a movement 3 nov 2, 2012 – day 27

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A movement 3 Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27 Introduction to Syntax ANTH 3590/7590 Harry Howard Tulane University

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A movement 3 Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27. Introduction to Syntax ANTH 3590/7590 Harry Howard Tulane University. Course management. http://www.tulane.edu/~howard/ANTH3590/ We need to spend our $150 from the Provost ’ s Undergraduate Activities Fund. A-MOVEMENT. Radford §6. REVIEW. - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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A movement 3Nov 2, 2012 – Day 27Introduction to Syntax

ANTH 3590/7590

Harry Howard

Tulane University

Course management

http://www.tulane.edu/~howard/ANTH3590/ We need to spend our $150 from the

Provost’s Undergraduate Activities Fund.

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A-MOVEMENTRadford §6

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REVIEW

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CP

TPCø

PRNthere

QPsome

students

T’

V'

VPTshould

First piece of evidence: A VP-internal subject in Belfast English there clauses (6.4) 1

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Vget

QPø distinctions

CP

TPCø

QPall hell

T’

V'

VPTwill

Second piece of evidence: Subject idioms can be inserted as a unit into VP (6.12)

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Vbreak

APloose

QPall hell

----------

CP

TPCø

QPeveryone

T’

V'

NegPTdid

Third piece of evidence: Negation has scope over a VP-internal subject

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Vfinish

DetPthe assignment

QPeveryone

-----------

Neg'

Negø

VP

n’t

CP

TPCø

DPthe police

T’

V'

VPTwill

Thematic role assignment becomes local (within VP)

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Varrest

DPthe suspect

DPthe police

------------V assigns theme to its internal or first-merged argument

V assigns agent to its external or second-merged argument

CP

TPCø

DPthe police

T’

V'

VPTwill

Unergative intransitive verbs have AGENT subjects

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Vcomplain

DPthe police

------------

V assigns agent to its external or second-merged argument

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTcould

Unaccusative intransitive verbs have THEME subjects

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Varise

QPseveral

complications

QPseveral

complications

-----------------------------

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTwere

PASSIVE AS UNACCUSATIVE (49)

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Vreported

QPseveral cases

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

QPseveral cases

--------------------

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTwere

PASSIVE WITH THERE AS UNACCUSATIVE (48)

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Vreported

QPseveral cases

PRNthere

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

PASSIVE PREDICATESAdditional evidence for the unaccusative analysis of the passive

Radford §6.6

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Discontinuous spellout of the passive subject

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CP

TPCø

T’

VPTwas

Vfound

QPno evidence of any corruption

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

QPno evidence

----------------

Object idioms (inserted into V’)

51b) Little heed was paid to what he said.52b) Due homage was paid to General Ghouly.53b) Close tabs were kept on the CIA by the FBI.

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CP

TPCø

T’

VPTwas

Vmade

QPmuch headway

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

QPmuch

headway

------------------

UTAH

Uniform Theta Assignment Hypothesis Constituents which fulfill the same thematic role

with respect to a given predicate occupy the same initial position in the syntax. (55)

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LONG-DISTANCE PASSIVIZATIONRadford §5.6

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Inductive introduction

Some data56a) There are alleged to have been stolen a number of portraits of the Queen.56b) A number of portraits of the Queen are alleged to have been stolen.57a) There are believed to have occurred several riots.57b) Several riots are believed to have occurred.

What was our hypothesis about infinitival complements to believe?They are TPs, not CPs (ECM)

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AuxP

TP

Auxhave

T’

VP

Tto

LONG-DISTANCE THERE (59)

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Voccurred

QPseveral riots

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

PRNthere

----------

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTare

Vbelieved

PRNthere

AuxP

TP

Auxhave

T’

VP

Tto

LONG-DISTANCE PASSIVIZATION (60)1

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Voccurred

QPseveral riots

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

QPseveral riots

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CP

TPCø

T’

VPTare

Vbelieved

QPseveral riots

--------------------

RAISINGRadford §6.8

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Inductive introduction The following sentences reorganize Radford’s

data into the gradual reduction of a subordinate CP to a TP, then to a passive TP with expletive there, then to a passive TP without there:i. It may appear that they have made remarkably

little progress on disarmament.ii. They may appear to have made remarkably

little progress on disarmament.iii. There may appear to have been made

remarkably little progress on disarmament. (cf. 67a)

iv. Remarkably little progress on disarmament may appear to have been made. (cf. 67b)

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Subordinate CP1

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CP

TPCø

T’

VPTmay

Vappear

PRNit

CP

Cthat

TP

T’

V’

TAf

Vmade

V assigns THEME to its internal

argument

AuxP

Auxhave

VP

PRNthey

V assigns AGENT to its external argument

PRNthey

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QPlittle progress on disarmament

TP

T’

V’

Tto

Subordinate TP with raising of AGENT, first draft

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Vmade

QPlittle progress

on disarmament

V assigns THEME to its internal argument

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTmay

Vappear

PRNthey

-------

AuxP

Auxhave

VP

PRNthey

V assigns AGENT to its external argument

PRNthey

-------

TP

T’

VP

Tto

Passive subordinate TP with raising of expletive there

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Vmade

QPlittle progress

on disarmament

V assigns THEME to its internal

argument

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTmay

Vappear

PRNthere

PRNthere

-------

AuxP

Auxhave

AuxP

Auxbeen

TP

T’

VP

Tto

Passive subordinate TP with raising of THEME, cf. (71)

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Vmade

QPlittle progress

on disarmament

V assigns THEME to its internal

argument

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTmay

Vappear

QPlittle progress on

disarmament

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AuxP

Auxhave

AuxP

Auxbeen

QPlittle progress on

disarmament

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More data Raising of expletive there

66a) There does seem to remain some hope of peace.66b) Some hope of peace does seem to remain.67a) There does appear to have been made remarkably little progress on disarmament.67b) Remarkably little progress on disarmament appears to have been made.

CP vs. raising68a) It would seem that Senator Slime has been lying to Congress.68b) Senator Slime would seem to have been lying to Congress.69a) It would appear that they have underestimated her.69b) They would appear to have underestimated her.

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Comparing raising and control predicatesRadford §6.9

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Control vs. raising predicates Don’t these two sentences look similar?

72b) He does want to scare them. 72a) He does seem to scare them.

Four ways in which they are different.1.Expletive there subjects:

84b) *There wanted to remain several unsolved mysteries. 84b) There seem to remain several unsolved mysteries. cf other examples (54-7) p. 223

2.Subject idioms:85a) ??Whenever they meet, all hell wants to break loose. 85a) Whenever they meet, all hell seems to break loose.

3.Synonymy under long-distance passivization:87b) Mary wants to be helped by John.87a) ≉ John wants to help Mary.86b) Mary seems to have been helped by John.86a) ≈ John seems to have helped Mary.

4.Restrictions on subject:88) My {cat/!gesture} wants to be appreciated. 89) My {cat/gesture} seems to be appreciated.

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Summary of the differencesNote that control is ‘normal’

Control (want, be keen)

Raising (seem, be likely)

Expletive there subject

* ok

Subject idiom * ok

Synonymy under long-distance passivization

* ok

Restrictions on subject

yes no

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EXPLANATION

A control predicate like want assigns EXPERIENCER to its specifier/external argument and THEME to its complement/internal argument. If clausal, the complement is CP.

A raising predicate like seem assigns no theta role to its specifier/external argument and takes a TP complement/internal argument.

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TP

T’

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Tto

Control verb want (78)

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Vscare

PRNthem

V assigns THEME to its complement

PRNhe

-----

CP

TPCø

T’

V'

Tdoes

Vwant

PRNPRO

-----

VP

PRNPRO

V assigns AGENT to its specifier

CP

V assigns THEME to its CP complement

VP

V assigns EXPERIENCER to its specifier

PRNhe

PRNhe

TP

T’

V'

Tto

Raising verb seem (73)

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Vscare

PRNthem

V assigns THEME to its complement

PRNhe

-----

CP

TPCø

T’

VPTdoes

Vseem

PRNhe

-----

VPV assigns AGENT to its

specifier

V assigns THEME to its TP complement?

SUMMARYRadford §6.10

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The conditions

Theta/θ criterion Predicate-internal theta-marking hypothesis Constraint on extraction domains

Only complements allow material to be extracted from them (not specifiers or adjuncts).

Uniform theta marking hypothesis Attract closest condition Relativized minimality condition

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NEXT TIMEQ8

Exercises 6.1-2

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