a survey of recent research on the albigensian cathari (daniel walther)

American Society of Church History

A Survey of Recent Research on the Albigensian CathariAuthor(s): Daniel WaltherSource: Church History, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Jun., 1965), pp. 146-177Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the American Society of Church HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3162901Accessed: 13/10/2010 11:36

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A SURVEY OF RECENT RESEARCH ON THE ALBIGENSIAN CATHARI*

DANIEL WALTHER, Professor of Church History, Theological Seminary, Andrews University, Michigan

The significant manuscript discoveries on medieval neo-Mani- chaeism in the last twenty-five years have raised the hope that the Albigensian riddle may now be more accurately and critically appraised. However, the problems are far from being solved. Despite penetrating essays and newly found sources, more clarification is needed on (a) the origins of Catharism. Henri-Charles Puech, of the College de France, has clearly summed up this question in "Catharisme medieval et Bogomilisme," Accademia nazionale dei lincei: XII Convegno "Volta" promossa dalla classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche (Roma, 1957), pp. 56-84; (b) religion, where the question is not merely whether the Cathari were dualists, but to what degree. There is an excellent essay, partly solving this problem, by Hans S6derberg, La religion des Cathares: Etude sur le Gnos.ticisme de la basse An- tiquite et du Moyen Age (Uppsala, 1949); (c) the political situation. "Occitanie," later called Languedoc, was at the time independent of the Capetian Kings of France who undertook to integrate it, by the sword of Simon of Montfort, as discussed by Jacques Madaule, Le drame albigeois et le destin francais (Paris: B. Grasset, 1961) ;1 (d) Albigensian- ism coincided with courtly love, a subject which has not been sufficiently elucidated as to the relationship of the troubadours and Catharism, although numerous essays have been written about it. A French specialist on Catharism and the troubadours has again approached this problem: Rene Nelli, L'erotique des troubadours: Publie sous les aus- pices de la Factulte des Lettres de Toulouse, XXXVIII, 2e serie (Tou- louse: E. Privat, 1963), 221-246. See also Robert H. Gere, The Trouba- dours, Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade: Unpublished Ph.D. dis- sertation, series No. 15628 (New York: Columbia University, 1956).

The locale of the Albigensian episode was "Occitanie," the western sector of Provence, referred to in some medieval manuscripts as "provincia provinciae," extending roughly from Marseille to Toulouse, Gascony (Vasconia), Catalonia and Aragon. This was the area of the civilization of "oc," word for "yes." It was the lovely land loosely referred to as Midi (South) or, in the words of troubadour Bernard Sicard, "the sweet lands of Argence, Beziers and Carcassonne."2

The term "Languedoc" was not used before 1270.3 The names Cathar, Cathari or Cathares were not derived from Catharistae (by which St. Augustine designated a group among the Manichaeans), but from Katharoi (Gr.), the "Pure." The term Cathar (from which *Research in Southern France for this article was made with the support of a grant from the American Philosophical Society.

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comes the German "Ketzer") appears to have been first used in 1163, in Cologne.4 The names Albigeois, Albigenses, Bulgari (hence the French sobriquet "bougre") have a geographic connotation. The term Albigenses was used more frequently in the twelfth century when Catharism took root in southern France, particularly during the Al- bigensian crusade. It was used earlier with haeretici, such as haeretici Albigenses, notably in the council of Tours, 1163.5

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS From the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries Albigensian studies

were strongly motivated by partisan confessionalism. Protestant historians tended to regard the Albigenses as "witnesses of truth," or as the "underground church of the wilderness" in Apostolic lineage, while Catholic historians were not displeased that Protestants would consider as forerunners heretics condemned as "depraved Manichae- ans." This aspect has been reappraised by J. Charbonnier, "De l'idee que le protestantisme s'est faite de ses rapports avec le catharisme, ou des adoptions d'ancetres en histoire," Bulletin de la societe de l'histoire du protestantisme franfais, CI (Paris, 1955), 72-876 A comprehensive bibliography, showing the critical work done by Catholic and Protestant historians is by Arno Borst, "Neue Funde und For- schungen zur Geschichte der Katharer," Historische Zeitschrift, CLXXIV (Munich, 1962), 17-30. This is a careful inventory especially of recently discovered sources. Bibliographical essays on medieval sects are appraised in R. Morghen, Medioevo cristiano. Biblioteca di cultura moderna, No. 491 (Bari, 1951), pp. 212ff.

A valuable bibliographical essay is: Pierre de Berne-Lagarde, Bibliographie du catharisme languedocien (Toulouse: Institut d'Etudes Cathares, 1957). Preface de M. Rene Nelli, Collection "Textes et Documents"). It lists 555 items and is helpful on Latin and French texts of Gnostic and Manichaean sources, but not always reliable in foreign (especially German) listings. Some of the shortcomings of this bibliography are pointed out by J.-L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances sur des questions cathares: Essai de critique historique (Albi: Im- primerie cooperative du Sud-Ouest, 1964), pp. 44-45. Another bibliographical study is by B. Croce, L. Sommariva, R. Nelli and Ch.-P. Bru, "Recherches sur le catharisme," Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes, XII (Toulouse, 1952), 5-43, and by L. Sommariva, "Studi recenti sulle eresie medievali 1939-1952," Rivista storica italiana, LXIV (1953), 237-268. Professor Raoul Manselli of Turin indicated significant studies in "Per la storia dell'eresia nel secolo XII (Studi minori) : Un' abiura del secolo XII e l'eresia catara," Bollettino dell'istitu.to storico italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, LXVII (Roma, 1955), 217, 225, 230, 234, 246-247, 253-254. On Italian Cath- arism, cf. S. Savini, II catarismo italiano ed i suoi vescovi nei secoli

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XIII e XIV: Ipotesi sulla cronologia del catarismo in Italia (Firenze, 1958). Also, "Profilo dell'eresia medievale," Humanitas, I (1950), 384ff.; and R. Manselli, "Studi sulle eresie del sec. XII," Studi storici, Fasc. V (Rome, 1953), pp. 90-95.

On the Waldneses, contemporaries but not doctrinal sympathizers of the Albigenses, the best bibliography is by Augusto Armond Hugon and Giovanni Gonnet, Bibliografie valdese (Torre Pellice: Societa di studi valdesi, 1953). It lists 3500 items and is in the process of being revised. Also, G. Gonnet, "Sulle fonti del Valdismo medioevale," Pro- testantismo, XII (1957), 717-732, and G. Gonnet, Enchiridion fontium valdensium, I (Torre Pellice, 1958). See also J. Koch, "Neue Quellen und Forschungen iiber die Anfange der Waldenser," Forschungen und Forschlritte, XXXII (1958), 141-149: Mario Esposito, "Sur quelques ecrits concernant les heresies et les heretiques aux XlTe et XTIIe siecles," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XXXVI (1940), 143-162, and the eru- dite essay by A. Dondaine, "Aux origines du Valdeisme. Une profession de foi de Valdes," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, XVT (Roma: Istituto storico domenicano, 1946), 191-235. The doctrinal controversies between Waldenses and the Albigenses, ca. 1190, are best described by Miss Christine Thouzellier, "Controverses vaudoises- cathares a la fin du XTTe siecle: D'apres le Livre TI du 'Liber Anti- heresis'" (MS Madrid 1114. and Paris MS Lat.. B.N. 13446). Ar- chives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire dit Moyen A qe, XXXV (Paris: J. Vrin, 1961), 137-227. The main themes of discussion were: the oneness of God, creation, the fall of the angels, the law of Moses, and the final resurrection.

On the eastern antecedents of Catharism, there is a bibliographical listing in Dix annes d'historioaraphie younqoslavP, 1945-1955 (Bel- grade: Comite national yougoslave des sciences historiques, 1955): pages 180-191 have a bibliography on the "nrobleme des Bogomiles." Also. Soloviev, "Autour des Bogomiles," Bv,antion, XXII (1952), 84-90. Bibliogranhical data are also available in Dmitri Obolensky, The Rogomils: A Study in Balkan neo-Manichaeism (Cambridge rEngl.1: University Press, 1948). Important is the critical study by H.-Ch. Puech and A. Vaillant, Le traite contre les Boqomiles de Cos- mas le pretre: Travaux publies par l'institut d'etudes slaves, No. XXI (Paris. 1945). Monographs on the influence of the Near East and a discernible evangelical continuity are listed in Steven Runciman, Le Manicheisme: L'heresie dualiste dans le Christianisme. Traduction francaise par Simone Petrement et Jacques Marty (Paris: Payot, 1949), pp. 207ff. A review of Runciman's work is by R. Manselli, Richerche religiose, XX (1949), 65-94.

A more recent contribution on Manichaean studies was made by Julien Ries, "Quatre siecles de recherches: Le manicheisme considere

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comme grande religion orientale," Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses, XXXIII (Louvain, 1957), 454-482; ibid., XXXV (1959), 302-409. A solid background to neo-Manichaean studies was furnished also by Julien Ries, Introduction aux etudes manicheennes: Ph.D. Thesis, XXXI (Louvain, 1957), where the sources listed refer to Manichaeism in general, with special emphasis on Catholic-Protestant controversies.

Almost every monograph on Catharism contains a bibliography, such as the brilliant comprehensive study by Hans S6derberg, La religion des Cathares (Uppsala, 1949), chap. 1: "Etat des recherches sur les Cathares," giving careful attention to the "probleme des sources litteraires," pp. 11-22. Also very helpful, for further information, is the essay by E. Delaruelle, Professor at the Institut Catholique, in Tou- louse: "Le catharisme en Languedoc vers 1200: Une enquete," An- nales du Midi, LXXII, No. 50 (Toulouse, 1960), 148-167. The in- tricate problems relating to Catharism before the crusade were here carefully analyzed. The question of the Catharist New Testament was probed as well as Catharist "literature."

The two best monographs by way of a comprehensive historical synthesis on the Cathari are considered to be: (a) Charles Guillaume Adolphe Schmidt, Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Al- bigeois (2 vols.; Paris: [etc.], J. Cherbuliez, 1849). The Strasbourg Professor of Practical Theology wrote with loving care an excellent account of the Catharist movement. It is a study that is still much appreciated and cannot be dispensed with. Schmidt expressed a familiar Protestant concept: while the Albigenses used the Bible, at least in part, and assembled according to ancient evangelical custom, their movement was neo-pagan and theologically erroneous; but the ethics of the Cathari and their way of life were commendable. (b) Arno Borst, Die Katharer (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1953, (Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Deutsches Institut fur Erforschung des Mittelalters, XII). The extensive erudition of this work leaves little untouched. It has used every available source, especially since 1939. The quest for objectivity by Borst appears to some as too de- tached an attitude, lacking in "sympathy." Others deplore that he worked mainly on secondary sources. This excellent monograph contains an abundant, annotated bibliography: "Die Katharer im Spiegel von Quellen und Forschungen," pp. 1-58, listing the known chronicles, the polemists, inquisitors, letter-writers, and scholastics. There is also a careful appraisal of secondary sources. Borst's work is particularly informative on Catharist doctrine and ritual, pp. 143-230. It also attempts to describe the gradual westernization of a religion of eastern origin. Once again, Dr. Borst endeavors to solve the difficult problem of the "christianity" of the Cathari; the discussion is interesting but inconclusive. There is a very substantial annotation of the Liber de duobus principiis, pp. 254-318 (see footnote 13), indis-

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pensable to a student of that important Catharist source, edited by A. Dondaine in 1939.'

CATHARIST DOCUMENTS It has been alleged that information on the Cathari came almost

exclusively from their foes and that numerous, if not all, Catharist sources were destroyed by the Inquisition. Indeed, heretical books were burned, according to Etienne de Bourbon (d. ca. 1261) : ". . . fecit autem dictos hereticos libros extrahi de loco dicto et in oculis suis com- buri."8 That there were Catharist writings was also mentioned by Moneta of Cremona (d. 1260), professor at Bologna until 1218 and inquisitor at Milan, a polemist who wrote in the Summa adversus Catharos et Valdenses, telling how he got his information partly orally and partly from their books: "quia vel ore eorum, vel ex scripturis suis illa habui."9 Rainier Sacchoni, ca. 1250, a Catharist bishop later converted to Catholicism, mentioned Jean de Lugio, author of the Liber de duobus principiis, discovered and edited by A. Dondaine, in 1939. On the other hand, it was suggested that Catharist writings were scarce because neither the great contemporary theologians nor the inquisitors mention Catharist "literature."10

In the nineteenth century a few Albigensian documents, mostly fragments, were available, as published by I. von D6llinger, Beitrdge zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters (2 vols.; Munich, 1890; reprint New York: B. Franklin, 1960), II, 52, 85; the Liber supra stella, written ca. 1235 by Salvo Burci, newly edited by Ilarino da Milano in Aevum, XVI (1942); the apocryphal Interrogatio Ioannis (in the archives of Carcassonne), rendered in French by Rene Nelli, Ecritures cathares (Paris, 1959), pp. 31-66 (La cene secrete); also available in the Doat collection, Vol. XXXVI, and the Visio Isaiae, republished and translated by Rene Nelli, Le phenomene cathare (Toulouse: Pres- ses universitaires de France, E. Privat, 1964), pp. 101-108.

The only Albigensian sources found in the nineteenth century were: (a) a Catharist New Testament, an interlinear version of the Vul-

gate in Provencal: L. Cledat, Le Nouveau Testament traduit au XIIIe siecle en langue provenCale, suivi d'un rituel cathare (Lyon: Biblio-

theque du Palais des arts, now in the Bibliotheque de la ville: Cunitz, 1852; Cledat, 1887; Vaesen, 1898); and (b) the ProvenCal rituel, ca. 1250-1280, MS A.I. 54, later, Cod. 36, first published by Edward Cu- nitz in Jena, "Ein katharisches Rituale," Beitrdge zu den theologischen Wissenchaften, IV (1852), lff., 267. This ritual contains the elements of the basic Catharist rites: (a) Apparelhamentum (servicium), a period of examination of conscience; (b) Meliorhamentum, which the Inquisition referred to as an "adoration" and a desire by the be- lievers soon to be among the elect; (c) Consolamentum, the laying on of hands, by which the Holy Spirit was imparted to reach perfection

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and for which the Gospel was used; (d) Convenenza (convenentia, covenesa), a contract between the believer and his church to insure heretication in emergency ("fecit pactum seu convenienciam"). This was recently discussed by J. L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances, op. cit., p. 15. The Provencal rituel, simpler in form than the Latin ritual (discovered in 1939), suggested similarities of the Albigensian and primi- tive Christian liturgies."

The hearings of heretics in inquisitorial trials, the proces-ver- baux, interrogation of suspects, are available in various sources:

(a) The fonds Doat is most often used. It contains papal letters, summae on heretics, deposition of suspects, excerpts from conciliar decrees, a treatise by inquisitor Bernard Gui, etc. The fonds Doat contains copies by professional scribes who, under the direction of royal commissioner Jean de Doat, appointed by Louis XIV's minister Col- bert in 1669, copied the documents then in existence. While there are some omissions and garbled names, the 258 volumes in folio are an important source, located in the Manuscript division of the Biblio- theque Nationale in Paris. Unfortunately, this basic collection is neither indexed nor classified.

(b) Manuscript 609, ca. 1245-1246, Bibliotheque municipale, Tou- louse; it furnishes varied depositions of people from small towns, mostly located southeast of Toulouse.

(c) Codex Vaticanus Lat. 4030 is unpublished, except for a few fragments in D6llinger, Beitrige, op. cit., II, 97ff. This manuscript was also known in part to J. M. Vidal, particularly the register of Jacques Fournier, bishop of Pamiers and later Pope Benedict XII who, as inquisitor, ca. 1316, investigated heresies. This document (like MS Lat., B.N. 4269), yet unpublished has been fully and carefully transcribed by an able young scholar of Toulouse, Jean Duvernoy, who also published an excellent translation of the Chronique de Guillaume Pel- hisson (Toulouse: Collection "Archives romanes," 1958). MS 4030 is considered one of the best sources of inquisitorial records on Cath- arist and Waldensian doctrine and behavior. It is a document of great human interest. It contains, again, a narrative of the Vision of Isaia, as well as descriptions of people, social customs, and religious practices. It will be published in 1965 in 3 volumes by E. Privat, Toulouse.

Other manuscripts have been listed before: Jean Guiraud, Histoire de l'inquisition au Moyen Age (Paris: Picard, 1935, 1938); Yves Dossat, Les crises de linquisition toulousaine au XIIIe siecle (Bor- deaux: Imprimerie Biere, 1959), sources manuscripts, pp. 14-16, bibliographie, pp. 17-25; A. Borst, Die Katharer (Stuttgart, 1953), pp. 1-58 and J. L. Riol, Dernieres connaissances, op. cit., pp. 6, 11, 16, 32, 40, 48 (listing about twenty-five manuscripts). The Ch. Molinier papers are in the library of Columbia University. Under the guid-

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ance of Professor Austin P. Evans, several significant studies were undertaken on these topics. One of these was based on MS Lat. 11847 as transcribed by Georgene W. Davis, The Inquisition at Albi 1299- 1300: Text of Register and Analysis. Studies in History, Eco- nomics and Public Law, edited by the faculty of Political Science in Columbia University, No. 538 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1948). MS Lat. 11847 was transcribed from a photostatic copy. It contains a list of thirty-five deponents, twenty-five of whom were at Albi. Miss Davis also used MS 12856 which is partially found in the Doat collection, vols. XXVII and XXXII.

* * * * *

Some of the most important discoveries of Catharist sources have been made in the last twenty-five years. R. F. Ilarino da Milano, O.F.M., of the Historical Institute of Capucines in Rome, critically reappraised the numerous medieval sects, reporting on them in Aevum, XII (1938), Collectanea Franciscana, X (1940), and on the "Liber Supra Stella" in Aevum, XVI (1942); XVII (1943); XIX (1945).12

1939. One of the ablest specialists in medievalism, especially the thirteenth century, is P. Antoine Dondaine, O.P., whose skill and erudition have made available several important Catharist manuscripts. The most valuable discovery made by P. A. Dondaine, of the Domini- can Historical Institute in Rome, director of the Leonine Commis- sion (editores operum S. Thomae), is a Latin manuscript containing the basic teachings of absolute (radical) dualism practiced by the Al- banenses. This unique document by a Catharist writer is the Liber de duobus principiis (Roma: Istituto Storico Domenicano FF. Prae- dicatorum, S. Sabina, 1939). Its author, Jean de Lugio of Bergamo, was vicar of the Catharist Bishop of Desenzano in an area between Verona and Brescia. The tract was written between 1250-1280.13 Dondaine gave an account of his discoveries in "Nouvelles sources de l'histoire doctrinale du neo-manicheisme au Moyen Age," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques, XXVIII (1939), 465-488. The manuscript of the Liber was in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Conventi

soppressi, in Florence. With the Liber de duobus principiis, Dondaine published in the same volume, Rainier Sacchoni's De Catharis et Pau-

peribus Lugduno, pp. 64-78; a Latin Fragmentum Ritualis (Traditio Orationis Sancte) and a Consolamentum, pp. 156-164. The Liber was translated by R. Nelli, Ecritures cathares (1959), pp. 83-210.14

1946. A. Dondaine published the "Notitia" on the first Albigensian Council at Saint-Felix de Caraman (1167): "Les Actes du concile al-

bigeois de Saint-Felix de Caraman," Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati: Storia ecclesiastica - diritto, V, Studi e testi, 125 (Citta del Vaticano, 1946), 324-355. Niketas, Bogomil "bishop" of the radical dualists of Constantinople, visited Markus, deacon of the mitigated Cathari of

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Lombardy. Markus, who was eventually won to radical dualism (school of Dragovitsa), soon led other Cathari in Lombardy to adopt radical dualism also. Markus and Niketas then proceeded to southern France to meet the local Cathari at the Council at Saint-Felix de Caraman in 1167, where the Catharist leaders (the bishops of Albi, Epernon and Sicard Cellerier) were of the mitigated type, holding that Satan was a created being. They too accepted eventually the radical point of view. Doubts about this council and the genuineness of the "Notitia" have been expressed by Yves Dossat and by L. de Lacger.16

A. Dondaine, "Aux Origines du Valdeisme," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XIV (1946), 191-235, reported on another significant source in the Madrid Biblioteca Nacional. It is MS 1114, Liber antiheresis, of ca. 1184. This document presented Valdes as orthodox but with a deep concern for poverty, and it indicated that his followers dissented sharply with Albigensian teachings.

1947. P. Thomas Kaeppeli, director of the Dominican institute in Rome, discovered the Summa contra Patarenos of Peter Martyr of Verona, assassinated by Cathari in 1252: "Une somme contre les heretiques de Saint Pierre Martyr," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XVII (1947), 295-335. This contains a succinct survey of Catharist teachings and confirms the accuracy of earlier studies.16

1949. P. A. Dondaine, whose ingenuity made available further sources, found in the University Library at Basel a greatly missed chronicle, De heresi catharorum, MS Basel, CV-17, describing the condition of the Cathari in Lombardy, especially with regard to organization, "La hierarchie cathare en Italie. I. Le 'De heresi catharorum in Lombardia,'" Arch. Fratr. Praed., XIX (1949), 280-312.

1950. Complementing the preceding document, a further document was discovered in Budapest, MS Lat. 352, authored, presum- ably, by the Dominican inquisitor Anselm of Alexandria, ca. 1265, "La hierarchie cathare en Italie"; "Le 'Tractatus de hereticis' d'Anselm d'Alexandrie O.P."; and "Catalogue de la hierarchie cathare en Italie," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XX (1950), 234-324. These documents not only appear to accept the Byzantine origin of the Cathari, but also contain a helpful list of Catharist bishops in Italy. On page 306 is a chart surveying the Catharist "hierarchy," from 1167-1275, in contrast to Roman Catholic organization.

1952. A. Dondaine, "L'origine de l'heresie medievale," Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, VI, No. 1 (1952), 47-78. While no new document was presented here, this study was a summing up of research on the origin of Catharism. It was particularly a criticism of the thesis of Professor R. Morghen, who in "Medioevo cristiano," Biblioteca di cultura moderna, No. 491 (Bari, 1951), 212-286 rejected the external influences on heresy. For Morghen, the Catharist heresy

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was autochthonous. It was a spontaneous popular movement for a re- turn to pristine evangelical practices. Dondaine's point of view, on the contrary, was the usually accepted concept, considering the Cathari as successors of the Bogomils. The basic teachings of the Cathari and Bogomils were listed together, pp. 60-61. In reviewing Morghen's book, Deodat Roche described Catharism as eminently esoteric and Chris- tian, Cahiers ettudes cathares, lie serie, No. 18 (Summer, 1958), 13-25.

1958. J. N. Garvin, C.S.C. and J. A. Corbett edited the Summa contra haereticos ascribed to Praepositinus of Cremona: Publications in Medieval Studies, XV (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1958). A Summa contra catharos was already known in the nineteenth century. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, at the peak of scholasticism, numerous "summae" came into existence intending to counter heretical dogmatism (especially Catharism) by an orthodox, systematic refutation. This summa, which is dated toward the end of the thirteenth century, was mainly directed at the Cathari, chapters I-IV; XIV and the Pasagini, chapters V-XIII; XV-XX.17 However, this summa, attributed to Praepositinus (an unlikely author), was silent on the Waldenses and by-passed some Catharist views, such as those regarding angels, original sin, the trinity and, metempsychosis. What was stated here about the Pasagini cannot be checked. This summa was opposed to the "inanis ac perniciosa scholasticorum questionum subtilitas," but used the simple method of refuting Cath- arist Bible "proofs" with Bible texts, using the glossa ordinaria for the Bible, and abstaining from using a dialectical method. The method of presenting Bible texts to refute biblical arguments was probably first questioned among Catholics by Alain de Lille, who stated that Bible texts have a waxen nose which could be turned any way one wanted to and suggested that heresy should rather be met with ra- tional arguments.18 On this summa, cf. a review by A. Borst, ZKG, 4. Folge, viii, LXX (1959), 166-169 and by Morton W. Bloomfield, Speculum, XXXIV (1959), 267-269.

1959. Rene Nelli, Ecritures cathares (Paris, 1959) contains Cath- arist and pre-Catharist sources translated into French: The Secret Supper ( La cene secrete. Interrogatio Ioannis), which was considered the masterwork of Bogomil literature, also a French rendering of the Liber de duobus principiis and the Catharist ritual.

In 1959, A. Dondaine published an essay, "Durand de Huesca et la polemique anti-cathare," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XXIX (1959), 228- 277, providing a critical examination of two other manuscripts: (a) an anti-Catharist document of Waldensian origin, the Liber antiheresis, already referred to, in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, MS 1114, and (b) the Liber contra Manicheos, published earlier by F. Steg-

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miiller, Melanges offerts a Etienne Gilson (Paris, 1959), containing the five first chapters of the Liber antiheresis of Durand de Huesca.19 The Liber antiheresis contains: (a) Confessio fidei Valdesii, and a warning against heresies in general prefaced by the words: "explicit hic codex tibi sit laus christe ihesu rex," fol. 90b; (b) an Expositio in Apocalypsin.2 Dondaine suggested that the two manuscripts have the same author, Durand de Huesca, a Waldensian, later converted to Catholicism. This document was basically anti-Henrician and considered Catharism as a sequel to heretic Henri. Unfortunately, Don- daine was hindered from publishing any further studies on medieval sects, stating that Miss Christine Thouzellier would continue to pre- pare the publication, Arch. Fratr. Praed., XXVIII (1939), 247.

1960. "Un recueil cathare: Le manuscrit A. 6. 10 de la 'Collection vaudoise de Dublin, " ed. by Th. Venckeleer, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, XXXVIII, No. 3 (Bruxelles, 1960), 815-834. A sum- mary of this text appeared in Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XII (Spring, 1961), 50-53. This Catharist document was among a collection of eight Waldensian Provenqal documents, in the dialect of Dauphine. The entire collection of these tracts belonged to Archbishop James Ussher, ca. 1635. The University of Dublin acquired them in 1661. When Mario Esposito found them in 1920, he listed them all as Wal- densian tracts. Now, one is identified as a Catharist document, mainly because it used this expression in the Lord's Prayer: "panem nostrum supersubstantialem" and in the doxology, "quoniam tuum est regnum et virtus et gloria" (Moneta stated that these expressions were used by the Cathari, not the Waldenses).21 This document, in its first two chapters, discussed the Church in the evangelical sense. This Church is not made by man, of stone or wood, but consists in the fellowship of devoted saints, believing in Christ and having received the consolamentum. Catharist virtues were listed here: chastity, veracity, and humility, and prohibition to kill and to hate. The second and last installment of the document is also in the Revue belge, op. cit., XXXIX, No. 3 (1961), 757-793. This section contains a "Glose sur le Pater," the basic prayer of the Catharist ritual.22

1961. Christine Thouzellier. ed., Un Traite cathare inedit du debut du XIIIe siecle, d'apres le "Liber contra manichaeos" de Durand de Huesca (Bibliotheque de la Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, 37, Louvain, Belgium: Publications Universitaires de Louvain, 1961). About half, perhaps less, of the original manuscript is all that is presented here. The heretical views refuted by Durand de Huesca are quoted in the Liber contra Manicheos. Durand de Huesca, a Wal- densian, was converted to Catholicism after a debate opposing the followers of Vades and Bishop Diegue d'Osma, ca. 1207 at Pamiers. Du- rand was the founder of the "Catholic Poor." Chronicler Gillaume de

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Puylaurens stated that the Waldenses engaged in bitter debates with the Cathari, but that the new Prior of the "Catholic Poor" wrote tracts: Puylaurens called him "Durandus de Osca."23 The "Tractatus" was written ca. 1218-1223 near Carcassonne. Miss Thouzellier has assembled nineteen passages, carefully edited. The beliefs here referred to were those of the radical dualists: two principles, two creatures, both eternal. The good god created the invisible spiritual universe. The devil had his own world, corrupting God's world. Redemption was for the Pure ("Perfecti"). For their Bible texts the Cathari used the orthodox version of the Vulgate. Rainier Sacchoni stated that the Cathari of the early thirteenth century had beliefs similar to those of the Albanenses before the schism caused (partly) by Jean de Lugio. An excellent French translation of the Traite cathare is by Jean Duvernoy, Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XIII, IIe serie, No. 13 (1962), 22-54.

Before publishing the Traite cathare, Miss Thouzellier published an essay in which she proposed to establish the authorship of the manuscript: "Le 'Liber antiheresis' de Durand de Huesca et le 'Con- tra hereticos' d'Ermengaud de Beziers," Rev. d'His.t. Eccles., LV, No. 1 (1960), 130-141. Toward the end of the twelfth century, the Cathari were attacked doctrinally by a group of the Poor Men of Lyons who were close to Catholic orthodoxy. They continued to oppose the Cathari, even after returning to Catholicism, as "Catholic Poor" (1207-1208). That small community of "Catholic Poor" became a laboratory of several independent anti-Catharist tracts. Their leader, Durand de Huesca, wrote the Liber antiheresis, p. 139. There seemed to have been three types of tracts: (1) Waldensian versions of the Liber antiheresis; (2) orthodox versions, Opusculum contra hereticos; and (3) special versions of the Liber contra Manicheos.

1964. Christine Thouzellier, Une somme anti-cathare, Le Liber contra Manicheos de Durand de Huesca (Louvain, Spicilegium sacrum lovaniense, July, 1964). Published here in its entirety, this is one of the rare sources (if not the only one) giving an insight into the actual Albigensian teachings by an opponent who refuted them point by point. At the outset of the study, pp. 27-64, Miss Thouzellier explains the text, based on the manuscripts of Paris, Prague, and Madrid. Durand's Liber antiheresis was already known, and so was Contra Manicheos, both works being from the same author as pointed out by A. Dondaine, "Durand de Huesca et la polemique anti-cathare," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XXIX (1959), 228-230ff. The differences between the two apologetic works are indicated by Miss Chr. Thouzellier, op. cit., p. 34. The Liber antiheresis was in answer to a Catharist tract on the controversial subject of dualism: in the Liber there was a systematic presentation of theology, christology and ethics, while in Contra Manicheos Durand de Huesca, in nineteen chapters, refuted point by point the arguments

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of the heretical tract which Durand sometimes called Antifrasis, mean- ing "counter-truth," pp. 33, 124. Most informative is Miss Thouzel- lier's careful study of the linguistic characteristics of Contra Mani- cheos, pp. 39-59. This study on the syntax, morphology, and phonetics greatly helps in the understanding of the complex nature of Durand de Huesca and his Catalan environment. It also explains the peculiar- ities of the Latin used on both sides of the Pyrenees at the beginning of the thirteenth century. The "Prologue," pp. 67-85, is rendered in Latin and French. The text proper, in twenty-one chapters, is in Latin, pp. 87-336. There is a bibliography, pp. 11-24; an index of Latin terms, pp. 364-368; and an onomastic index, pp. 369-374. There is a digression, p. 42, on the Bible which the Albigenses may have used. Contra Manicheos suggested several similarities with the Cava Bible of the early ninth century, as indicated by T. Auyso Marazuela, "La Biblia visig6tica de la Cava dei Tirreni," Estudios biblicos, XIV (1955), pp. 49-65; 137-190; 355-414. Ibid., XV (1956), pp. 5-62.

Rene Nelli, Le phenomene cathare, Perspectives philosophiques, morales et iconographiques (Toulouse: Presses universitaires de France, 1964). After a few theological meditations on Catharist dualism, creationism, liberty, and eschatology, a few other sources of Al- bigensianism are presented here by Nelli, translated in French, notably La vision d'Isaie and Le martyr d'Isaie. Nelli also examined the Jew- ish, Christian, and Gnostic origins of these documents which are particularly important for a study on the eschatological views of Cath- arism. There is also an interesting study on the iconography of Oc- citan Catharism, pp. 162-192. Reprints

A number of indispensable sources, documents and chronicles of basic interest are being reprinted:

1. I. von D6llinger, Beitrige zur Sektengeschichte des Mittel- alters (2 vols.; New York: B. Franklin, 1960, first published in Munich, 1890). Vol. I is a historical survey of the neo-Gnostic- Manichaean sects of the early Middle Ages. Vol. II contains documents particularly concerning the history of the Cathari and Waldenses.

2. Bernard Gui (Bernardus Guidonis), Manuel de l'inquisiteur, edite et traduit par G. Mollat, professeur a la Faculte de theologie catholique de Strasbourg, avec la collaboration de G. Drioux (Paris: Les classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age, H. Champion, vol. I, 1926; vol. II, 1927). The Manuel is of ca. 1324.

3. Pierre des Vaux-de-Cernay, Historia Albigensis, edit. by Pascal Guebin and Ernest Lyon (3 vols.; Paris: Societe de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age, H. Champion, 1926-1939). A translation of the His- toria was published by Pascal Guebin et Henri Maisonneuve (Paris:

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J. Vrin, 1951). The Hystoria Albigensis was written between 1213 and 1218 by Petrus Vallium Sarnaii monachus, who knew the Al- bigenses well, and his account of undisguised hatred conveys to the Hystoria a perception and interest that is often lacking in more mod- erate accounts.

4. La Chanson de la crosiade (ca. 1213-1219), editee et tra- duite du provenqal par Eugene Martin-Chabot. Les classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age (Paris: Societe de l'edition "Les Belles Lettres," H. Champion; I, 1960, "La chanson de Guillaume de Tulede"; II, 1957, "Le poeme de l'auteur anonyme," Iere partie; III, 1961, "Le poeme de l'auteur anonyme," 2e partie). Cahiers d'Etudes Cathares

Deodat Roche, former president of the Court of Justice, created, thirty-five years ago, a center of Albigensian interest in Arques, a little village in the Aude department at the foot of the beautiful forests of Hautes-Corbieres. In the "camp de l'Estagnol" (Col du Paradis), he lives in occasional spiritual retreat with a small group of sympathizers, living on a vegetarian diet, and meditating on Manichaeism, the gospel of St. John, and anthroposphy (mostly the writings of Ru- dolf Steiner). Roche, sometimes erroneously called "Catharist Bish- op," insists that he is not out to recreate a Catharist movement. He has been interested rather, since 1925, in an awakening of the Oc- citan spirit, "le genie d'oc," intellectually based on Platonic philosophy and spiritually on neo-Manichaeism.24 The Societek des etudes et du souvenir cathares meets quite often. Essays on Catharism have been published, since 1949, in the Cahiers d'etudes cathares, notably by Roche and the active, gifted sociology professor and specialist in occitan civilization, Rene Nelli, as well as by S. Hannedouche, noted anthroposophist, L. Julien, J. Duvernoy, etc. The Cahiers also contain

fragments of documents, description of sources, translations, etc. On these activities, see Pierre Chabert, Actualite du catharisme (Toulouse: Editions Crux de Lux, 1961), pp. 10, 11.

Roche has published independent studies on Catharism: Le catharisme (Toulouse: Institut d'etudes occitanes, 1947); Etudes manicheennes et cathares (Toulouse, 1952), with emphasis on the "Spir- itual initiation of the Albigensian Christians," "Documents on the

Origins of Catharism," "The Pyrenean Grail"; Surzrivance et im- mortalite de l'ame (Toulouse, 1955). Roche here attempts to explain the Albigensian belief of life after death; L'Eglise romaine et les cathares albigeois (Arques, 1957), is an appraisal, in the form of a dialogue, of the difference between Catholicism and Catharism and contains an interesting study on the Cathari, "forerunners of mod- ern times." In the appendix there is a renewed effort to describe the Albigensian ritual. Roche has definite ideas about Catharism which

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he considers esoteric and Christian. Moreover, he does not believe that the Cathari themselves made a distinction between "radical" and "'mitigated" dualism. Roche's views have often been criticized as unreliable, such as by J. L. Riol, op. cit., pp. 81 and passim. But Roche's interpretations were also praised, as in the beautiful "Lettre a Deodat Roche," by Simone Weil, Pensees sans ordre concernant l'amour de Dieu (Paris: Nouvelle Revue Frangaise, Gallimard, 1962), pp. 63-67, expressing admiration for the Cathari (though not always understanding them), possibly because Catharism was a religion rather than a mere philosophy and because it represented a lofty human ex- perience. She considered Catharism as "the only miracle of western civilization." Roche is obviously confined, like others, to conjectures. To him Catharism is mostly a revival of early Christian rites, trace- able through Bogomil and Manichaean filiation. Their dualism, which may be considered radical, but not absolute, was not of a metaphysical but rather cosmological nature, states Roche, Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XIV, IIe serie, No. 18 (Summer, 1963), 13-15.25

The cultural aspect of the Languedoc, with which Roche is not primarily concerned, is treated by the Institut d'etudes occitanes, in Toulouse. However, it often discusses varied aspects of Catharism. In September, 1963, a meeting of Institut d'etudes occitanes held in Toulouse commemorated the 750th anniversary of the Battle of Muret in 1213 where Simon de Montfort defeated the King of Aragon. The proceedings of this meeting, attended by about seventy participants, have appeared in the "Actes du colloque de Toulouse du 9, 10, 11 Septembre" (Toulouse: Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes. Sup- plement au periodique trimestriel "OC," 1964). It contains excellent essays: E. Delaruelle, "L'Idee de la croisade dans la chanson de Guil- laume de Tulede" (which forms the first part of the Chanson de la croisade); J. Duvernoy, "Les Albigeois dans la vie sociale et eco- nomique de leur temps." The colloquium, under the spirited guidance of Professor Ph. Wolff of Montpellier, came to hear essays on the battle of Muret, but significant aspects of "occitan" civilization and Catharism were also studied in French and Catalan, with frequent use of the Provencal tongue.

SECONDARY SOURCES

Religious Teachings In spite of the paucity of Albigensian sources, several essays

have appeared in recent years suggesting various approaches and solu- tions to a difficult problem. A brilliant and comprehensive study is by Hans S6derberg, student of Geo Widengren: La religion des Ca- thares. Etude sur le Gnosticisme de la Basse Antiquite et du Moyen Age (Uppsala, 1949). This is a careful evaluation of ancient Gnosis and medieval neo-Manichaeism, attempting to establish a possible sim-

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ilarity and identity. S6derberg's essay, based on the available sources, did not produce essentially new facts and was concerned mainly with dogma. The origin and history of Catharism are not discussed, nor are Catharist ethics. It contains an excellent study of Catharist eschatological concepts, pp. 257ff.26 A general survey was made by Steven Runciman, The Medieval Manichee. A Study of Christian Dualist Heresy (Cambridge [Engl.]: University Press, 1947); French translation by Simone Petrement and Jacques Marty, Le manicheisme medieval. L'heresie dualiste dans le christianisme (Paris: Payot, 1949). Runicman's professorship in Istanbul brought him into convenient contact with the sources. This is a study reaching generally accepted norms, tracing dualism from its Gnostic inception to Catharism. It examines a possible and often admitted filiation between the Mani- chaeans, Paulicians, Bogomils, Patarini, and Cathari. Primary and secondary sources are listed, pp. 196-206 (French edition).

Simone Petrement, Le dualisme dans 'histoire de la philosophie et des religions (Paris: Montagne Sainte-Genevieve, 1946) displayed the philosophical approach, and also Le dualisme chez Platon. Les gnostiques et les manicheens (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1947). In a succinct study by Monique Cazeaux-Varagnac, "Expose sur la doctrine des cathares," Revue de synthe'se, LXIV (Paris, July- Dec., 1948), 9-14, the usual distinction was made between radical (absolute) and mitigated dualism, according to which the principle of evil follows the principle of good and is derived from it. The problem of salvation by metempsychosis centers in the usual Catharist belief that redemption is for the "Perfect" alone, p. 12. A similar definition is in Rene Nelli, "Der Dualismus der Katharer," Antaios, III, No. 2 (Stuttgart, July, 1961), 145-157. The French text, con- siderably enlarged and modified, has now appeared: Rene Nelli, Le phenomene cathare. Perspectives philosophiques, morales, et iconographiques (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires de France, E. Privat, 1964). That the Cathari were dualists is not the problem, but rather to what degree. The mitigated Cathari considered evil as est et non est. Evil has only a borrowed existence, p. 148. For the Cathari the world is but an illusion, and all matter, including the human body, is, of course, despicable."

The often mentioned Albigensian practice of the endura (suicide by starvation) has been exaggerated, according to Dr. Borst. The practice of the endura was mentioned, it seems, only after 1275 in Italy. There was no mention of it at the height of Catharism. For Schmidt, some of the "Perfecti" took their lives under duress in order not to fall into the hands of the inquisitors. After having appeared in Italy, the custom of the endura was noticed, ca. 1300, in southern France.28 A recent study reaches a different conclusion: J. L. Riol,

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"Dernieres connaissances textuaires et folkloriques sur des questions cathares: Le salut spirituel et l'abregement mystique de la vie," Bul- letin de la societe des sciences, arts et belles-lettres du Tarn, XXI, Nouvelle serie (Albi, 1961), 193-213. Riol makes a careful inventory of endura suicides, and is satisfied that he can trace forty-seven such cases before 1275, op. cit., p. 212. Jean Duvernoy, Albigeois et Vau- dois en Quercy. D'apres le registre des penitences de Pierre Cellan (Toulouse: typewritten, unpublished), p. 8, n. 27, states that the endura was unknown (even in name) in the contemporary registers in the Albigensian area of Quercy.

Eschatology Eschatology was not a basic teaching of the Cathari, yet there

were a number of Catharist views on the last things, partly reminiscent of ancient Manichaean concepts.

Most of the neo-Manichaean teachings on eschatology are found in apocryphal documents such as the Interrogatio loannis, so important with the Bogomils, and with which the Cathari were acquainted. In- quisitorial reports indicate that Catharist sermons were often based on the Interrogatio. A French translation of the Interrogatio was made by R. Nelli, "La cene secrete," Ecritures cathares (Paris, 1959), pp. 29-66.29 Another apocryphal eschatological document used by the Cathari was L'ascension d'Isaie, translated from the Ethiopian version by E. Tisserand (Paris, 1909). It describes the last days, Antichrist, and the Sibylline books.

The best study on the Apocrypha used by the Bogomils is by E. Turdeanu, "Apocryphes bogomiles et apocryphes pseudo-bogomiles," Revue de l'histoire des religions, CXXXVIII (1950), 22-52. A French version of the Visio Isaiae is in R. Nelli, Le phenomene cathare, op. cit., pp. 101-128.30 For the Bogomils there were two sons of God: Satanael, first born, whose reign lasted during the Old Testament era, and the Word incarnate in Jesus. Satanael, jealous, caused the death of his younger brother Jesus. Several eschatological views among the Bogomils, spiritual ancestors of the Cathari, were examined by H. Puech and A. Vaillant, Le traite contre les Bogomiles de Cosmas le ftretre (Paris, 1945), pp. 211-213, where the "last things" were studied in the light of Bogomil sources: the fate of satan, the parousia, the resurrection, and the last judgment.

A more recent appraisal of neo-Manichaean eschatological views was made by Julien Ries, "Neutestamentliche eschatologische Grund- ziige in dem manichaischen koptischen Hymnenbuch von Medinet- Madi," Trierer theologische Zeitschrift (Trier, 1963), pp. 117-121. Some Catharist views on the last things were examined also by J. M. Vidal, "Les derniers ministres de l'Albigeisme en Languedoc: Leurs doctrines," Revue des questions historiques, XL (1906), 57-107.81

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Hans S6derberg, op. cit., pp. 257-264, investigated various eschatological concepts held by the radical dualists for whom there is no end of the world, "mundus ipse nunquam habet finem," a view also found in Rainier Sacchoni.32

Bibles

"Does he (the heretic) have, or has he ever had heretical books, and especially the Evangel or Epistles in Provencal, or Psalms or other pages in the vulgar tongue?" was a question often asked of the heretics, as discussed, for example, by C. Douais, "Les heretiques du Midi au XIIIe siecle," Annales du Midi, III (Toulouse, 1891), 376. Ever since the Albigensian New Testament was made available, further research on Bibles used by the Cathari has been undertaken, but the results are meager. Louis Cledat, Le Nouveau Testament, already referred to, did not bring new light on the use of the New Testament by the Cathari.33

A general history of the Bible in the Middle Ages was written by Hans Rost, Die Bibel im Mittelalter. Beitrdge sur Geschichte und Bibliographie der Bibel (Augsburg, 1939). It appears that the Bible was better known in the Middle Ages than usually believed, p. 65. Nevertheless, the Albigenses, as well as the Waldenses, were often described as illiterate "rustici"; their knowledge was based merely on hearing the Bible read. Indeed, their knowledge of the Bible was said to be obtained without a reading knowledge. Catharism thrived without teachers. There were no philosophers among the Albigenses. Il- literacy has often been noticed; these "rustici," like so many Wal- denses, "qui cum essent idiotas et illiterati, per villas discurrentes et domos penetrantes." The Liber de duobus principiis (edited in 1939) contains a "compendium ad instructionem rudium," pp. 20-26.34 One of the best studies for our purpose is still by S. Berger, "Les Bibles

provengales et vaudoises," Romania, XVIII (1889), 353-422. Berg- er's work is partly based on preliminary research by Professor E. Reuss. Charles Schmidt, op. cit., II, 6, was satisfied that the sects

(the Waldenses especially) did not accept the Vulgate but adapted a version suitable to their doctrine: "Non reprehendimus sacras scrip- turas, sed quod ipsae dicunt: Quia Deus fecit coelum et terram, etc. nos qualiter ea fecerit explicamus." Their opinion was not to be related to the Bible; it was the Bible that had to accommodate their system.

The usage of the Apocrypha by the Cathari is known, especially in their eschatological interpretation. The Psalter was in great usage, as attested by R. Weber, "Le psautier romain et les autres anciens psautiers latins," Collectanea Biblica Latina, X (Rome, 1953), viii, xi. The Gallican Psalter existed in the twelfth century from an ancient Latin version; its diffusion was due, partly, to Alcuin, and the

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Cathari used it. Further studies on the use of the Bible were made by J. Ries, "La Bible de Saint Augustin et les manicheens," Revue des etudes augustiniennes, II (Paris, 1961), 231-243. Other essays by Ries on this topic are being prepared for later publication. The Cathari used a heterodox Gospel prior to Marcion-of Egyptian origin ;35 on this see A. Jiilicher and W. Matzkow, Das Neue Testament in altaleinischer Uberlieferung (Berlin, 1938-1954). That Bible passages were used in "Occitanie" is attested by the Evangelium Colber- tinum, edited by H. J. Vogels in Bonner biblische Beitrige (Bonn, 1953).

Inquisition

J. Guiraud, Histoire de l'inquisition au moyen age: Vol. I. Ori- gines de l'inquisition dans le Midi de la France. Cathares et Vaudois (Paris: Picard, 1935), and vol. II, L'inquisition au XIIIe siecle (Paris: Picard, 1938). Vol. I, pp. xi-xl, contains an abundant bibliography. However, Guiraud is considered highly partisan and his unscientific methods have been deplored.36 Guiraud stated that the name "Albigeois" is to be considered as a common denominator of neo-Gnostics, Mani- chaeans and evangelical anarchism in general. "Catharism" was ap- plied by Guiraud to the proliferation of several heresies in the thirteenth century. Henri Maisonneuve, Etudes sur les origines de 'inquisition. L'eglise et l'etat au moyen age, VII (2nd ed.; Paris: J. Vrin, 1960), provides an analysis of ideas and principles rather than a narrative. The Inquisition is considered here as a result of the clash between Roman tradition and foreign (German) elements. Mai- sonneuve neither condemned the Inquisition (like Lea) nor defended it (like Guiraud). A review by M. W. Baldwin on this work appeared in Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 141-143. Yves Dossat, Les crises de l'inquisition toulousaine, 1233-1273 (Bordeaux: Imprimerie Biere, 1959). Based on a doctoral thesis, 1951, it contains a substantial bibliography, pp. 14-28, especially on manuscript sources. Dos- sat examined here the heresy trials at Toulouse and Carcassonne, pp. 29-89. A further study by Y. Dossat is "La crise de l'inquisition toulousaine, 1235-1236 et l'expulsion des Dominicains," Bulletin philologique et historique (Paris, 1953, 1954), pp. 391-398. Of documen- tary interest also by Y. Dossat is "Le plus ancien manuel de l'inquisition meridionale, le 'Processus inquisitionis, 1248-1249,'" Bulletin philologique et historique (Paris, 1948, 1949, 1950). A. Dondaine's "Manuel de l'inquisiteur," Arch. Fratr. Praed., XVII (1947), is an analysis of little known instructions to the inquisitors.37 There are essays by two U. S. scholars: G. W. Davis, The Inquisition at Albi, 1299-1300, Text of Register and Analysis (New York, 1948), and R. W. Emery, Heresy and Inquisition in Narbonne (New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1941).

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Vigorous opposition to the Inquisition was voiced early in the Church, especially by Franciscans, such as Bernard Delicieux: J. Girou, Les emmures de Carcassonne ou la vie de Bernard Delicieux (Aix-en Provence, 1948). This opposition to inquisitorial methods was real and menacing, especially in Carcassonne and Albi.38 On Dom- inic there is a substantial reprinted study by M. H. Vicaire, Histoire de Saint Dominique. L'idee, I'homme et l'oeuvre (2 vols.; Paris: Desc- lee, de Brouwer et Cie, 1957).39

Heresies A survey of studies on the heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth

centuries was made by L. Sommariva, "Studi recenti sulle eresie medievale, 1939-1952," Rivista storica italiana, LXIV (1953), 237-268, published in French in Annales de l'institut d'etudes occitanes, XII (1952), 5-43. One of the best summaries on heresy is by Herbert Grundmann, Religiise Bewegungen im Mittelalter (Hildesheim, 1961; reprint of the 1935 edition). Dualism was, theologically, the distinc- tive mark of the twelfth century heresy. The excellent study by H. Grundmann examines "Ketzerprozesse gegen Theologen im 12. Jahr- hundert," Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters (G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963), pp. 20-22. Grundmann, op. cit., p. 66, masterfully describes the methods of propagation and means taken against the heretics. In a more popular vein is Walter Nigg, Das Buch der Ketzer (Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1949), with a chapter on the Cathari, pp. 189-207.

Rene Nelli, Ch.-P. Bru, L. de Lacger, D. Roche, and L. Somma- riva, Spiritualite de l'heresie. Le catharisme (Paris, 1953), painted in bold, clear strokes the medieval adventure in ethics and morals, and pointed to an unorthodox yearning for more freedom in which one perceives an echo of eastern gnosis, p. 14. Catharism cannot be ex- plained by influences and traditions alone, p. 23. Miss Christine Thou- zellier examined the problem of heresy as a sequel to Manichaeism, brought to the West by the crusaders, "Heresie et croisade au XIIIe siecle," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XLIX (1954). Aegerter, Les heresies au moyen age (Paris, 1939), endeavored to detect the mystic element in heresy, which did not proceed from an orthodox source and, signi- ficantly, had no towering teacher.

Professor Raoul Manselli described Catharism in Italy, "Per la storia dell'eresia catara nella Firenze del tempo di Dante," Bullet.tino dellIstituto storico italiano per il medio evo, LXII (1950), 123-138. Fr. Ilarino da Milano O.P. investigated "Le eresie popolari del secolo XII nell'Europa occidentale," Studi Gregoriani, II (Roma, 1947), 43- 89; and again by Ilarino, "La 'Summa contra haereticos' di Giacomo Capelli O.F.M. e un suo 'Quaresimale' inedito (secolo XIII)," Col- lectanea Franciscana, X (Assisi, 1940), 66-82. Mario Esposito gath-

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ered several primary sources, "Sur quelques ecrits concernant les heresies et les heretiques aux XIIe et XIIIe siecles," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XXXVI (1940), 143-162, dealing mostly with Waldensian writings. Interesting is the discussion of "evangelism" and other means of proselytism used by the Patarini (or Paterelli) of Milan as described by G. Miccoli, "Per la storia di Pataria milanese, Bullettino di istoria, LXX (1958), 43-123.40 However, a basic study on Cathar evangelism remains to be done. Also, why so many aristocratic elements were attracted to Catharism, in a short time, calls for further investigation.

Neo-Manichaean Catharism has been presented as a resurgent Arianism by Fr. Y. M. J. Congar, "Arriana Haeresis comme designa- tion du neo-manicheisme au XIIe siecle," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques, XLIII (July, 1959), 449-461. While this approach is not new-it was already discussed by R. Manselli in Bul- lettino dell'istituto storico per il medio evo, LXVII (1956), 233-246 and by D6llinger, op. cit., I, 91-it seemed necessary to F. Congar to insist that neo-Manichaeans were heretics partly because of their "Arianism." They denied the divinity of the Son of God and were thus linked with a basic Christian heresy.41 On the Arian controversy see also T. E. Pollard, "The Exegesis of the Scripture and the Arian Controversy," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, XXXIX (1959), 414-429; especially 415-417.

The attitude of the Papacy toward heresies was described by Walter Ullman, Medieval Papalism: the Political Theories of the Medie- val Canonists (London, 1944); A. Fliche, "Innocent III et la reforme de l'eglise," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XLIV (1949), 87-152;42 Albert C. Shannon, O.E.S.A., The Popes and Heresy in the Thirteenth Cen- tury (Villanova, Pennsylvania: Augustinian Press, 1949). Papal policy, especially the crusade, was often criticized in the songs of the troubadours. Shannon, however, shared Belperron's idea, assuming that this drama was no more bloody than other conquests, a position that was somewhat modified later on in the book.43

General Histories

Aside from general works such as A. Borst, Die Katharer, op. cit., several essays have recently been published on Catharism in its relationship to political developments. Jacques Madaule, Le drame albigeois et le destin francais (Paris: B. Grasset, 1961), stressed the geographic factor which seemed to furnish the best clue to the Al- bigensian riddle. He was especially interested in appraising the rap- port between northern and southern France, when France was not yet a nation and intending to annex the southwestern area. Fernand Lequenne, Le drame cathare ou l'heresie necessaire, Pref. de Robert Kanters (Paris: R. Julliard, 1954), considered the problem of Al-

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bigensianism through a poet's eye. Fernand Niel wrote a short essay, Albigeois et Cathares (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, No. 689, 1959). F. Niel, a specialist on Montsegur, presented a succinct but not always accurate account of the history and doctrine of the Albigenses. A critical evaluation of Niel's study was made by E. Delaruelle, Revue d'histoire de lEglise de France, XLII, No. 139 (1956), 251-253; J. L. Riol, op. cit., p. 41. Oliver de Montegut, Le drame albigeois (Paris, 1962), attempted to unravel the tragic development of the medieval underground in the time of the Albigensian crusade.

Often mentioned is Pierre Belperron, La croisade contre les Al- bigeois et l'union du Languedoc a la France, 1209-1249 (Paris: Plon, 1942). In a highly partisan defense of northern French nationalism (the book was written under Nazi occupation), Belperron took sharp issue with Napoleon Peyart, a Protestant pastor who, in 1871, was equally subjective in defending the Albigenses, pointing to the Catho- lic church as the apocalyptic "beast."44 Belperron manifested no sympathy for the Cathari and saw in the victory of Simon de Montfort and the kings of France the rightful superiority of northern France. Bel- perron's book was refuted by G. P. Breillat, Recherches albigeoises (Albi: Edit. du Languedoc, 1948).

For an introduction into the history of Languedoc, cf. E. LeRoy Ladurie Histoire du Languedoc (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, No. 958, 1962). Why was it that Languedoc was the area where dualism thrived? Le Roy Ladurie answered, pp. 37-38, that the South was signally lacking in monastic reform. This created a vacuum where new ideas penetrated easily, while the monks, according to Innocent III, were like mute dogs, "incapable of barking." The French clergy was also described by Y. Dossat, "Le clerge meridional a la veille de la croisade des Albigeois," Revue historique et litteraire du Languedoc (Albi, 1944). The Languedoc as arena of Albigensian- ism was described by Rene Nelli, Le Languedoc et le comte de Foix (Toulouse, 1958). Of similar interest was Ph. Berthoud, "Les terres occitanes et la nation francaise," Annales de linstitut d'etudes occitanes (Nice: Languedoc mediterraneen, No. 6, 1947). Canon E. Delaruelle, "Le Catharisme en Languedoc vers 1200," op. cit., pp. 149-167, pre- sentedan intelligent appraisal. Particular attention was given to sociology, the role of women,45 education, and the poverty of Catharists.

The "little people" among the heretics were usually weavers, "tex- erant ab usu texendi." The level of instruction was unusually low in the area of Toulouse, ca. 1200. On this see Cyril E. Smith, The Uni- versity of Toulouse in the Middle Ages: Its Origin and Growth to 1500

(Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1958). Was there any form of education or training among the Cathari? None was reported.

166


The Inquisition did not indicate that instructors were found among the heretics. See also Ph. Wolff, "Chronique d'histoire toulousaine," Annales du Midi, LXVII (1955), 177-200.

On the Albigensian crusade, see L. Julien, "Pierre de Castelnau, legat autoritaire," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XXXVI (1958-1959), 195-202; J. F. Jeanjean, La croisade contre les Albigeois a Carcas- sonne (1941); Henri Vidal, Episcopatus et pouvoir episcopal a Beziers a la veille de la croisade des Albigeois, 1152-1209 (Montpellier, 1951). The influence of the Albigenses has often been overrated; an original minority is not necessarily active, is the opinion of Pierre Chabert, Actualite du catharisme (Toulouse, 1961), who endeavored to appraise various forms of Catharist resurgence today.

The attitude of the nobility toward Catharism has also received attention. Jean Duvernoy, in La noblesse du comte de Foix au debut du XIVe siecle (Auch: Imprimerie F. Cocharaux, 1951), based his views on MS Vat. Lat. 4030, which contains a needed documentation. Also J. Duvernoy, Albigeois et Vaudois en Quercy (unpublished, typewritten) stated that among the Waldenses women were more numerous, while there were more men among the Albigenses! Yves Dos- sat also discussed the society of the Midi, "Le comte de Toulouse et la feodalite languedocienne a la veille de la croisade albigeoise," Revue du Tarn (1943-1944), pp. 80-88. The economic aspect was examined by A. Varagnac, "Croisade et marchandise; pourquoi Simon de Mont- fort s'en alla defaire les Albigeois," Les Annales. Economies, So- cietes, Civilisation, I (1946), 209-218. De Montfort's army was to create, according to Varagnac, a stronghold in southern France; thus there was little damage and destruction until 1212. That there was little war damage was also the opinion of Louis de Lacger, "L'Al- bigeois pendant la crise de l'Albigeisme," Rev. d'Hist. Eccles., XXIX (1933), 896.46 See also J. Girou, Simon de Montfort, du catharisme a la conquete, Pref. par le duc de Levis Mirepoix (Paris: La Colombe, 1953), p. 206; J. H. Mundy, Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse, 1050-1230 (New York, 1954).

The complex political condition during the Albigensian era was again examined by Jordi Ventura, Pierre le catholique et Simon de Montfor.t (Barcelona, 1960), also published the same year in Catalan. The political tension during the Albigensian crusade was not only between Toulouse and Paris but Toulouse and Barcelona. While dis- playing no particular sympathy for the Cathari, Ventura appeared regretful that an Occitan-Catalan state was not formed since it pos- sessed all the elements of a civilization. Jorge Ventura Subirats, "El Catarismo en Catalunia," Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona, XXVIII (Barcelona, 1959-1960), 116. This communica-

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tion established that Catharism was, in its early stage, strongly represented in Catalonia, mostly in the valley of Aran ca. 1167.47

Traces of Catharism were detected not only in Aragon but in other areas of Spain. Limosus Niger attempted to make Catharism philosophically respectable in introducing Averroism into the Ca- tharist myth, but his efforts failed. Nevertheless Catharism can be traced further South. Professor F. Robert I. Burns, S.J., of San Francisco, has found in the Capitular Archives of Aragon a document on "Crusader Valencia." A report on the "Church as a Frontier Institution, 1240-1280" is to be published shortly, possibly in Speculum.

Montsegur The best-known vestige of Catharism is the spectacular "pog"

(conic rocky hill) of Montsegur, where on March 16, 1244, several hundred Albigensian leaders took their last stand. Every year intrepid speleologists try to find the hideout of a supposed Albigensian "trea- sure," but the mountain refuses to yield the secret that it is supposed to harbor. A substantial account of the Montsegur tragedy is by Zoe Oldenbourg, Le Bucher de Montsegur; Collection: Trente journees qui ont fait la France, 16 mars 1244 (Paris: NRF, 1959). In English, Massacre at Montsegur, translated by Peter Green (New York: Pan- theon Books, 1961), was intended as a popular account. The author stresses the Albigensian martyrdom.48 Indeed, the account is not favor- able to the Capetians of northern France and points to a ruthless Realpolitik responsible for the loss of Occitan independence. The main source of this work was the Chanson de la croisade. In fact, only some

fifty pages are devoted to the Montsegur tragedy itself.

Even more work has been done on Montsegur by Fernand Niel in an earlier work, Montsegur, la montagne inspire (Paris: La Colombe, 1954), which was harshly criticized by Jacques Ferlus, Autour de Montseegur. De l'histoire ou des histoires? (Perpignan: Imprimerie du Midi, 1960). Niel's latest work, Montsegur. Les site, Son histoire

(Grenoble: Imprimerie Allier, 1962), approaches courageously the challenging topic, answering the critics and defending his personal and peculiar theories on the specific location of the castle. Other essays by Niel include Le Pog de Montsegur (Toulouse, 1949), and "La capitulation de Montsegur," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, No. 5-6 (1951). Montsegur has inflamed many an imagination: German poet Otto Rahn, Kreuzzug wider den Graal (Freiburg, i.B., 1931); Reprinted and en-

larged: Kreuzzug gegen den Gral: Die Tragidie des Katharismus

(Stuttgart: H. E. Giinther, 1964). Rahn believed he had discovered connections between the Cathari and the Druids, converted by Ma- nichaean missionaries.49 For an impassioned discussion see P. Breil- lat, "Le Graal et les Albigeois," Revue du Tarn (Dec. 5, 1944).56

168


Breillat has discussed and strongly refuted the idea that the Grail was intimately linked with Catharism: P. Breillat, Recherches albigeoises (Aix, 1948), pp. 47-88.

Other essays on Montsegur include B. Caumont, "Siege et capitulation de Montsegur," Rev. hist. du Tarn (1944); Yves Dossat, "En marge de la prise de Montsegur," Rev. hist. et. litt. du Languedoc, I (1944), 365; D. Roche, "La capitulation et le bucher de Montsegur," Memoires de la societe' arch?ologique de l'Aude (1944-1946). The lit- erary aspect was depicted by J. Lafont, Autour du mys.tere de Mont- segur: Montsegur et le Graal (Cannes, 1945).51

Troubadours Troubadours and Cathari were contemporary and had several

things in common. About three hundred troubadours, thirty being of Italian origin, were known, though much of their material is lost. There are several bibliographical studies on the troubadours, e.g. Bibliographie des manuscripts litteraires en ancien provencal (Paris, 1935). On the poets themselves: Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens, Bibliographie der Troubadours. Schriften der Kinigsberger Gelehr- tengesellschaft (Halle, 1933); A. L. Nykl, Troubadour Studies: A Critical Survey of Recent Books Published in this Field (Cambridge [Engl.], 1944). One of the best monographs in the U. S. on the relationship of troubadours and Albigenses is by Robert H. Gere, The Troubadours. Heresy and the Albigensian Crusade: Ph.D. Disserta- tion, series No. 15628 (Columbia University; typewritten, U. Micro- film, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1956). See also E. Hoepffner, Les troubadours dans leur vie et dans leurs oeuvres (Paris, 1955), particularly pp. 177, passim; Kurt Almqvist, Poesies du troubadour Guilhem Ademar (Uppsala, 1951); K. F. Werner, "Literaturbericht iiber franz6sische Geschichte des Mittelalters," Hist. Zeitschrift, Sonder- heft, I (1962), 467-612; Jean Boutiere and Alexandre H. Schiitz, Biographies des troubadours (Paris and Toulouse, 1950); R. Lejeune, "Themes communs destroubadours et vie de societe," Actes et memoires, lie Congres intern. de langue et litt. du Midi de la France (Aix, Sept. 2-8, 1958).

An idyllic picture of the "Midi" was drawn by Schmidt, op. cit., I, 66, and often copied. It was the usual charming description of the "doulce France." More accurate is the picture by Professor M. Wolff in the "Chronique d'histoire toulousaine," Annales du Midi, LXVII (1955), 177-200. Still more penetrating is the philosophical study by Simone Weil, "L'agonie d'une civilisation vue a travers un poeme epique (Chanson de la croisade), Le genie d'oc et l'homme mediterraneen," Cahiers du sud (1943). Simone Weil wrote sympathetically about the Cathari, whose ideas continue to live and who shared with

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her a distaste for most of the Old Testament: Ch. Moeller, Le silence de Dieu. Litterature du XXe siecle et christianisme, (Paris, 1953), I, pp. 220-255.

The most recent study on the troubadours is by Rene Nelli, L'erotique des troubadours (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1963). Of interest is the discussion on the Albigensian period, pp. 221-246, since it has often been alleged that some troubadours were Albigenses, or at least sympathizers. Nelli examines once again the eventual relationship of Albigenses and well-known troubadours such as Peire Cardenal and Guilhelm Montanhagol. While admitting an "interpenetration" of religion and courtly love, Nelli is not convinced that some troubadours were Albigenses. He shows that Cardenal, in endorsing courtly love, found in mystic religion a compensation for the faltering of the earthly lady, p. 228. There was a "co-existence" of Provencal love and Catharism. Nelli also admits the influence of Catharist min- isters on the ladies, but by all odds courtly love was independent. Some troubadours were sympathizers of Catharism, maybe even credentes; others were "fellow-travellers." Nelli attempts to draw a "nearly complete" list of all "suspected" troubadours. Some, like Gui d'Assel, quit singing in 1208 on orders of papal legate Pierre de Castelnau, who was later murdered. While one phase of Catharism could be considered eliminated by 1250, Rome still faced a heretical type of love which, in turn, became an object of scandal to the Church, p. 236.

As a rule, the Church was against the entertainers, the "world."52 On these views see Rene Nelli, "Les troubadours et Le Catharisme," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, I (1949), 18-22. Seldom did a troubadour endorse or accept heresy, a view discussed by H. I. Marrou in Revue du Moyen Age Latin, III (1947), 83. Basically the influence of the Church on the troubadours was limited. Nelli discussed "l'amour provenqal" in Cahiers du sud (1944) and "L'amour provencal et le catharisme," Revue de synthese hist. (1948). Nelli co-authored with R. Lavaud Les troubadours (Paris, 1960) and assisted in the publication of the Poesies completes de Peire Cardenal (Toulouse, 1957). Fr. Pitangu in Les troubadours furent-ils les missionnaires de l'Al- bigeisme (Toulouse, 1946), developed some points of similarity: (a) troubadours and Cathari were contemporaries, they had a simultaneous development and end; (b) there was a similitude of formulas of initiation-courtly love and perfection; (c) Catharist allegories were mirrored in the mystic of the troubadours. Lucie Vargas, "Peire Cardenal etait-il heretique?" Rev. de l'hist. des religions, CXVII. No. 2, 3 (1938), passim, noticed that some lines sung by the troubadours were reminiscent of Albigensian prayers.

A similar trait could be detected in lady poets: J. Veran, Les poetesses provenCales au Moyen Age (Paris, 1946). Ladies of Oc-

170


citan aristocracy were sometimes attracted to heresy. The sister of the Count of Foix is the most famous case: Esclarmonde, said to be at Montsegur at the time of the massacre. Historians, however, are usually not impressed.53

Father Denomy sees love linked with the strictly intellectual heresy of the thirteenth century and connected neither with the Ca- tharist nor Waldensian movements: A. J. Denomy, The Heresy of Courtly Love, Candlemas Lectures, 1947. Also three articles by Denomy, "An Inquiry into the Origin of Courtly Love." Medieval Studies, VI (1944), 175-260; "'Fin d'Amors.' The Pure Love of the Troubadours: Its Amorality and Possible Source," ibid., VII (1945), 184-185; "The 'De Amore' of Andreas Capellanus and the Condemnation of 1277," ibid., VII (1946), 107-149.

Troubadours had little religious interest. The Albigensian crusade was mostly seen by them as an aggression of clerics allied to northern France against their patrons of Toulouse. There are several theories on the "heresy" of the troubadours: (a) some of the wandering poets were Cathars; (b) there was a connection between the troubadours' concept of love and the intellectual heresy of Aver- roes; 54 (c) Provencal love seemed in many respects, so it appears to Rene Nelli, an adaptation of Catharist philosophy to the social re- quirements of the aristocracy.55 There was unquestionably an unorthodox, anti-clerical element in troubadour poetry. It was an intellectual heresy, a "Latin Averroism." Albigensianism, however, could not endorse worldly courtly love;56 and it must be remembered that asceticism was confined to the "Perfecti."57

Much remains to be done on medieval heresies, Catharism in particular. The rapidly growing list of newly found Catharist sources in the past twenty-five years has aroused great interest. Basically, the fundamental teachings of medieval dualism were already known. But the now available documents clarify some of the known teachings of radical dualism, from the Liber de duobus principiis published in 1939, to Contra Manicheos, published in 1964. For the first time the student follows a theological debate as it actually took place between Cathari and Catholics at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Al- ready brillant essays by Borst, Dondaine, Soderberg, Obolensky, Grundmann, and Nelli have greatly enriched an unbiased understanding of a problem which calls for still more enlightenment.

Topics for further research are suggested in various essays, as by Morton W. Bloomfield, Speculum, XXXIV (1959), 269. Some texts still must be edited. It would be of interest to ascertain what were the forces (political as well as religious) behind the rise of the numerous heresies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. How did a religion with eastern antecedents find root in southwestern

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France? Why was princely protection accorded the Cathari? How does this differ from the aristocratic endorsement of the Huguenots? To what extent did "Occitan" civilization and Catharism affect Spain? Why was southern France the abode of so many heresies, Catharism in particular?

Further studies are needed on the role of the Bible. Relatively little has been done on medieval Bible versions and the use of certain Bible texts and versions. What about proselytism: Was there any type of "evangelism" aside from house visitation? Were there centers for heretical diffusion? Why the appeal to the "little people" as well as to the aristocracy? The economic elements need more investigation. What about "education": the training, if any, of the Perfect and the propagandists? The many facets of the vexing riddle of Ca- tharism make the topic the more challenging.

1. See a review on J. Madaule's essay by Deodat Roche in Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XIII, No. 14 (Arques: Sum- mer, 1962), 50. An apology of northern French nationalism was written by Pierre Belperron, La croisade contre les Albigeois et l'union du Languedoc d la France (1209-1259) (Paris: Plon, 1942). Belperron took issue with the defenders of Catharism, such as N. Peyrat, who greatly admired a Prov- eneal independence and hailed the Cathari, descendants of Visigoths, as champions against northern French hegemony. Nap. Peyrat, Les reforma- teurs de la France et de 1'Italie au douzieme siecle (Paris, 1960), p. 22. A concise history of Languedoc is by E. La Roy Ladurie, Hist. du Langue- doc, (Paris: Presses univ. de France, 1962). On the complex problem of the annexation of the South of France, see Pierre Timbal, 7n conflit d'annexion au Moyen Age: L'application de la co- tume de Paris au pays albigeois, pref. by G. Boyer (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1949).

2. Jean Andiau and Rene Lavaud, Nou- velle antologie des troubadours (Par- is, 1928), p. 169; John Arnold Flem- ing, The Troubadours of Provence, with an Introduction by Sir Ernest Bullock (Glasgow: W. MacLellan, 1952).

3. The term "Languedoc" was first used ca. 1285-1286, when the Parliament of Toulouse was the "Parlement de langue de oc"; on this see Dom C. Devic and J. Vaissette, Hist. generale de Lan- guedoc: Avec des notes et les pieces justificatives (15 vols., Toulouse: E. Privat, 1872-1892 [1893]), IX, 33; X, 29. The "langue d'oc," as opposed to the "langue d'oil," may have been in use orally, ca. 1250-1260, but the term "Languedoc" occurs after the

treaty of Paris, 1229, by which this area was annexed to France, as stated in E. Le Roy Ladurie, op. cit., p. 29. For a further discussion on geographic and other terms, see L. de Lacger, "L 'Albigeois pendant la crise de l'Albig6isme," BHE, XXTX (1933), 272-315, 586-633, 849-904, especially pp. 278ff. For the abode of Catharism, from 1165 on, one referred mostly to counties; e.g., County of Toulouse, Viscounty of Carcassonne, etc. At that time, and as late as the XIVth century, the area was called "Occitanie", a sector of the "provincia provinciae." Some documents refer to the "partes linguae Occitaniae", MS Vat. Lat. 4030, fol. 1788, col. 1318.

4. ".. Unde autem Catharistae, id est purgatores, primo vocati sint ? . " Eck- bertus Abbatis Schonaugensis, Ser- mones contra Catharos, Serm. V, 6, MPL, CXCV, col. 31A; Ch. H. Puech, "Catharisme m6di6val," op. cit., p. 63, n. 3. St. Augustin, De haeres. XLVI, MPL, XLII, col. 36. Miss Chr. Thouzellier stated that Cathari were reported at Cologne, ca. 1143, by Everwin and that the transition from mitigated to radical dualism re- sulted at the time of the Second Cru- sade (1147-1149), "H6resie et croisade au XIIe siecle," iHE, XLIX (1954), 863. On the term "Cathar" see A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 240-253; Ch. Schmidt, Histoire et doctrine de la secte des Cathares (Paris, 1849), II, pp. 275-286; S. Runciman, Le manicheisme medieval (Paris, 1949), pp. 168-170.

5. On the "pagus albigensium" see L. de Lacger, "L'Albigeois," op. cit., RHE, XXTX (1933), 276-288. De Lac- ger thinks that "Manichaean" was a term more frequently used than "Ca- thar," ibid., 278. Sometimes the terms


"'Albigenses" and "Albanenses" were confused, as by A. Dondaine, "Le manuel de l'inquisiteur," Arch Fratr. Praed. (AFP), XVII (1947) 169. This confusion was also mentioned by F. Ilarino, Aevum, XVI (1942), 305-306. See also A. Borst, Die Katharer (1953), pp. 240-253. Other names for the Cathari were discussed by H. Grundmann Ketzergeschichte des Mit- telalters (Die Kirche in ihrer Ge- schichte, Band 2, Lieferung G, GSt- tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963), p. 23.

6. Reb6lliau, Bossuet historien du protestantisme (Paris: Hachette, 1891), pp. 234, 237, wrote on the relationship of Catharism and Protestantism as seen by J. B. Bossuet, Histoire des varia- tions des eglises protestantes (2 vols., Paris, 1688), passim. The problem is also examined in J. Basnage, Histoire de la religion des Eglises reform6es (2 vols., Rotterdam, 1721); J. P. Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois (Geneve, 1619); Luther's Fore-runners or a Cloud of Witnesses deposing for the Protestant Faith, Transl. from the French by Samson Lennard (London: Printed for N. Newberry, 1624); J. Crespin, Histoire des Martyrs pers6cu- tez et mis d mort pour la verite de I'Evangile, depuis le temps des apostres jusques d present (1619, 3 vols., Tou- louse: Societe des livres religieux, 1885-1889), The embarrassing charge of being linked to the neo-Manichaean Cathari was countered by Protestant apologists by stating that (1) the ancient Manichaeans were distinct from the Albigenses, (2) that the power in Catharism was of God and (3) that the accusation of dualism was a calum- nious accusation of their foes. On this, cf. Peter Allix, Remarks upon the Ec- clesiastical History ..of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses (London: St. Paul's Church Yard, 1692), pp. xx, 256. See also Isaac de Beausobre, Histoire critique de Manichee et du manicheisme (2 vols., Amsterdam, 1734- 1739), where any relationship between Protestants and Albigenses is denied. See also Camille Rabaud, Hist. du protestantisme dans I'Albigeois et le Lauragais. Depuis les origines jusqu'd la R6vocation de l'Edit de Nantes, Paris: Sandoz et Fischbacher, 1873). A filiation from Albigensianism to Protestantism does not appear accept- able because Protestantism is of a western, nordic origin, while Catharism is eastern and manichaean!.

7. A comparison between the works by Schmidt and Borst was made by Rob. Folz, "Le catharisme d'aprbs un livre r6cent," Revue de 'histoire et de philosophie religieuse: Publi6e par la faculte de theologie protestante de 1'Univ. de Strasbourg, X I II, No. 4 (1953), 322-328. For a review of Dr.

A. Borst's work see Speculum, X I x 1954), 537-538, by R.W. Emery.

8. Etienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes historiques, publ. pour la soei6t6 de 1'histoire de France, par A. Lecay de la Marche (Paris, H. Loones, 1877), pp. 276-277: "Ideo autem legi libros see- tarum diversarum, quia terre mee af- fines sunt heretici Albigenses, ut mihi ab eorum versuciis scirem cavere, et eos, si mecum de suis loquerentur er- roribus, scirem de suis jaculis repercu- tere et eos confutare per suas posiciones et asserciones. . .", ibid., p. 277.

9. Moneta de Cremona, O. P., Adversus Catharos et Valdenses libri quinque quos ex manuscriptis codd. (Romae: N. et M. Palearini, 1743), pp. 2, 42.

10. A. Dondaine, "Nouvelles sources de 'histoire doctrinale du n6omanich6isme

au moyen-age", Revue des Sc. philos. et theol., XXVIll (1939), 469-471.

11. On Bogomil influence on the Lyons Rituel, cf. T. Thomov, Influences bogomiles dans le rituel cathare de Lyon (Aix: IIe Congrbs international de langue et litt. du Midi: unpubl., Sept. 1957). Bernard Gui, Manuel de l'Inquisiteur, edit. by G. Mollat. "Les classiques de France au Moyen Age," VIII-IX (Paris, 1926), 20-23; Dolling- er, op. cit., I, 238; II, 18.

12. R. Manselli, Alle origine della mani- festatio haeresis Catharorum quam fecit Bonaccursus (1955), pp. 208-209; Riol, op. cit., p. 71, n. 114 bis. A. Borst, "Neue Funde u. Forschungen zur Geschichte der Katharer", Hist. Zeitschr., CLXXIV (1952), 17-30. In 1945, F. Ilarino discovered a MS describing the unfamiliar heresies of Ugo Speroni da Piacenza, Studi e Testi, CXV (Rome, 1945).

13. A. Dondaine favors 1280, using the paleographic method (Liber, op. cit., p. 10). A. Borst, op. cit., p. 257, n. 18, prefers 1254 for which he gives an elaborate account. The date is still an open question.

14. Fos. 1-29 of the Liber de duobus principiis contain the document itself; fos. 21-29, "Compendium ad instructionem rudium," fols. 29-35, present the various elements of polemics between the radical (absolute) dualists (Albanenses) and the mitigated dualists (Garatenses, Concorezzo). For re- views on the Liber, see RHE, XXX- VIII (1942) by Mario Esposito; Catholica schuola LXVII (1939) by Ilarino, who also reported in Aevum, XIV (1940); Collectanea Franciscana, IV (1940); Speculum, XVI (1942), 123-125; Atti della R. accademia delle scienze di Torino, stor. e filolog., LXXV (1940) 409-435.

15. L. de Lacger, "L'Albigeois pendant la crise de 1'Albig6isme." RBHE, xx I x (1933), 272-315; 586-633; 849-904. The doubts about the "Notitia" being a forgery are expressed on p.

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CHURCH HISTORY

301 and, more in detail, in the appendix, pp. 314-315. Yves Dossat, "Re- marques sur un pretendu 6veque cathare du Val d'Aran en 1167," Bulletin philolog. et hist. de comit6 des travaux hist. et scient. (Paris, 1957), pp. 339- 347, cited by Chr. Thouzellier, Un traite cathare inedit (Louvain, 1961), p. 20; J. L. Riol, op. cit., pp. 72-73. For further discussion on the Council and the Catharist bishops, and the presence of Catharism in the Val d'A- ran, see J. Ventura "El catarismo en Catalufia," Bulletin, de l'academie royale des belles-lettres de Barcelone, XXVIII (1959-1960), 112, 138; Ch. Higounet Le comte de Comminges, (Toulouse, 1949) I, 89, n. 74 and 90, n. 75; Riol, op. cit., p. 80.

16. See also an essay by A. Dondaine, "Saint Pierre Martyr," AFP, XXIII (1953) 66-161; "Le Manuel de l'In- quisiteur," AFP, XVII (1947) 85- 194; also a brief analysis in Revue du Moyen-Age Latin, IV (Paris and Strasbourg, 1948), 126-127. Peter Martyr, who knew Catharist teachings, believed that they had their origin in older sects.

17. On the Opera Omnia Prepositini Par- isiensis (1206-1210) see "La vie et les oeuvres de Prevostin, par Georges Lacombe (Stanford), pretre de l'arch- idiocNse de San Francisco" Biblioth8- que Thomiste, X (Kain, Belgique, 1927), 1-221. The edition of Garvin- Corbett was reviewed in Speculum XXXIV (1959), 268.

18. On the methods to combat heresy used by Alain de Lille: Alani de Insulis. Summa quadripartita. De fide Cathol- ica contra haereticos sui temporis, praesertim Albigenses, MPL, OCX, col. 305-430; especially col. 326-331. G. Gonnet, Enchiridion fontium valdensium (Torre Pellice, 1958), p. 102.

19. MS 1114, Liber Antiheresis in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (Inven- tario general de manuscritos de la Bib- lioteca Nacional IV, No. 1101-1598) Liber contra manicheos in Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS Lat., 13446 (P) described by A. Dondaine, "Nouvelles sources," op. cit., 465-488.

20. Haymonis Halberstatensis episcopi, "Expositionis in Apocalypsin B. Joan- nis." MPL, CXVII, cols. 937-1220. MPL, CXVII, col. 937. The Confessio fidei Valdesii was discussed in "Aux origines du Valdeisme," AFP, XVI (1946) 191-235; 192.

21. Mario Esposito, "Sur quelques manu- scrits de l'ancienne litterature religieuse des Vaudois du Piemont," RHE, XLVI (1951), 131-143. Moneta, op. cit., p. 78.

22. For a description of this rite, cf. MS Lyon A. I. 54, cod. 36, fol. 240, rb; Dondaine, Liber de duob. princ. (" Traditio Orationis S a n c t e")

(1939), pp. 515ff. Borst, op. cit., pp. 190-192. On the Albigensian rites, cf. ' Das Sakrament der Katharer" in

R. Reitzenstein, op. cit., pp. 67-103.

23. The tri,nitarian doctrine played a great role in the discussions between Waldenses and Albigenses. On this cf. Chr. Thouzellier, "La profession trin- itaire de Durand de Huesca," Recher- ches de theologie ancienne medievale (1960), quoted in "C ontroverses vaudoises," Arch. d'hist. doctr. et litt. du Moyen-Age, XXXV (Paris, (1961), 141. On the Traite inedit, cf. a review in Speculum, XXXVI (1961), 689-690, by Walter L. Wakefield.

24. "Le genie d'oc et l'homme mediterraneen," Les cahiers du Sud (Mar- seille, 1943). On the spiritual retreats see an account by Roche in Cahiers d'etudes cathares, XII, Nos, 9 & 10 (Summer, 1961), 32-48. On D. Roche, cf. an illustrated art. by M. Beauvais in Semaine du monde (1-8 August, 1953) and in Tout Savoir (Febr. 1954).

25. Roche sees a filiation between the Oath- ari, the Free Masons, and Rosicrucians, ' Catharisme et franc-maqonnerie,' ' Cahiers d 'etudes cathares, XIII, No. 12 (Winter, 1962). S. Hutin, "Gnose et rites rosicruciens, " ibid., pp. 21-30, (with a short bibliography). Useful is Pierre Mariel, Rituel des socie'te's secretes (Paris, 1961).

26. On S6derberg's essay see A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 51-52.

27. Catharist teachings are discussed by H. Grundmann, Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters (Gottingen, 1963), pp. 22- 28. On dualism in general and its relationship to later developments cf. U. Bianchi, It dualismo, saggio ed et- nologico (Roma, 1958), ch. I: Gnos- ticism in its relationship to Paganism, Judaism, and Christianity constitutes a problem mirrored in Catharism. Dis- coveries of Coptic manuscripts point to Iranian sources studied by J. Dor- esse, Les livres secrets des gnostiques d'Egypte (2 vols.; Paris: Plon, 1958), I, pp. 316, 323-324; Engl. transl., The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics (New York: Viking Press, 1960). For basic studies on gnosticism see Robert M. Grant, Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York: Colum- bia University Press, 1959). A. C. Blanc, "Considerazioni sulla preistoria del dualismo religioso," Rivista storica italiana, TXXTT (1960), 127-146. Helpful is E. Aegerter, Le mysticisme (Paris, 1952). More subjectively philosophical is Simone Weil, La connais- sance surnaturelle (Paris, 1950).

28. Dillinger, op. cit., I, 221ff.; A. Borst, op., cit., p. 197, fn. Ch. Schmidt, I, 357, tended to regard every suicide as endura.

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29. One version of the Interrogatio was published by Dillinger, II, 85-92. Nelli's document is based on the manuscripts of the archives of the Inqui- sition at Carcassonne and the National Library at Vienna, Austria. Among the numerous studies dealing with the history of eschatology, a few are here indicated: E. Wadstein, Die eschatologische Ideengruppe (Leipzig, 1896), pp. 123ff. Ray C. Petry, Christian Eschatology and Social Thought (to A. D. 1500) (New York: Abingdon Press, 1956). R. Reitzenstein, Die Vorge- schichte der christlichen Taufe (Leip- zig and Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1939), pp. 293-316, presents the Interrogatio ' als ein haretisches Apokryphon."

For a combination of Christian and cosmogonic Eros and other apocalyptic dream images see W. Prainger, The Millennium of Hieronymous Bosch, Transl. by E. Wilkins and E. Kaiser (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951); cf. a review by A. Burkhard, Speculum, XXX (1956), 168-170. An imaginative synthesis is by Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961); it contains a substantial bibliography, pp. 436-468.

30. R. Nelli wrote that the Visio probably originated between 100-150 A. D.; it may not have been used by the Manichaeans (Soderberg, op. cit., p. 106) but was known in various gnostic schools and by medieval ,neo-Mani- chaeans: D. Roche' La Vision d 'Isaie," Cahiers d 'etudes cathares, No. 33 (1958), 19-51. According to Dollinger, op. cit., II, 276, there was a "book of Isaiah" where mention is made of a rapture into the 7th heaven. The Visio, was docetist in character, as was the Interrogatio.

31. Vidal restated that, in Catharist belief, the body returns to dust, the soul enters the terrestrial paradise, but only if it has received the consolamentum; if not, it is reincorporated: J. M. Vidal, "Doctrine et morale des derniers ministres albigeois," Revue d e s questions historiques, XTITTT (1909), 357-407.

32. R. Sacchoni, "Summa de Catharis," Liber, op. cit., p. 72; H. Soderberg, op. cit., p. 263; Moneta, op. cit., p. 381. On the use of the Apocalypse see Geoffroy d'Auxerre, "Super Apocaly- psin," ed. by Dom J. Leclercq, Studia Anselmiana (Roma, 1953), p. 206. J. P. Faure, "Reflexions sur l'albigeisme," Europe (Nov. 1950). A brief narrative of the Albigensian Crusade is by Edm. Holmes, The Holy Heretics, The Thinker's Library, 124 (London: Watts & Co, 1948).

33. The council of Toulouse, 1229, forbade the reading of the Old and New Test- aments. Only a psalter, breviary, or

a book of hours in Latin were permit- ted: Mansi, Conciliorum sacrorum (Reprint, Graz Austria: Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1961) X III , capit. XIV, col. 197. Also Doat, XXIV, fol., 248v. On the ban of vernacular translations cf. Maria Reichert, Acta capitulorum ordinis praedicatorum (2 vols.; Rome [Stuttgart], 1898), I, 24.

34. Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., II, 6. Alain de Lille who observed the Waldenses of his time with unmnitigated aversion was of the opinion that some heretics were both ignorant and dangerous: "Hi Waldenses dicuntur, a suo haer- esiarche qui vocatus Waldus, qui suo spiritu ductus non a Deo missus,.. sine divine inspiratione, sine scientia, sine litteratura. . . sine ratione philosophus, sine visione propheta. . . Superbi, blas- phemi, inobientes sine affectione, sine pace, incontinentes. .. immites, . . . sine b o n i t a t e. . .praeditores. . ." "Summa Quadripart.," II, 1. MPL, CCX, col. 377C, 380BC.

35. It has been alleged that the Catharist version of the New Testament was of Catalan origin, A. Dondaine, "Dur- and," op. cit., BAP, (1959), 256. See also A. Jiilicher and W. Matzkow, Das Neue Testament i n altlateinischer tberlieferung (Berlin, 1938-1954); S. Berger, Hist. de la Vulgate pendant les premiers siecles du Moyen-Age, (Nancy, 1893), passimn.

36. A. Borst, op. cit., pp. 51-53, fnt. 3. Others have pointed to Guiraud's shortcomings: R. Holtzmann, Revue de litterature allemande (1939), pp. 371- 374; also Cahiers d'e6tudes cathares, XIII, No. 14 (summer, 1962), 53. A. Dondaine is grateful for Guiraud's rich documentation, but deplored the lack of accuracy in using references, "Les actes du concile albigeois de Saint-Felix de Caraman," Studi e testi, 125 (1946) 332, n. 12.

37. On specific areas of the Inquisition see: F. Niel, "Beziers pendant la croisade contre les Albigeois," Cahiers d'etudes cathares, No. 15 (1953). P. Cayla, "Fragment inedit d'un registre de 'inquisition" MUmoires de la societe des arts et des sciences de Carcas- sonne, VI, 3e serie (1941-1943). Not to be overlooked is C. Douais, Doc- uments pour servir d I 'histoire de I'Inquisition dans le Languedoc (2 vols., Paris, 1900); vol. II contains a transcription of MS 9.992, B.N., Paris and MS 160, Clermont-Ferrand.

38. The trial and condemnation of Bernard has been told by M. de Dimitrewski, "Frbre Bernard Delicieux, O.F.M. Sa lutte contre l'Inquisition de Carcas- sonne et d'Albi. Son proces, 1297- 1319," Archivum Franciscanum His- toricum XVII - XVIII (Quaracchi, [Florence]: Collegium S. Bonaventura, 1924-1925).

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39. The second edition: Vol. I: Un homme evangglique; Vol. II: Au coeur de I'eglise (Paris, ed. du Cerf), pp. 398, 412. See a review of M. H. Vic- aire 's book in Speculum, XXXTV, (1959 and 1961); Jean Girou, Saint Dominique, revolutionnaire de Dieu, (Paris: A. Michel, 1959).

40. E. Delaruelle, "Le Catharisme en Lan- guedoc vers 1200," op. cit., pp. 161, 165.

41. On Arianism, see Chr. Thouzellier, " Controverses Vaudoises" op. cit., Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen-Age, XX2XV (Paris, 1961), 153 ftn. 37.

42. Innocent III considered that effective preaching was the weapon par excel- lence against heresies, for "multi reperientur, habentes zelum Dei secun- dum scientiam. . .potentes in opere et sermones. . ." Innocenti III, P.P. Regestorum Lib., VII, 1204, MPL, OCXV, col. 359B. See also, Yves Dos- sat, "Innocent IV et les habitants de Limoux et l'Inquisition," Annales du Midi, LXI (1948-1949), 84ff. Cf. Wal- ter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, (London, [etc.] 1955; see a Review by Gaines Post, Speculum, xxxij (1957), 209-212. This work mainly examines the foundation of Papal abolutism in the thirteenth century from Leo I to Gregory VII. On the term "heretic," as used by the pope see P. Antonio Oliver, Tactica de propaganda y motivos literaios en las cartas antihereticas de Innocencio III (Roma, 1957).

43. Palmer A. Throop, "Criticism of Pap- al Crusade Policy in Old French and Provencal," Speculum, XIII No. 4 (Oct., 1938), 379-412; especially, pp. 383ff. On Shannon's book, cf. a review by John R. Williams, Speculum, XXVI (1951), 209-210.

44. N. Peyrat, Histoire des Albigeois. Les Albigeois et 'inquisition, (3 vols, Paris, 1870-1872); G. Volpe, Movinen- ti e sette religiosi ereticali: XI-XIVs. (Florence, 1961).

45. Gotfr. Koch, Frauenfrage und Ket- zertum im Mittelalter. Die Frauenfrage im Rahmen des Katharismus und des Waldensertums (Berlin, 1962), passim.

46. Regional histories include Ph. Wolff, Histoire de Toulouse (1958); J. La- font, Albigeois du pays de Foix (Can- nes, 1955); Ch. Collin, Histoire de Lavaur (1944). The amnazing little town of Minerve (a ghost town of Catharism) was described by J. Girou, "Minerve autel et btcher de la patrie romane," Cevennes et M6diterranee, No. 43 (1950). Ch. Iigounet, Le comte de Comminges, de ses origines l son annexion d la couronne: Bibliothbque meridionale, 2e s6rie, X x X (2 vols., Toulouse et Paris, 1949). On this work

cf. a review in Speculum, XXV, (1950), 570-571. An illustrated guide to our problem is by Carmen Enneseh, L'epop&e albigeoise (Luxemburg: Ed. du Journal d'Esch, 1962).

47. P. Timbal, Un ConfUt d'aniexion au Moyen-Age L'application de la cou- tume de Paris au pays d'Albigeois Toulouse: E. Privat, 1949). On Averroism and Catharism, see P. Al- phaidery, "Y a-t-il eu un averroisme populaire au XIIIe et au XIVe siecles I" Actes du premier congres international d 'histoire des religions, 2e partie, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1902), 127- 138; J.H. Mundy, Liberty and Political Power (New York, 1954).

48. A review on this essay is in Speculum, XXXVII (1962), 645-647, by Charles T. Wood.

49. It has been suggested that Catharism is recognizable in Wolfrom von Eschen- bach: O.S.B. Mockenhaupt, Die Fr6m- mig7ceit im Parzival von Wolfram von Eschenbach. Ein Beitrag des religi6sen Geistes in der Laienwelt des deutschen Mittelalters (Bonn, 1942). Otto Rahn, suspected (by Belperron) to be guided by N. Peyrat, was satisfied that the Grail, consisting of the eastern magic emerald, was guarded by the Cathari at Monts6gur.

50. On the popular reaction to Catharism in poetry and song, see P. Comte, "Le catharisme dans les contes populaires de la Gascogne" Bulletin de la societ6 arch6ologique et historique. S. Poulain, Histoire et iconographie du catharisme du Gers (Castres, 1953, 1955), pp. 133- 146. On Catharist iconography see Rene Nelli, Le phfnomane cathare (1964), pp. 162-192.

51. Other more or less fictionalized accounts: P. Comte, "Le Graal et Mont- segur," Bulletin de la sooiet5 arch. et hist. du Gers (1951), pp. 332-345; Closs Hannah, High are the Mountains (London, 1945); And Somber the Val- leys (London, 1949). A local poet, whose profile is engraved in the rock along the steep path that leads to the ruins of the Montsegur castle, is Maur- ice Magre, Le sang de Toutouse; His- toire albigeoise du XIIe sicle; Le trYsor des Albigeois (Paris, 1938).

52. Millet Ienschaw, "The Attitude of the Church toward the Stage to the End of the Middle Ages," Medievalia et Humanistica, VII (1952), 3-17. The church disapproved of shows (jong- leurs); Helex Waddell, The Wandering Scholars, 7th ed. (London, 1945), append., pp. 244-270. There was to be no singing of veneris carmina in the church: Mansi, Conceliorum sacrorum, XXII, canon XVII col. 791, 792. Jong- leurs were excluded from communion and even salvation, MPL, CXCIX c. 405. Toward the end of the XIIth century there was a little more lenien- cy: Thomas Aquinas believed that if

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the histrio does not sin and lead others to sin, his work may be licit, Swmma Theol. II, 2, quaest. 168. Neither the Church nor Catharism could arrest the increasing number of "fabliaux" and stories as they were fashionable in the time of Boccaccio: J. Coppin, Amour et mariage dans la litt. franc. du Nord et du Moyen Age (Paris, 1961), pp. 41-42. But among the earlier troubadours there existed a concern over the decay of the world; D. Scheludko, "Klagen fiber den Verfall der Welt bei den Troubadours. Allegorisehe Dar- stellung der Tugenden und Laster," Neuphilolog. Mitteilungen, X I I V (1943), 22-45. M.F. Schlosser, And- reanus Capellanus. Seine Minnelehre und das christliche Weltbild um 1200 (Bonn, 1960), pp. 321ff., discusses the search for a spiritual purified relationship to womanhood. On Andreas Capellanus, cf. also Medieval Studies, VII (1946), 107-149.

53. Borst, op. cit., p. 106, n. 30. Of interest is P. Belperron, La joie d'amour. Contribution a l'etude des troubadours et l'amour courtois (Paris, 1948), pp. 14ff. On Esclarmonde: S. Nell, "Es- clarmonde de Foix," Cahiers d 'etudes cathares (1956); Coincy de Saint- Palais, Esclarmonde, princesse cathare (Toulouse, 1956) (rather mediocre).

Courtly love and dualist heresy occur- red simultaneously and are expressed through the " sirventes" of the troubadours: Denis de Rougemont, Love in the Western World (New York, 1957. S. Pellegrini, "Initorno al vas- sallaggio d'amore nei primi trovatori," Cultura moderna, IV-V (1944-45), 21- 26; Erich Koehler, "Observations historiques et sociologiques sur la poesie des troubadours," Cahiers de Civilisa- tion medigvale, XIe-XIIe siacles, VII (Universit6 de Poitiers, 1964), 27-51.

54. R.H. Gere, op. cit., p. 58. Etienne Gil- son suggested more study on Cicero's influence on love and of Abelard's influence on courtly love, Et. Gilson, La theologie mystique de Saint Bernard (Paris, 1934), p. 20; and append., pp. 183-184.

55. The troubadour expressed the concern and hopes of a society of which he was a part, R. R. Bezzola, Le sens de la venture et de I'amour (Paris, 1947), 82.

56. A. Denomy, Medieval Studies, op. cit., VII, 184.

57. Et. Gilson, La philosophie au moyen-dge (Paris, 1948), p. 564; P. Imbs, "A la recherche d'une litt6rature cathare," Revue du moyen-dge latin (Strasbourg, 1949).

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