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    A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The

    Roots, Traditions and Events that Define

    Clan Donald in Scottish Culture and Society

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    Introduction

    In reading Jan Assmanns, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization my interest was

    heightened by his reference to the Scottish invention of tartan. Even members of my

    immediate family, including my Father who is no slouch when it comes to knowledge

    of Scottish history (a point I will return to in due course), have questioned this

    assertion whenever I have put it to them. It was therefore rather re-assuring for me to

    read this point in an academic text because it was consistent with what I discovered

    in my own studies of the subject. However, because I am rather well-versed in this

    particular aspect of Scottish history, I also found cause to question Assmanns

    version of the events and the related reasons for tartan being so readily accepted as

    a distinctive part of Scottish culture. It was this, and the related history of Clan

    Donald the extended family of which I am a part that gave me to the idea to adopt

    it as a case study for this paper.

    Clan Donald is the largest clan in Scotland and the largest in the world, when one

    adds the descendants of thousands of MacDonalds who emigrated to the USA,

    Canada, Australia and other countries. One estimate places the number of MacDonalds worldwide at over 2 million. The Clan history extends back to the 6 th

    Century and to the legendary Irish King, Conn of the Hundred Battles, who embodied

    the poetry, grandeur and ultimately the doomed aspirations of the Celtic tradition in

    Scotland.

    It is no joy without Clan Donald;

    it is no strength to be without them;

    the best race in the round world,

    To them belongs every goodly man.

    The noblest race of all created,

    in whom dwelt prowess and terribleness;

    a race to whom tyrants bowed,

    In whom dwelt wisdom and piety.

    Grimble, Clans and Chiefs (1980)

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    It is clear from the above verse and the following introduction to Williams (1984)

    single volume history of Clan Donald,

    In after centuries, when much of the old fierce blood was diluted or dispersed, theSeannachies 1 would still remember . . . and many still young among the Highland men

    would recall the stories of the Clan Donald in might: when the tribal genealogy was a

    testament of greatness, and the names of their ancestors could inflame the

    swordsmen of the clan to battle.

    that the Clan was shrouded in glory it was no ordinary clan. In fact, at the height of

    its power in the mid-1400s, Clan Donald controlled most of the western Islands,

    much of the western Highlands, and northeast areas of what is now Northern Ireland.

    Territories of the Lord of the Isles

    That this power was largely derived from prowess at sea

    is reflected in the Clans motto, per mare per terras (by

    sea and land"). The head of the clan, the Lord of the

    Isles was as powerful as the then King of Scotland who

    at that time presided over what was still an emerging

    nation. By contrast to Scotlands King, the Lord of the

    Isles made no distinction between Irish and Scottish -

    there was only Clan Donald and its heritage was a

    combination of Celtic and Norse.

    In all histories of Clan Donald, Somerled (d. 1164), meaning Summer Sailor , is

    considered the first in the line of the Lords of the Isles and his grandson, Donald, who

    1 A very important class in every clan was that to which the seannachies and bards belonged. These men were historians andgenealogists. There were hereditary seannachies in the household of every Chief, and it was their business to learn from their

    fathers all the records of the past, to recite them at the banquets in their Lord's hall, and to hand them down to their descendants. Their knowledge was very rarely committed to paper until comparatively recent times, and some writers hold thatthe traditions, which have come down to us, are without any value for historical purposes.

    But three circumstances are worthy of consideration. In the first place, the seannachies were trained men. It appears that therewere colleges in Ireland, where history and genealogy were taught, and that many of our Highland bards and seannachies hadbeen educated at these seats of learning. Secondly, just as John Barbour put his history of "the Brus" into metrical form, so theold Highland traditions were put into the form of poems. This made it easier to remember them, and though it did not prevent afraudulent bard from interpolating spurious matter of his own, it made it less likely that he should do so accidentally. In the thirdplace, the bards and seannachies not only had to recite their effusions before chiefs and clansmen, who would be unlikely todetect any errors they might make, but also in the presence of other bards and seannachies, who would be perfectly capable of doing so, and who, as there was a great deal of jealousy amongst these men, would certainly not allow them to passunchallenged.

    These considerations induce me to believe that, in the old traditions which have come down to us, we have more or lesstrustworthy records of events which really did take place in the past. (Rev. Canon R. C. MacLeod of MacLeod, 1920s)

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    gave his name to the Clan. In fact, the denomination Mac or Mc simply means son-

    of.

    As it is not the intention to dwell on history let me to turn to Assmanns writing so that

    I may begin to demonstrate its relevance to this case. Firstly Assmann (2011) speaks

    of Halbwachs use of the hierarchy of the medieval feudal system to illustrate the

    relationship between the collective memory and the image a group has of itself and

    its social function. In this sense coats-of-arms and family crests assume symbolic

    importance, indicating, as they continue to do even to this very day, various rights

    and privileges. For instance, technically speaking I should seek formal permission to

    use the crests that I have displayed below. Assman (2011, pp26) continues by

    quoting Halbwach when he says that the rank of a family was, clearly defined by

    what it and others knew of its past and that they had to appeal to the memory of

    society in order to obtain an allegiance that was later legitamized by stressing the

    usefuleness of the services rendered and the competence of the magistrate or

    functionary. The first of these quotations is clearly significant when we take account

    of the footnote on the previous page concerning the role of the Seannachies in Clan

    life. It might be reasonable to propose that the very existence of such a role within a

    Clan might indicate something about its general standing. It would seem likely that

    Assmann would class the less well-known Seannachies alongside the sages and

    scholars of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, to mention but a few.

    Clan Donald Crest ClanRanald Crest

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    It should come as little surprise to readers that the collective-image of clan members

    was that of immensely proud sea faring warriors who were at the beck and call of

    their Clan Chief to whom they owed fealty (the fidelity of a vassal or feudal tenant to

    his lord) as a father figure. In this sense, the translated motto of the Clan Ranald

    crest is somewhat revealing, my hope is constant in thee.

    Opposite is the coat-of-arms for Godfrey James

    Macdonald of Macdonald The 8th Baron

    Macdonald, Chief of the Name and Arms of

    Macdonald, High Chief of Clan Donald and 34th

    hereditary Chief of Clan Donald. Note the presence

    of the Highland galley, or birlinn, sea-faring vessels

    which were used in conflicts with other clans. The

    distinction between the coat-of-arms and the Clan

    crest should also be noted. The former is for the

    exclusive use of the individual leader whilst the

    latter is a collective crest.

    At this point I should declare my own hand so to speak because I am a little more

    privileged than I have so far revealed. I happen to be a personal friend of Ranald

    Alexander Macdonald of Clanranald, the 24th Captain and Chief of Clanranald, which

    is one of the major branches of Clan Donald. His youngest son, Andrew Macdonald

    of Boisdale, was my colleague and business partner for some years and he also

    remains a close friend. Through this association, I not only participated in various

    Clan events but I also had cause to explore my own roots and the history of Clan

    Donald in much more detail than the average Clan member might. As a consequence

    I feel able to express a degree of empathy with the aforementioned Seannachies

    whilst I am also confident when expressing the view that the pride that many of my

    forefathers may have experienced as members of Clan Donald is still alive and well

    today. In fact this may be viewed at any Clan gathering or cilidh (an informal social

    gathering with folk music, singing, dancing, and storytelling). In these events we see

    signs of what Assmann (2011, pp 120) refers to as rites and dances, patterns and

    decorations, costumes, tattoos, food and drink, monuments, pictures, landscapes

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    and so on, all symbols to denote a community and an example of cultural

    formation.

    Clearly Some People Enjoy Dressing in Tartan

    Left to Right: The Chief of Glengarry, The Chief of Sleat, Lord Macdonald of Macdonald, The Captain & Chief of Clanranald,

    The Earl of Antrim. Photo by Anthony MacMillan, Fort William.

    If I was to select one more recent event in the history of the Clan Donald that has

    served to define its identity, and to impact the collective cultural memory of both Clan

    members and others, it would be the Massacre of Glencoe of 1692. Briefly this

    involved a series of events whereby King William, the Prince of Orange, offered a

    pardon to those Scottish clans whose chiefs would swear the oath of allegiance to

    him before January 1, 1692. Now many of those chiefs owed their allegiance to King

    James VII of Scotland (respectively James II of England), the last of the Stewart

    Kings who had been ousted from the throne in 1688. It was therefore no simple

    matter to switch allegiance since it was considered a matter of deep honour. Much in

    the same way that Clan members were sworn to their Clan Chief, so the Clan Chiefs

    had sworn their support to the Stewart monarchy in Scotland. In essence, in the

    absolute hierarchy, it would have been the equivalent of asking King James VII to

    renounce God. Therefore, in order to answer in the affirmative, the Clan Chiefs who

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    faced this predicament needed to be released from the allegiance that they had

    sworn to King James and such a release was only delivered at the last moment. A

    further series of events, and some say manipulations, meant that MacIain, chief of

    the MacDonalds of Glencoe, missed the deadline for swearing allegiance to King

    William. However, his oath was accepted some days after the deadline and all was

    assumed well. In February of that year a company of troops, mainly from the Clan

    Cambell, in the service of the Prince of Orange arrived at MacIain's home in Glencoe,

    ostensibly to collect tax in the area. They were offered hospitality by the MacDonalds

    of Glencoe, which they accepted for over a week but on February 13, without

    warning, they fell upon the community, burning all the houses and massacring the

    people. Some 38 (of about 200 inhabitants), including MacIain himself, were killedwhilst others who had fled into the mountains died in the next week from cold and

    starvation (Prebble, 1973).

    Even in Scotland, were stories of barbarous behaviour both on the part of the Clans

    towards others and by others towards Clans and their members was not unheard of,

    this incident caused considerable uproar. It almost immediately established the

    Macdonalds of Glencoe as victims of a heinous and vile crime since and by Highlandculture and standards it was considered a terrible and treacherous act.

    Had the clan been proceeded against in open and legitimate warfare, resulting in its

    utter extinction, the affair might have occupied no more than a short paragraph in this

    and other histories. There can be no doubt that what gives the deed its nefarious

    stamp, is the fiendishly deliberate and deceitful way in which it was accomplished, in

    violation of laws of hospitality which are respected even by cut-throat Arabs. And after

    all it was a blunder.Encyclopedia Britannica, 1785

    from The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 (McGowan, 2008/2009)

    "What particularly distinguishes this act from others, and why it resonates today, was

    the absolute betrayal of the [tradition of] Highland hopitality by the Campbell forces.

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    And the other was the hand of the government in it - the government had ordred it. It

    was a genocidal act."

    James Hunter, Scottish historian

    from The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 (McGowan, 2008/2009)

    Arguably The Massacre of Glencoe served to nullify the reputation that many of the

    Macdonald clans had for being semi-barbaric whilst bestowing a reputation for

    treachery, ruthless and inhumane behaviour on their arch-enemies the Campbells. At

    the same time, it reinforced the notion of a Clan system that provided hospitality to

    those in need, despite many Highlanders being somewhat notorious for committing

    theft and banditry. In summary, excepting the cruel loss of life, the Macdonalds came

    out of the whole incident rather well whereas the Campbells live with an ignominious

    crime to this very day.

    Attacks: Artist James Hamilton's famous 1884 depiction of the Glencoe Massacre

    http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-

    killing-Scots-show.html

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.html
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    In many ways Glencoe illustrates what Halbwach and Assmann declare to be the

    importance that reference to time and place has in reinforcing and sustaining

    collective memory. Accounts of the Massacre (see Appendix 2 for the written orders

    carried by the offending Cambells), James Hamiltons painting and since 1963, a

    song alternately titled The Massacre of Glencoe (see Appendix 1) or Macdonalds

    Lament , all serve to prolong the cultural memory and define and reinforce group

    identity. However, it is perhaps the message that was carried by what Assmann calls

    the communicative memory, recollections of witnesses and other spoken accounts

    that are handed down, which had the biggest impact on Scottish society. The

    betrayal of the Macdonalds of Glencoe by the government in London served toensure that when the time arrived for the Jacobites to rise again on behalf of the

    Stewart Monarchy they would find a hotbed of support amongst Clan Donald and the

    other sympathetic Clans.

    I mentioned at the outset that I believe Assmanns account of why tartan was readily

    accepted by the Scottish requires more clarification than he provided. To

    demonstrate this it is necessary to consider the Jacobite rebellion of 1745, whichremains to this day the last military uprising against a government and/or monarch in

    the United Kingdom. That it was almost spectacularly successful, and would have

    been had promised French support materialised, perhaps goes some way to

    explaining post-Culloden events (Prebble, 1961). These events saw Clan members

    who rose with the Bonnie Prince Charlie, the last Stewart heir to the British throne,

    relentlessly pursued and, in the main, annihilated. Around this time a solution to the

    problem of rowdy and lawless Highlanders had already been implemented in the

    creation of Highland Regiments in the British Army (Prebble, 1975). The Highlander

    was renowned for his hardiness and fighting spirit and it was not unusual for them to

    fight as mercenaries across Europe. Therefore the creation of the Highland

    regiments was in many ways a natural progression. However, in the years that

    followed Culloden a new social phenomenon emerged, which also served to attack

    the problem of unruly Highlanders, namely the highland clearances between 1810

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    and 1855 (Prebble, 1982). The clearances effectively resulted in the destruction of

    the entire, troublesome, clan system as Highland inhabitants were shipped off to far

    off places like America, Canada and Australia and the land was largely populated by

    sheep. My faith is constant in thee acquired a rather hollow tone because it was

    always intended to be a reciprocal arrangement. The greed of the Clan Chiefs, and

    other senior members of the clans, effectively undermined the economic system and

    kinship upon which the whole Clan system had evolved. Here we can draw a parallel

    with Assmanns depiction of a culture as an immune system for a group (2011,

    pp121). Assman (2011, pp137) also suggests that a loss of land, temple, and political

    identity can lead ethnic groups to forget who they are, or were, and lead them to

    merge with other groups. Therefore, we may consider whether the loss of land andplace served to diminish the group culture and identity of Clan Donald and made it

    more vulnerable to be subsumed in a broader Scottish culture and identity. I would

    argue that this is exactly what happened because in my own experience it is

    somewhat difficult to draw a line between my sense of being a MacDonald and a

    sense of being Scottish. The one notable exception that I have highlighted is the

    impact of the Glencoe Massacre that seems to have left an indelible mark on anyone

    who shares the family name and, conversely, those with the misfortune of beingnamed Campbell. Assmann (2006) would call this an example of the irreconcilable,

    mutually opposed memories of the winners and losers, the victims and perpetrators.

    The above-mentioned events and processes created major internal political problems

    in Scotland and this arguably led the Scots back to earlier memories of a nation in its

    infancy, one that was trying desperately to establish sovereignty and independence

    from the auld enemy, England. Here in its external and ancient foe, the Scots founda solution to their deep divisions as Assmann indicates (2011, pp133) one way to

    deal with such political problems is to pursue an aggressive foreign policy. The

    Scotland of the early 19 th century was rife with wounds and desperately needed a

    means of integration and, in the case of the Clan Chiefs, one might even say

    salvation.

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    Remembrance of the past may give rise to dangerous insights, and the established

    society seems to be apprehensive of the subversive contents of the memory.

    Luhmann (1971)as quoted in Assmann (2011)

    My father has told me on numerous occasions that as a child, he and his fellow

    students were not taught Scottish history in school. As a consequence, it has always

    been my fathers opinion that it was not in the interests of those in authority for the

    Scots, and particularly the working class, to know too much about their history. When

    I was young and at school I never gave this much thought because on the contrary I

    was taught Scottish history and, to be honest, I found it to be rather bland. I could notimagine why anyone would wish to refrain from sharing it with young students. It was

    only as I grew older that I developed a deeper interest in Scottish culture and history

    (I believe that this comes naturally to people when they move to live in another

    country and therefore gain a different perspective). At this time I came to understand

    what my father had meant. For instance, it is typically believed in Scotland, and sadly

    now further afield too, that William Wallace of Braveheart fame, is the countrys

    national hero. There is no doubt that he is an inspirational figure and achieved somegreat things on behalf of Scotland. However, my father always told me that James

    Graham, The Marquis of Montrose, and often referred to as Montrose or The Great

    Montrose, is the true national hero of Scotland. How could such a figure, who I

    cannot even recall being mentioned in my Scottish history lessons, be Scotlands true

    national hero? Now today, I not only agree with my fathers point of view but I also

    see clearly why Montroses role in Scottish history has been downplayed. Quite

    simply, whilst his reputation is secure and he commands respect, he does not serve

    to integrate the Scottish people in the way that Wallace or Robert the Bruce, the

    countrys most famous and revered King, can. Sadly Montrose lived during a time

    (1612 1650) of great division amongst the ranks of the Scottish people, when a

    large number turned against their rightful King Charles I for religious reasons.

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    This brings me back to the issue of integration and what is now largely seen as the

    trigger for the creation of the modern day Scottish identity.

    From the mock pageantry of the Highlanders to the carefully stage-managed

    rediscovery of the Scottish Regalia, this trip [the visit of King George IV to Scotland in

    1822] was a key event in the creation of romantic Scotland. Behind it all lay the great

    stage manager, Sir Walter Scott. This was the first visit of a British monarch to

    Scotland for nearly two hundred years, following only two years after the grim horror

    of the Radical Insurrection, which saw the last armed rebellion in British history when

    sixty thousand workers went on strike. The Highland clans that Scott called to

    Edinburgh were, even as they marched, the subjects of eviction and persecution in

    their homeland. And yet in this stirring blend of pomp and pageantry, Scott was able

    to override the grim reality of day-to-day life 2 in a surge of support for a monarch and

    monarchy, even in England, the subject of ridicule and derision. Prebble brilliantly

    reveals the rotten heart of corruption, betrayal, and intrigue at the heart of the

    ceremony of this great occasion, and from it all emerges a vision of Scotland that

    remains with us today.

    Sleeve notes to John Prebbles, The Kings Jaunt, 1822 (1988)

    At the time of the visit of King George IV to Edinburgh, Sir Walter Scott was still freshfrom the outstanding success of his first novel Waverley in 1814, a romanticised

    account of the Jacobite Rebellion of 1945, which is now widely considered to be the

    first ever historical novel (Scott, 1972). Based on the success of his first novel, Scott

    went on to publish a series of books, collectively known as the Waverley Novels ,

    about Scottish and Highland history, including Rob Roy (1817), which covered the

    events leading up to the Jacobite rising of 1945. However, it is Waverley, and its

    sugar-coated representation of the 45, devoid of the harsh treatment that was meted

    out to participants in the uprising, and their dependents, which seems best to

    embody the approach that Scott employed in his arrangement of the pageant that

    was to greet the King on his visit. For that pageant, he borrowed large elements of

    Highland and Jacobite tradition and portrayed the King himself as a Highland

    Jacobite replete in tartan dress. According to Prebble (1988) this portrayal may not

    2 Assmann (2011, pp 69) states that cultural memory gives us the fresh air in a world that, in the reality of daily life, becomestoo narrow for us.

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    have been as far-fetched as it seemed since in his opinion, King George the IVs

    claim to the Stewart line was as strong if not stronger than that of the Bonnie Prince

    Charlie, a claim that the King himself would not have discouraged. However, the

    following description from The Kings Jaunt, 1822 , catches the eye of those

    concerned with cultural memory and particularly the cusp, or closing, of what

    Assmann (2011) and Halbwach term the communicative memory:

    The moment seemed proper for such felicitous illusions. In the darkness that was

    finally closing about the exiled house [the House of Stewart], occasional glimpses of

    the memory seemed to glow more brightly. In the Highlands there were still eyes that

    had seen the smoke of Belfords guns at Culloden and flesh that had plunged through

    it in a heather charge.John Prebble, The Kings Jaunt, 1822

    (1988)

    Not only was Scotts planning and execution of the Kings visit perfect in terms of

    setting and splendour but even more so in terms of timing. However, once again, it is

    not the historical account of the visit that is of particular interest. As noted, Scott

    would go on to document Scottish history in the Waverley Novels and these not only

    influenced how the Scottish came to view themselves but since they were amongstthe biggest selling titles of the 19 th Century throughout Europe, they undoubtedly

    served to influence how the Scots were viewed from afar.

    When Assmann (2011) says that tartan is an invented tradition that does not go

    further back than the 18 th century, we need not look far for confirmation. However,

    one might question the weight of his contention that it was designed to upgrade and

    empower the periphery against the integrative central culture of the English realm. Iwould suggest that those most likely to be enveloped by any creeping English

    culture, namely wealthy lowlanders and highlanders, had already integrated vertically

    with their English counterparts, in much the same way that, as Assmann points out

    (2011, pp 130), a Polish aristocrat of the time felt far more akin to his French

    counterparts than to the peasants of his country. There is evidence to support a

    stronger argument concerning the use of tartan and other symbols to reinvigorate a

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    sense of what it meant to be Scottish. This argument still places the auld enemy as

    an external foe but one from the past that is used to bind fractured groups, many that

    were displaying signs of radicalism. It strikes me that Sir Walter Scott, and others

    who favoured the Union and the Hanoverian monarchy, knew exactly what they were

    doing when they evoked cultural memory as a means of manipulating Scottish

    cultural identity. In Assmanns words (2011, pp114) they evoked the imagined

    community based on an imagined continuity that reaches back into the depths of

    time, one which was marked by antagonism to Scotlands southern neighbour.

    It will have been noted that I have referred repeatedly to work of John Prebble

    throughout this paper. In some ways his work represents an emerging counter-balance to that of Sir Walter Scott. It can be argued that Scotts canon of work, and

    that of the people he influenced, came to define Scottish history and identity.

    However, as indicated previously, much of that history was whitewashed and the

    stains of discord removed to leave a gleaming and romantic picture of Highland and

    Scottish life. When the literary critic James Hunter of The Scotsman, Scotlands most

    respected newspaper, says by giving us back our history, John Prebble has helped

    to restore our sense of worth (sleeve notes to Prebble, 1988), one might ask who

    stole Scottish history in the first place? I trust that this paper has served to expose

    one of the more likely culprits. However, in the sense of Jan Assmanns ideas and

    theories concerning literary cannons, Im inclined to suggest that we are now in a

    process of review where there is a willingness in Scotland to probe issues that were

    previously off-limits. Ultimately this may see Scotts romantic version of Scottish life

    consigned to a more fitting place in the annals of Scottish literature, paralleled by

    advances in our understanding of its role in shaping Scottish culture and identity and,

    ultimately, a shift in Scottish cultural memory. At a time when there are growing calls

    for Scottish independence such developments would be particularly welcome. In due

    course, this may even be reflected in the history that is taught to Scottish school

    children.

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    Conclusions

    I turn to my Conclusions with a little sadness, like an artist who has had to rush a

    painting because he has run out of time. The fact of the matter is that I have run out

    of time, at least for writing this paper. However, if it is a measure of the impression

    that Jan Assmann has made on me, I am now committed to not only reading and re-

    reading his work to achieve a better understanding of his ideas and theories but also

    to seek out the work of Aleida Assmann so that I may deepen that understanding

    further.

    What have I learned from studying Jan Assmanns work and in writing this paper?

    Perhaps most importantly, I now have a clear idea about different types of memory:

    what Assmann terms the Mimetic, Memory of Things, Communicative and Cultural. I

    understand in broad terms how writing has altered the memory landscape, creating

    new possibilities for the storage and retrieval of memory, yet paradoxically interfering

    with our ability to remember and creating conditions that encourage us to forget.

    Perhaps most notably, as I have demonstrated in this paper, I see how writing has

    made us vulnerable to manipulation and censorship and as such it has given thosewith the power to write and distribute their output the means to influence how we see

    and imagine ourselves. There is a clear link here to the formation and continuation of

    states and we need only look at how propaganda was, and continues to be, used to

    shape the cultural values and beliefs of individuals and groups.

    In closing, I can say that I have become utterly convinced that the questions, Who

    am I? and Who are we?, are of great importance. However, after reading Assmann, Iknow that the questions, Why am I who I am?, and Why are we who we are?, are of

    still greater importance.

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    BIBLIOGRAPHYAssmann, J. (2010) Cultural Memory and Early Civilization: Writing, Remembrance and Political Imagination Cambrige University Press, Cambridge

    Assmann, J. (2010) Religion and Cultural Memory Stanford University PressGrimble, I (1980) Clans and Chiefs Blond & Briggs: London

    Prebble, J. (1961) Culloden Penguin: London

    Prebble, J. (1968) Darien Disaster: a Scots Colony in the New World, 1698-1700 Secker & Warburg:London

    Prebble, J. (1973) Glencoe: The Story of the Massacre Penguin: London

    Prebble, J. (1975) Mutiny: Highland Regiments in Revolt 1743 - 1804 Secker & Warburg: London

    Prebble, J. (1982) The Highland Clearances Penguin: London

    Prebble, J. (1988) The Kings Jaunt: George IV in Scotland, 1822 Collins: London

    Scott, W (1972) Waverley Penguin: LondonScott, W (1997) Rob Roy Wordsworth Editions Ltd: London

    Williams, R. (1975) Montrose: Cavalier in Mourning Robert MacLehose and Company Limited, Printer to the University of Glasgow: Glasgow

    Williams, R. (1984) The Lords of the Isles: The Clan Donald and the early Kingdom of the Scots TheHogarth Press: London

    WebsitesMcGowan, C. (2008-2009) The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 Available at:http://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htm Accessed 20 January, 2012

    Rev. Canon R. C. MacLeod of MacLeod (1920s) The Island Clans During Six Centuries, Chapter III. -The Clansmen Available at: http://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htm andhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htm Accessed 20 January, 2012

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    http://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htmhttp://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htm
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    Appendix 1

    The Massacre of Glencoe

    Oh, cruel is the snow that sweeps GlencoeAnd covers the grave o' Donald;Oh, cruel was the foe that raped GlencoeAnd murdered the house of MacDonald.

    They came in the blizzard, we offered them heat,A roof for their heads, dry shoes for their feet;We wined them and dined them, they ate of our meat,And they slept in the house of MacDonald

    They came from Fort William wi murder in mind;The Campbell had orders King William had signed;"Put all to the sword," these words underlined,"And leave none alive called MacDonald."

    They came in the night when the men were asleep,This band of Argyles, through snow soft and deep;Like murdering foxes amongst helpless sheep,They slaughtered the house of MacDonald.

    Some died in their beds at the hand o the foe;Some fled in the night and were lost in the snow;Some lived to accuse him wha struck the first blow,But gone was the house of MacDonald.

    Lyrics and music by Jim McLean ([email protected]), 1963.

    Available at: http://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htm Accessed on 21 January 2012. The page ismaintained by Noel S. McFerran ([email protected]) and was last updated October 25,2003. Noel S. McFerran 1997-2003.

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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    http://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htmhttp://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htm
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    Appendix 2

    Copy of order to Capt. Campbell by Maj. Duncanson that sealed the fate of the Macdonalds of Glencoe

    You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, the McDonalds of Glenco, and put all to the sword

    under seventy. You are to have a special care that the old Fox and his sons doe upon no account

    escape your hands, you are to secure all the avenues that no man escape. This you are to putt in

    execution at fyve of the clock precisely; and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be att you

    with a stronger party: if I doe not come to you att fyve, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is

    by the Kings speciall command, for the good & safety of the Country, that these miscreants be cutt off

    root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without feud or favour, else you may expect to be

    dealt with as one not true to King nor Government, nor a man fitt to carry Commissione in the Kings

    service. Expecting you will not faill in the fulfilling hereof, as you love your selfe, I subscribe these with

    my hand att Balicholis Feb: 12, 1692

    (signed) R. Duncanson

    For their Majesties service

    To Capt. Robert Campbell

    of Glenlyon

    Ian MacDonald January 2012

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