a postgridiots guide to sociophonetics · i labov looked at pronunciation of /au/ (as in out,...
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A Postgridiots Guide to Sociophonetics
Danielle Turton
University of Manchester
Postgridiots Guide to Linguistics24th April 2012
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
What is sociophonetics?
I The interface of sociolinguistics and phonetics.
I Highly empirical, like both of the fields it comes from.
I The term sociophonetics was first used in 1974.
Early sociolinguistic work
I In early sociolinguistic work on phonological variables, codingwas done auditorily i.e. by ear.
I This is still the case for some variables in many studies,particularly consonantal variables.
Labov in Martha’s Vineyard
I The first sociolinguistic study.
I Labov looked at pronunciation of /aU/ (as in out, house,trout) and /aI/ (as in while, pie, might)
I He noticed that locals had a tendency to pronounce thesediphthongs with a more central start point [@U, @I].
I The degree of centralisation was judged by ear.
Moving from the auditory to the acoustic
I More recently, perhaps due to the accessibility of programssuch as Praat (Boersma and Weenik, 2010), sociolinguistshave begun measuring stuff.
I This tends to be vowels for the most part.
I But consonants are also subjected to sociophonetic analysis.
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
Measuring stuff
Vowels
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
Pros and cons of acoustic analysis
Pros
I More accurate.Stuart-Smith’s (2007) studyof coding /r/ auditorilyshows that three differentphoneticians comes up withwildly different results.
I Can consider sound changein progress at veryfine-grained stages.
I Can look at gradient andcategorical changes.
I You can plot them on a nicegraph!
Cons
I Takes ages.
I Some phonetic knowledgerequired.
I May be unnecessary for abasic sociolinguistic study ofcertain consonants, e.g.(th)-fronting.
I It’s not reliable for allsounds. Liquids (/l/ and/ô/) are notoriously difficultto analyse acoustically.
Sociophonetic studies
I Baranowski’s (2007) study of Charleston involved a completeanalysis of speaker’s vowel systems, revealing a vowel shiftwhich was ongoing in this dialect.
I In their seminal paper, Turton and Ramsammy looked at thecentralisation of the happy vowel in Mancunian English.
I Hay and Maclagan’s (2010) study of intrusive /r/ in NewZealand found evidence that the process was existingalongside rhoticity at points in the dialect’s history.
I Kirkham (2011) measured differences in VOT in coronal stopsfor his Sheffield high school community of practice speakers.
I Erker (2012) showed that Spanish coda [s] is involved in bothcategorical and gradient sound changes.
I For his PhD thesis on dialects in upstate New York, Dinkin(2009) measured 57,464 vowels by hand.
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
What is FAVE?
I Forced Alignment and Vowel ExtractionI Visit: http://fave.ling.upenn.edu for full detailsI Read Yuan and Liberman (2008) or Evanini (2009)
I FAVE takes an orthographically transcribed interview and spitsout a fully segmented, phonetically transcribed TextGrid inPraat.
I Then, automatic formant measurments can be take for all ofthe vowels. I’m seriously.
FAVE-align
Input: Audio file and transcription
What FAVE does
I Connected to a dictionary whichhas phonetic transcriptions.
I Each phoneme paired with anacoustic model generated fromprior training
FAVE-alignOutput: Audio file and aligned TextGrid
FAVE-extractInput: Full phonetic transcription and audio alignment
FAVE-extract
Output:Vowel formant measurements
Really fun stuff has been produced with the help of FAVE:http://www.ling.upenn.edu/~joseff/phillymotion.html
Future work with FAVE
I FAVE is based on the American phonemic system.
I However, it seems to work pretty well for British English.
I Newer programs (such as ProsodyAligner) claim to work forall dialects and all languages.
Articulatory phonetics
I Due to advances in technology, more recent sociolinguisticwork has ventured into the realms of articulatory phonetics.
I Articulatory phonetics: the study of what the articulatorsare doing, rather than studying the spectrogram.
I Types of equipment used:I MRII EMMAI Electroglottograph (EGG)I Electropalatography (EPG)I Ultrasound (sometimes rather unfortunately abbreviated to
UTI; ultrasound tongue imaging)
I Traditional sociolinguists steered clear of such approaches, asthey fail to overcome the Observer’s Paradox.
I More recently, advances in non-invasiveness have resulted insome interesting work.
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
UltrasoundImages the tongue in the mouth.
Ultrasound methodologyWe draw a spline onto the tongue image on the screen.
These splines can be exported into a workspace, where you can runstatistical tests and differences in tongue shapes, or just generallyhave a browse.
Or make nice pictures
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
Lawson et al. (2008, 2011)
I Lawson et al. looked at the possibility of derhoticisation inGlasgow. That is, have Glaswegians stopped pronouncingtheir postvocalic /r/s in words like car, farm?
I Auditory observation suggested so, but this is not enough tobe sure.
I They found an interesting result in many of their speakers:they had the tongue-tip raising gestures associated with /r/but with no r-ful auditory/acoustic consequences.
I Speakers were doing the tongue movement, but after voicinghad finished, making the /r/ impossible to hear.
I They found a nice social-class difference. This was a featureof working-class Glaswegians.
I Theoretical question: what happens to the next generation?
Introduction
Traditional approaches
Acoustic phoneticsRecapping your phoneticsSociophonetic studiesFAVE
Articulatory phoneticsUltrasoundSociophonetic studies using ultrasoundTurton ongoing...
Turts: My pilot study using ultrasound
I As I’m working with liquid consonants, the acoustic spectrumcan be problematic and unreliable.
I For my pilot study I’ve been collecting sentence data fromspeakers of all different dialects of English.
I My current investigation focusses on the realisation of /l/ indifferent phonological contexts.
I I’m interested in the process of /l/-darkening, whereby /l/ isproduced with a delayed and reduced tongue tip gesture.
RP
Cruttenden (2001) says that RP only has a dark [darkl] in absolutephrase-final position. That is, a dark [ë] in heal but a light [l] inheal it. Looks like he was right.
leap
heliumheal−ing
heal it
heal
Context a a a a ainitial intervocalic stemfinal−V final_V final
Middlesbrough
Middlesbrough shows the same pattern phonologically (only dark[ë]s in absolute final position, and before consonants) but anintermediate realisation phonetically.
leapheal
heal b
Context a a a a a ainitial intervocalic stemfinalV final_V final_B final
Dialects with very dark realisations
Manchester and America tend to have very dark [ë]s in all contextsoverall, however more in-depth analysis shows there are contextualdifferences (which I won’t go into today) which favour articulatoryanalysis over acoustic.
leap
heal
Context a a a a ainitial intervocalic stemfinalV final_V final
Figure: Manchester
heal
Context
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
initial
intervocalic
stemfinalV
final_V
final_H
final_B
final
Figure: America
References I
Baranowski, Maciej. 2007. Phonological variation and change in the dialect ofCharleston, South Carolina. 92. Duke University Press Books.
Boersma, Paul, and David Weenink. 2010. Praat: doing phonetics bycomputer .
Cruttenden, Alan, ed. 2001. Gimson’s pronunciation of English. London:Arnold, 6th edition.
Dinkin, Aaron. 2009. Dialect boundaries and phonological change in upstateNew York. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.
Erker, D. 2012. Of categories and continua: Relating discrete and gradientproperties of sociophonetic variation. University of Pennsylvania WorkingPapers in Linguistics 18:3.
Evanini, Keelan. 2009. The permeability of dialect boundaries: A case studyof the region surrounding erie, pennsylvania. Doctoral Dissertation, Universityof Pennsylvania.
References II
Hay, Jennifer, and Margaret MacLagan. 2010. Social and phoneticconditioners on the frequency and degree of intrusive /r/ in New ZealandEnglish. In A reader in sociophonetics, eds. Dennis Preston and NancyNiedzielski. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Kirkham, Sam. 2011. The acoustics of coronal stops in British Asian English.In Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of Phonetics Sciences(ICPhS).
Labov, William. 1972. Sociolinguistic patterns. Oxford: Blackwell.
Lawson, Eleanor, James M. Scobbie, and Jane Stuart-Smith. 2011. The socialstratification of tongue shape for postvocalic /r/ in Scottish English. Journalof Sociolinguistics 15:256–268.
Lawson, Eleanor, Jane Stuart-Smith, and James M. Scobbie. 2008.Articulatory insights into language variation and change: Preliminary findingsfrom an ultrasound study of derhoticization in Scottish English. University ofPennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 14:1524–1549.
References III
Stuart-Smith, Jane. 2007. A sociophonetic investigation of postvocalic /r/ inglaswegian adolescents. In Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress ofPhonetic Sciences, 1449–1452. Saarbrucken.
Turton, Danielle, and Michael Ramsammy. 2012. /I, @/-lowering inmanchest[2]: Contextual patterns of gradient variability. Paper given at the20th Manchester Phonology Meeting. Manchester, 24th-26th May 2012.
Yuan, Jiahong, and Mark Liberman. 2008. Speaker identification on theSCOTUS corpus. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 123:3878.