a model of argentine city structure - howell, david c

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A Model of Argentine City Structure Author(s): David C. Howell Source: Revista Geogrfica, No. 109 (ENERO-JUNIO 1989), pp. 129-140Published by: Pan American Institute of Geography and HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40992585Accessed: 01-09-2015 16:23 UTC

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A Model of Argentine City Structure

David C Howell*

Abstract Major components of the Griffin and Ford Model of Latin American City Structure are applied to three medium-sized cities located on the Argentine Pampas in an effort to determine the model's effectiveness. In general, the model works quite well but, in Argentina, some allowance must be made for such differences as the middle-class character of the population, the relatively well-developed infrastructure of most cities, and the emergence of suburban landscape tastes. A modified model which is more place-specific is suggested.

Key words: city structure, models, place-specific. Latin American cities have grown dramatically over the last four decades in response to rapid rural-to-urban migration and high natural population growth. Rapid urbanization in Latin America has inspired a great deal of research by social scientists regarding the effects of this phenomenon on the traditional plaza-centered Latin American city structure (Crist 1950; Dot- son and Dotson 1954; Hawthorn and Hawthorn 1948; Hayner 1944; Le- onard 1948). Griffin and Ford (1980) building upon previous research, proposed a generalized model of Latin American city structure blending traditional elements of Latin American urban morphology with modernization processes which have been occurring in the region.

The Griffin and Ford Model consists of a dynamic central business district (CBD), radial sectors, and three concentric zones (Figure 1). The CBD occupies the center of the model and is the prime business, employment, and entertainment focus of the city. Emanating outward from the CBD is a spine-sector consisting of a commercial spine, which is considered an extension of the CBD, surrounded by an elite residential sector. Outside of the CBD and spine-sector, the model includes three concentric zpnes; the zone of maturity, the zone of in situ accretion, and the zone of peripheral * College of the Sequoias, Department of Geography, Visalia, Ca., 93277


130 David C. Ho well Revista Geogrfica 109

squatter settlements. These rings characterize the traditional Latin Ameri- can cultural-spatial pattern where increased distance from the urban core results in decreasing social and economic status for the population. The model also includes disamenity sectors which might include flood-prone river channels or steep slopes where a number of poverty-stricken residents may reside.

Although the Griffin and Ford Model has been used in textbooks (Brunn and Williams 1983, 213-17; De Blij and Mller 1985, 270-71; Jordan and Roundtree 1983, 23), the model Has not been widely tested. Griffin and Ford developed their model primarily from research in Bogota, Colombia and Tijuana, Mexico while Elbow (1983) examined the model in secondary urban centers in Guatemala. Griffin and Ford (1980, 422) state,

We believe that this model is applicable to all dynamic Latin American cities and that traditional urban areas in the region are evolving toward a similar structure, albeit more slowly. Geographic models need to be tested periodically in different areas to

determine their continued effectiveness. The objective of this paper is to examine major components of the Griffin and Ford Model in Argentina where it has not been formally applied.

In order to examine the model in Argentina, three medium sized cities located in the Province of Buenos Aires were selected; Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil (Figure 2). The current populations of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil are approximately 47,000, 79,000, and 95,000, respectively (NCPV 1980). These cities provide an interesting text for the model, not only because Argentina has a relatively higher degree of economic development than the majority of countries in Latin America, but these cities were established in the nineteenth century, much later than many cities in Latin America.

To apply the model, field observations were conducted in each city and land-use maps, zoning maps, maps of service connections, and historical information were obtained. Furthermore, interviews with residents, realtors, and city planners provided a great deal of information.

Similarities and Deviations The emerging urban structure of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil appears to fit the Griffin and Ford Model quite well, although some dissimilarities are evident. Similarities and deviations between reality and what the model predicts will now be discussed.

Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil were founded during the nineteenth century and initially served as market towns with live-stock ranching dominating the surrounding countryside. All three cities were initially laid out based on a grid-pattern and subsequent urban expansion has proceeded accordingly. The CBD of each city is centrally located, surrounds the plaza mayor, and is an important employment, business, and entertainment center, as Griffin and Ford propose. A small business and commercial spine emanating


1989 A Model of Argentine City Structure 131

|Jjj Commercial/Industrial

K3 Elite Residential Sector

|*. * ] Zone of Maturity

[l Zone of In Situ Accretion

R^ Zone of Peripheral Squatter Settlements

CBD Central Business District

Figure 1: The Griffin and Ford Model

outward from the CBD is evident in each city but is not surrounded by an elite sector and does not extend to the edge of town, as the model suggests. It appears that cities the size of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil do not require the large number of high-threshold activities that would be necessary for an elongated spine to exist. In addition, railroad tracks have created a barrier to the further extension of the spine in each city.


132 David C. Howell Revista Geogrfica 109

^__ **

I BUENOS AIREsX. J5* - I ^V - 33*

OlAVAIt.A. #A2l J

I TANDIL /

LJ ^S*^ N ^S*^ o ao too fc* N i

*o#

Figure 2: Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil located in the Province of Buenos Aires.

The elite sector of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil has emerged separately from the spine. The elite sector of each city reaches the edge of town and consists of high-priced modern-style housing (Figure 3)1. Processes leading

1 Information on property values in different neighborhoods was obtained from realtors in each city. It was ascertained that realtors were able to provide the most current information on actual selling prices, appreciation and deprecia- tion, and consumer trends.



to the development of the elite sector of each city appear to include many of those Griffin and Ford predict, including pressure for land in the CBD, or more precisely, the lack of space to build near the central city, the construction of picturesque amenities, changes in architectural values, and the recent acquisition of suburban tastes by more affluent residents. Subur- banization by more affluent residents in each city began in the early 1970s, near amenities which offered excellent views. One resident of the elite sector interviewed mentioned that people in the smaller cities of the Province tend to imitate the actions of Porteos (Argentinians born in Buenos Aires). This statement appears to have an element of truth in it. Hardoy (1972, 35) noted that large-scale suburbanization was evident in Buenos Aires from 1947 to 1970. The suburban municipalities and jurisdic- tions of Buenos Aires absorbed a population increase of over two million, while the population of the city, itself, remained stable. The acquisition of suburban desires by residents of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil may well be the result of diffusion of values from Buenos Aires.

Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil have important connector streets which have no equivalent in the Griffin and Ford Model. As these avenues cross central portions of each city, many retail establishments are evident along with many nice upper-class residences. Each city has also recently built fully- service industrial parks on the edge of town that have no counterpart in the model. Zoning laws now require all new industrial undertakings in Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil to locate in these parks.

Figure 3: Large homes with a view in the elite sector of Azul


134 David C. Ho well Revista Geogrfica 109

As the model predicts, outside of the CBD three rings can be identified in which socioeconomic conditions gradually deteriorate peripherally. A zone of maturity is evident in each city and surrounds the CBD. Housing in this zone consists of relatively expensive professionally-built dwellings, including large, colonial-style homes, high-rise residential buildings, a few recently constructed modern-style homes, and a mixture of somewhat smaller, well-kept, concrete buildings (Figure 4)2. All residences in the central area of each city are provided with a complete range of infrastructure improvements.

The intermediate zone of each city is a transitional zone in terms of housing quality, as Griffin and Ford predict, but does not closely resemble their description. The majority of neighborhoods in this zone appear to be professionally constructed and are provided with electricity, gas, running water, and paved streets. Homes in the intermediate zone are generally smaller and less expensive than those found in the zone of maturity. Streets are narrow and lined with nondescript rows of well-maintained, one-story concrete homes (Figure 5). Housing is very uniform in design and does not appear to be in a constant state of on-going construction as Griffin and Ford suggest.

Land-use density decreases in the peripheral zone of each city and neighborhoods have a rural ambience (Figure 6)3. Although outlying areas are home to the poorest residents, it would be incorrect to label these areas squatter settlements.. Virtually all inhabitants on the periphery of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil own or rent their low-cost dwellings. Furthermore, although services other than electricity are practically non-existent, except in a few areas of subsidized housing, conditions are not as severe as those found in larger Latin American cities such as Bogota or Tijuana. Even in the poorest of areas, people appear to be adequately clothed and fed, and the self-built housing stock does nort consist of a wide variety of scavenged materials as predicted by the model. Instead, most homes, although very small, are built of concrete.

The lack of shantytowns in Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil can be attributed to many factors. From 1970 to 1980 the population of all three cities grew at a moderate rate of about 2 percent per year (NCPV 1980). City planners in Olavarra indicated that medium-sized cities are not major recipients of rural migrants in the Province of Buenos Aires. Instead, the majority, of migrants journey to the City of Buenos Aires or, to a lesser extent, Mar Del Plata. The lack of a large indigenous population in the Province, along with Argentina's fairly high degree of economic development, also appear to be

2 Property values in the zone of maturity are fairly compatible with those in the elite sector; however, realtors in each city indicated that property values in the elite sector are appreciating at a more rapid rate. 3 Information on land-use density was gathered from land-use maps which are available in all three cities and by field observations.



Figure 4: An expensive colonial-style home surrounded by smaller residences in the central area of Azul

Figure 5: Typical housing in the intermediate zone of Olavarria



Figure 6: Neighborhood located on the extreme periphery of Tandil

important elements as even the primacy of Buenos Aires has spawned relatively few shantytowns in comparison to most large cities in Latin America. Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil also do not have any disamenity sectors of any significance, probably for the same reasons mentioned above. (Figure 7) illustrates generalized components of urban structure for each city.

Modified Griffin and Ford Model The Griffin and Ford Model was purposefully designed as a generalization. In order for the model to be more place-specific and portray reality to a greater extent in Argentina, some modifications are necessary. (Figura 8) illustrates a modified version of the Griffin and Ford Model for medium- sized cities of the Pampas.

The overall shape of the model has been changed from a circular configu- ration to a square, reflecting the manner in which all three cities have expanded based on a grid pattern. The CBD remains in the center, as set forth in the original model. It is the only shopping district of the city, and an importan business, employment, and entertainment center. The spine also remains as an extension of the CBD. However, the spine is much shorter in the modified model and does not reach to the edge of the city. Activities on the spine near the plaza mayor include government offices, banks, theaters, restaurants, clothing stores, and bakeries. As the railroad tracks are ap- proached, activities slowly grade toward lowerorder establishments such as hardware stores, auto parts dealers, paint stores, and small grocery markets.



Figure 7: The generalized urban structure of Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil

The elite residential sector which surrounds the spine in the original model has been separated from the business spine and inserted near picturesque green amenities. Homes in the elite sector are professionally- built, modern suburban-style homes. The largest and most expensive homes have a direct view of green parklands. Smaller modern-style dwellings are located behing these homes in the adjacent neighborhood. Connector roads



IND. PARK

Hi Commercial ^] Plaza Mayor

[88 Elite Residential Sector - Ring Roads

$] Amenities ++ Railroad Tracks

FT7] Zone of Maturity RR Railroad Station

piili] Zone of Intermediate Modest Housing

1^/3 Zone of Peripheral Self-Built Dwellings

CBD Central Business District

Figura 8: The Modified Model



and/or quick crosstown routes exhibiting a combination of commercial and residential land-uses have been incorporated into the modified model and labeled ring roads because they often ring the central portion of the city. An industrial park has also been included in the model.

The two outer zones of Griffin and Ford's Model have been renamed. The zone of in situ accretions has been relabeled the zone of intermediate, modest housing as middleclass residents of the city generally occupy small, well-kept homes in this zone. The outer concentric zone of peripheral squatter settlements in the Griffin and Ford Model has been replaced with the zone of peripheral self-built dwellings in the modified model. This zone is home to the poorest residents of the city, who live in very small, self-built concrete buildings.

Conclusion

Although models are often criticized for being too general, they can serve a useful purpose of heuristic tools. Models can provide a miniature of reality and possibly unlock the door to understanding. However, models must be examined periodically in different cultural and areal contexts to determine their continued validity. Models can provide starting points and inspiration for geographic research. Griffin and Ford's generalized description and explanation of Latin American city structure provides many insights into the urban patterns exhibited in Azul, Olavarra, and Tandil, but a few modifications were neccesary to make their model more placespecific.

Culture cannot be assumed to be a constant in urban research. Griffin and Ford (1980, 398) realize that processes and forms of urban growth are to a certain degree going to be culturally specific regardless of rates of growth and modernization. Claval (1984, 33) believes that cultural differences from city to city and from class to class have a pronounced effect on the rhythms of daily life, and in the long run are expressed in morphological arrangements. In the final analysis, this research not only examined many aspects of the Griffin and Ford Model, but provided insights into urban life in Argentina, perhaps giving credence to the idea that in the discipline of geography, place matters.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Larry Ford and Doris Amici for their valuable suggestions, and Jason Berri for his cartographic assistance.



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Issue Table of ContentsRevista Geogrfica, No. 109 (ENERO-JUNIO 1989) pp. 1-206Front MatterLa Imagen de una Ciudad Intermedia: el Ejemplo de la Ciudad de San Rafael y sus Implicaciones [pp. 5-43]El Desarrollo Espacial de las Ciudades en Amrica Latina. Caso de la Ciudad de Mxico [pp. 45-55]The Sugar Cane Industry of the Chicama Valley, Peru [pp. 57-71]A Locational Strategy for Family Planning Centers in La Paz, Bolivia [pp. 73-86]Las Bases del Ordenamiento Territorial. Algunas Evidencias de la Experiencia Cubana [pp. 87-111]Desenvolvimento Regional na Periferia Brasileira O Programa Grande Carajs na Amaznia Oriental [pp. 113-127]A Model of Argentine City Structure [pp. 129-140]Development in Brazilian Amazonia: Background to New Frontiers [pp. 141-155]Una Evaluatin del Programa de Industrializatin de la SUDENE: El caso de Pernambuco (Brasil), 1960-1975 [pp. 157-165]Planejamento e Geografia: Reflexes Conceituais e Exemplos da Experincia Brasileira [pp. 167-198]Agricultores y Cultivos en un Area del Oasis Norte de Mendoza [pp. 199-206]Back Matter

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