastly, let us carefully compare: jool ('j¨%∆, -§), ioon (òi'ò¨%n).

10.8. <e fundamental intonation patterns of Afrikaans are shown in ˙ 10.7.Here are some further examples to complete the possibilities of tunes:

Verskoon dat ek in die rede val (fÈR'sk¨%n dùt'òek2 &¢ndiÇR¤ÙdÈ&fœ∆3 3) (-§) (Excuse mefor interrupting)

Iets te drink? (¿'òits tÈ'dR¢Nk12) (May I o‡er you something to drink?)Dit is lank sedert, ek jou laas gesien het (&d¢tÈsÇlaNk32| &s¤ÙdÈRtòÈk'jÑÛ ÇlüŒs wÈÇsin-

&¢t3 3) (-X-) (It has been a long time, since I saw you last)Tot siens, ek het die tydjie baie geniet (&totÇsins3 3| 'òekÈˇi 'tÚi†i &bœIÈwÈÇnit3 3) (-X-)

(Goodbye, I had a delightful time)Is die pad goed? (¿&ò¢si'pat2 ¿'wut23) (-X-) (Is the road good?), Dag! (˚Çdaw32) (-X32) (Goodbye!).

ˇ

Dutch Pronunciation by Afrikaners

10.9. Let us, now, concisely consider the current pronunciation of Dutch by Afri-kaans speakers, when they happen to talk to speakers from the Netherlands or‰anders, trying to use real Dutch, in a sort of international way of communicating.

<e first vocogram of 10.8 shows the vowels (and taxophones). Examples: wie('Vi), fiets ('fits), vier ('fÛ¤R), dik ('d¢k), stil ('st¢∆, -§), zee ('se, ±'seÙ, ≠'s¤Ù), deel ('de∆, ≠-Ú-,

≠-¤Ù-, -§), weer ('VeÙR, ≠-EÄR), veld ('fÚ∆t, -§t), ver ('fER), dat ('dat), kar ('kaR), bal ('bœ∆,-§), ja ('jAa), tafella ('tAafÈ&la), maar ('mAaR), taal ('tAœ∆, -§), vol ('fo∆, -§, ±-ø-), om('òom, ±'òøm, ≠'ò¨%m), dor ('doìR, ±'døR), zo ('so, ±'soì, ≠'s¨%), boom ('bom, ≠'b¨%m),

oor ('òoìR), doe ('dÛ), goet ('wÛt, 'X-), broer ('bRÛ¨R), nu ('n˚), duren ('d˚&RÈ[n]), uur('ò˚&R), beu ('bö, ±'böö, ≠-&ö), beul ('bö∆, ±'böö∆, -§), deur ('dööR), put ('pöt), kruk ('kRök),

stulp ('stö∆p, -§p), je (je, jÈ, ≠jÙ, ≠≠jå), eerste ('òeÙRstÈ, ≠-å), kinderen ('k¢ndÈRÈ[n], ≠-å),

gemakkel¢k (wÈ'makÈlÈk, X-, ≠-ÿ'm-, ≠-åk).

<e second vocogram gives the three phonemic diphthongs. Examples: trein('tRÚin, ±-™in, ≠-åIn), ¢s ('òÚis, ±-™is, ≠-åIs), bakkeleien (&bakÈ'lÚiÈ[n], ±-™i-, ≠-åI-, ≠-å), lui('lÏ˚, ≠-ù¥), huis ('HÏ˚s, ≠-ù¥s), kruier ('kRÏ˚ÈR, ≠-ù¥-), vrouw ('fRÑÛ, ±-ØÛ), paus ('pÑÛs,

±-ØÛs), blauwe ('blÑÛÈ, ±-ØÛÈ, ≠-å).


/÷/ (2 Ç 3 2)/./ (2 Ç 3 3) /?/ (2 ' 1 2)/ / (2 2 ' 2 2 ' 2 2 Ç 2)

˙ 10.7. Fundamental intonation patterns of Afrikaans.

<e third vocogram contains the six combination diphthongs and a variant.Here are some examples for all of them. Examples: kieuw ('kÛÛ), nieuwe ('nÛÛÈ,

'nÛÛVÈ, ≠-å), leeuw ('leÛ), middeleeuws ('m¢d·&eÛs), sneeuwen ('sneÛÈ[n], 'sneÛVÈ[n], ≠-å),

ruw ('R˚Û), duwen ('d˚ÛÈ[n], 'd˚ÛVÈ[n], ≠-å), saai ('sAi, ≠'süi), aait ('òAit, ≠'òüit), draaien('dRAiÈ[n], ≠'dRüiÈ[n], ≠-å), fooi ('foi), nooit ('noit), dooien ('doiÈ[n], ≠-å), boei ('bÛÛ),koeien ('kÛÛÈ[n], ≠-å).


/˙/x (aö, ±˙[Å]«, ≠ú[Õ]«)

/™/x (eö, ±e[’]«)

//x (≠eö, ~ö, ±e[’]«, ±±ï[ï]«)

/9/x (oö, ±Ú[œ]«)

/e/ ≠(¤Ù)/°/ ≠(&~)/o/ ≠(¨X)

/È/ ≠(Ù, ‘) ≠≠(å)

/a/ (≠å∏[R], ≠≠ù∏[R], ≠≠≠Oø[R])

/E¤/ (±™i, ≠åi)/§Y/ ≠(xT) /√U/ ±(Ö¯)

˙ 10.9. Some variants for Afrikaans Dutch and nasalized phonemes.

/i/ (i, Û¤R), /y/ (˚, ˚&R)

/™/ (e, ±™, Éı, ER, ≠≠x)/e/ (e, ±eÙò, eÙR, ≠EÄR, ≠≠x)

/u/ (¯, ¯¨R)

/°/ (~, ±~~ò, ~~R), /È/ (È)

/¤/ (¢), /Y/ (~)

/A/ (a[R], √ı)

/eu/ (e¯)

/o/ (o, ±oPò, oPR)/ø/ (o, ±ø, oPR, ±øR)

/ai/ (Ai, ≠åi)

/iu/ (Û¯), /yu/ (˚¯)

/ui/ (¯Û)

/oi/ (oi)

/a/ (Aa[R], A√ı)

/E¤/ (Éi) /§Y/ (Ï˚) /√U/ (∑¯)

˙ 10.8. <e basic Dutch vowels and diphthongs as typically pronounced by Afrikaners.

In the first vocogram of ˙ 10.9, we can see some (mostly broader) variantrealizations. Our transcriptions have already show them. <e second vocogramshows how the nasalized xenophonemes of Dutch are realized by Afrikaans speak-ers. Examples: timbre ('tembRÈ, ±'teÙ«-), enfin (òaM'fen, ±òA«'fe«), renaissance (&Re-

nÚi'sans, ±-'sAa«s), restaurant (&Rest¨%'Rant, ±-o'RA«), pardon (paR'don, ±-'do«), parfum(paR'föm, ±-'fï«).

10.10. <e consonants of Dutch, as realized by Afrikaners, have the followingpeculiarities. <e nasal phonemes are easily respected, of course, including thetaxophones of /n0/, while the sequence /nj/ is generally rendered as simple (¸).

Examples: moe ('mÛ), komen ('komÈ[n], ≠'k¨%-), klam ('klam), nu ('n˚), wonen('VonÈ[n], ≠'V¨%nå), zon ('son, ±'søn), oranje (òo'Ra¸È), brengen ('bReNÈ[n], ±-™N-), lang-zaam ('laN&zAm) /-am/, ring ('R¢N)÷ onfris (òoM'fR¢s, ±òøM-), onwel (òoM'VÚ∆, ±òøM-,-§), antiek (òan'tik), rangeren (Ra<'ëeÙRÈ[n]), kantje ('ka<tfiÈ, ≠-å), handje ('Ha<tfiÈ, ≠-å),

bronchitis (bRo…'witÈs, ±-ø-).Also the stops of Dutch pose no problems, with no particular taxophone for

word-final /t/, or /kj/, and a very systematic occurrence of (ò).Examples: peren ('peÙRÈ[n], ≠-å), appels ('òap·s, -§s), ik heb (òÈk'Hep, ±-™p, ≠òåk-),

bet ('bet, ±-™t), ik ben (òÈg'ben, ±-™n, ≠òåg-), opfrissen ('òop&fR¢sÈ[n], ±'òøp-, ≠-å), tweed('tVet), drie ('dRi), tjee ('tfie, ±-eÙ), tik ('t¢k), zakje ('sakjÈ), kit ('k¢t), kat ('kat), goal('go∆, -§), zakdoek ('sag&dÛk), ach jee! (&òaw'je, ±-'jeÙ, -X-), op een ochtend (&òop[ò]en'òow-

tÈnt, ±&òøp-, ±-'òøw-, -X-, ≠-ò¤Ùn-), chaotisch (wa'òotis, X-, ≠-¨%-), naïef (na'òif), beangst (bÈ-

'òaNst).

10.11. Instead, for the constrictive phonemes, some peculiarities emerge. Infact, Afrikaans /f/ represents both Dutch /f, v/, for f˚ v÷ while we anticipate thatthe Afrikaans phoneme corresponding to Dutch /ñ/ is /v/ (V) (and, for tautosyl-labic /0ñ/, we find (0V)). For both /s, z/ we generally have /s/ (s, s, fi), with thepossibility of having (z, z) for the xenophoneme /z/. Besides, we usually find (fi)for both /S, Ω/, rarely /Ω/ (ë) and /tS, dΩ/ (tfi, dë) for xenophonemes. Again, evenDutch /X/ (X) ch and /x/ (x) g correspond to a single phoneme in Afrikaans, /w/

(or /X/, at will), realized either as (w) or (X), but with two advanced taxophonesbefore front V or /j/: (H) or (x) ((w, H) are constrictive trills).

Examples: fruit ('fRÏ˚t, ≠-ù¥t), vinden ('f¢ndÈ[n], ≠-å), boven ('bofÈ[n], ≠-å, ≠'b¨%-),

afbrengen ('òaV&bReNÈ[n], ≠-å, ±-™-), sussen ('sösÈ[n], ≠-å), zon ('son), lezen ('lesÈ[n], ≠-å),

misdr¢f ('m¢z&dRÚif, ±-™if), sjouwen ('fiÑÛÈ[n], ±'fiØÛ-, ≠-å), jus ('fi˚, ±'ë˚), tjalk ('tfiœ∆k, -§k),

schal ('swœ∆, -§, ≠'sk-), dag ('daw, -X), aanslagbiljet ('òAan&slawb¢∆&jet, -X-), wiegje ('ViHjÈ,

≠-å), goed ('wÛt, 'X-), morgen ('moRwÈ[n], -X-, ±-øR-), wegbrengen ('Vew&bReNÈ[n], ≠-å, ±-™-),

geen ('xen, 'H-), wat ('Vat), antwoord ('òant&VoRt, ≠-¨%Rt), twen ('tVen), gewoon (wÈ'Von,

X-, ≠-¨%n), wiel ('Vi∆, -§), hand ('Hant).

10.12. <en, we have the palatal approximant (j), occurring in every context(also in /0j/ sequences, with the exception of /nj/ that usually becomes (¸), as wehave already seen). Most typical, indeed, is the voiced laryngeal approximant, (H),which remains such also in contact with voiceless C˘ In addition, we find the al-veolar tap, (R) (again, in every context), which may be replaced by an alveolar ap-


proximant, (¸). Especially those Southwestern Afrikaners who use them in Afri-kaans, as well, (R) can become uvular – either an approximant, (⁄), or a constric-tive, (R). We show these variants only here. For the lateral /l/, we have (lé) and

(∆+, ∆0) (or a semilateral (§+, §0)).Examples: gehaast (wÈ'HAast, X-), in hun huis (&ò¢n[H]ön'HÏ˚s), raam ('RAam, '⁄-,

'R-, '¸-), straks ('stRaks, -⁄-, -R-, -¸-), leraar ('leÙRaR, -⁄a⁄, -RaR, -¸a¸) /a/, dertig ('deRtÈw,

-X, ≠'dE-, ≠-tå-, -⁄-, -R-, -¸-), les ('les), last ('last), allerlei (&òalÈR'lÚi, -⁄-, -R-, -¸-), veel ('fe∆,

≠-Ú∆, -§).

10.13. Except for /h/ (H), and generally for /w/, voice assimilation and geminatesimplification in Dutch and Afrikaans behave equally, as already shown by someexamples. Afrikaners use fewer reduced forms than Dutch native speakers, butby no means do they lack them. Lastly, let us observe that /vR/ is (VR), accordingto the spelling wr˚ while /sX, sXR/ are (sw, swR, sX-, ≠sk-) sch˚ schr As in Afrikaans,the insertion of (È) mostly occurs between final /lm+, Rm+/ (less so between final/ln+, Rn+/): calm ('kalÈm), arm ('òaRÈm).

10.14. <e typical Afrikaans intonation patterns are shown in ˙ 10.3. <eyare used in Dutch, as well:

Ik zou graag goed Nederlands spreken.(òÈk&sÑÛ'wRAaw2| 'wÛt2 'nedÈRlan[ts] ÇspRekÈ[n]3 3), (X, 'wÛt Çne-)

(I'd like to speak Dutch well)

Hoe voelt je je vandaag?(¿'HÛ ÇfÛ∆tjÈjÈ3 3 ›¿fÈnÇdaaw3 3ë), (≠-Çdaw3 3), (§, X)(How do you feel today?)

Spreek je Nederlands?(¿'spRekjÈ2 ¿'nedÈR&lan[t]s12)

(Do you speak Dutch?)

Gaan we met de bus, of te voet?(¿'waaMVÈ &me[d]dÈÇbös32| ¿&øftÈÇfÛt3 3), (&meˇÈ-)

(Are we going by bus, or on foot?)


/÷/ (2 Ç 3 2)/./ (2 Ç 3 3) /?/ (2 ' 1 2)/ / (2 2 ' 2 2 ' 2 2 Ç 2)

˙ 10.10. Fundamental intonation patterns of Afrikaans Dutch.

afrikaans co

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