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    A Mnemonic Theory of Odor Perception

    Richard J. StevensonMacquarie University

    Robert A. BoakesUniversity of Sydney

    The psychological basis of odor quality is poorly understood. For pragmatic reasons, descriptions of odor

    quality generally rely on profiling odors in terms of what odorants they bring to mind. It is argued here

    that this reliance on profiling reflects a basic property of odor perception, namely that odor quality

    depends on the implicit memories that an odorant elicits. This is supported by evidence indicating that

    odor quality as well as ones ability to discriminate odors is affected by experience. Developmental

    studies and cross-cultural research also point to this conclusion. In this article, these findings are

    reviewed and a model that attempts to account for them is proposed. Finally, the models consistency

    with both neurophysiological and neuropsychological data is examined.

    Progress in understanding the perception of stimulus qualities invision and audition has been based on the search for systematic

    relationships between the physical attributes of a stimulus and the

    subjective experience it produces; that is, on solving the stimulus

    problem. Recent developments in molecular biology and neuro-

    physiology have resulted in considerable advances in researchers

    knowledge of the olfactory receptor system, which has hitherto

    lagged well behind the knowledge of other sensory systems. Nev-

    ertheless, as detailed below, major problems remain for any theory

    of odor quality based solely on the physical properties of the

    stimulus. A solution of the stimulus problem for olfaction appears

    to remain remote. A different approach to the analysis of odor

    qualities is one that takes into account the effects of past experi-

    ence on the way that an individual perceives an odor. In this

    article, we review recent experimental evidence on such effects

    and present a theory of odor perception that is based on the

    assumption that the qualities perceived in an odor reflect the

    normally implicit memories that it elicits. Although the subjective

    experience induced by an odor clearly consists of more than just its

    perceptual qualities (e.g., its hedonic ones), in the absence of any

    extant psychological theories of olfaction, models of basic percep-

    tual processes are likely to be more useful. Consequently, our

    primary focus here remains perceptual.

    The Human Olfactory System

    The olfactory system is characterized by having two discrete

    modes of stimulation (Chifala & Polzella, 1995, Figure 1; Rozin,1982). Chemical stimuli can be transported to the olfactory recep-

    tors via the nose through sniffing (orthonasal perception) or via therelease of volatile chemicals in the mouth during eating and

    drinking (Pierce & Halpern, 1996). These volatiles then ascend via

    the posterior nares of the nasopharynx to stimulate the olfactory

    receptors (retronasal perception). Although there are some rela-

    tively minor differences between the two modes of stimulation,

    mainly resulting from the less efficient flow of air during retrona-

    sal perception, crucially both result in binding to the same set of

    receptors (Burdach & Doty, 1987; Voirol & Daget, 1986).

    It is useful to draw a distinction between taste and smell,

    because these terms are commonly confused. Taste is an anatom-

    ically discrete sense from smell and is characterized by four types

    of sensation (sweet, sour, salty, and bitter [and possibly a fifth,

    umami]), which are detected by receptors or ion channels locatedprimarily on the tongue (McLaughlin & Margolskee, 1994). Most

    basic tastants like sodium chloride, sucrose, quinine, and citric acid

    have no smell, just as many odor stimuli completely lack taste.

    This is typically confirmed by placing a substance on the tongue

    while the nose is firmly pinched to prevent retronasal olfaction.

    Any sensation is then most likely to be taste.

    A further distinction is between the olfactory and nasal trigem-

    inal systems. The nasal trigeminal system is mediated separately

    from the sense of smell and refers to receptors located in the nasal

    passage and in all parts of the system that come into contact with

    inhaled substances. These receptors have at least two effects on

    olfaction (see Green & Lawless, 1991). First, the sensations they

    evoke, such as burning, itching, and stinging, are experienced as

    part of the spectrum of olfactory sensations (Laska, Distel, &Hudson, 1997). Second, trigeminal irritation appears to reduce the

    perceived intensity of pure odors (Cain & Murphy, 1980). This

    article is primarily concerned with olfactory stimulation.

    The main function of the olfactory receptors is to transduce

    chemical stimuli into patterns of neural activity that, after process-

    ing, allow the stimulus to be discriminated from thousands of other

    odorous stimuli (Hildebrand & Shepherd, 1997). The olfactory

    receptors are located on the olfactory mucosa (see Figure 1), which

    is arranged in two discrete segments; one of these is accessed

    exclusively from the left nostril, and the other is accessed exclu-

    sively from the right (Lanza & Clerico, 1995). Each segment is

    Richard J. Stevenson, Department of Psychology, Macquarie Univer-

    sity, New South Wales, Australia; Robert A. Boakes, Department of

    Psychology, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia.

    We thank David Laing, Judi Homewood, Fred Westbrook, Trevor Case,

    Judi Wilson, and Julie Fitness for their many helpful comments on earlier

    versions of this article.

    Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Richard

    J. Stevenson, Department of Psychology, Macquarie University, New

    South Wales 2109, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]

    Psychological Review Copyright 2003 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.2003, Vol. 110, No. 2, 340 364 0033-295X/03/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0033-295X.110.2.340

    340

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    covered with a layer of mucus that is vital for normal function

    (Pelosi, 1996). The mucus probably assists chemical stimuli to

    diffuse onto the olfactory receptor neurons, as well as removing

    stimuli after transduction. The receptor neurons project into the

    mucus, and the receptors are located on their cilia (for review, see

    Buck, 1996, 2000; Hildebrand & Shepherd, 1997).

    Olfactory receptors have been identified as belonging to a large

    family of biologically active molecules called G-proteins(Buck &

    Axel, 1991). Although this and many related discoveries, dis-

    cussed below, have been made using mice and rats, these findingsalmost certainly apply to other mammals and to humans (Issel-

    Tarver & Rine, 1997; Mombaerts, 1999). The G-protein receptors

    are embedded in the cell membrane of the cilia, and when an

    effective chemical stimulus arrives the binding results in depolar-

    ization and an action potential (Hildebrand & Shepherd, 1997).

    Only certain types of chemical appear to be effective stimuli, that

    is, stimuli detectable by the olfactory system. First, they must fall

    within a certain range of solubility. Methane, for example, is

    relatively insoluble in water and odorless but can be smelled by

    divers as solubility increases with higher air pressure (Laffort &

    Gortan, 1987). Volatility, and hence molecular size, is a further

    limitation, with few chemicals being odorous if they exceed a

    molecular weight of around 300 (Ohloff, Winter, & Fehr, 1991).

    The way that chemical stimuli might interact with olfactory

    receptors has generated a large number of theories. These can be

    grouped into three general classes: chemical (e.g., Amoore, 1964;

    Boelens, 1974; Henning, 1916; Laska, Trolp, & Teubner, 1999),

    vibrational (e.g., Dyson, 1938; Turin, 1996; Wright, 1977), and

    enzymatic (which is not discussed further here; see Amoore,

    1982). Two of these, chemical and vibrational, have received the

    most attention. Chemical theories can be further subdivided into

    those based on the physiochemical properties of the stimulus, such

    as its overall shape or the presence of particular functional groups

    (which is the more popular view) or on the molecules reactivity

    (which has received far less support). Both chemical theory sub-

    types presume that odors bind to particular receptor types and that

    the pattern of activity from these different receptors generates a

    representation of the stimulus that is complex and unique (Beets,

    1978; Schiffman, 1974; Sullivan, Ressler, & Buck, 1995).

    Vibrational theories also come in two forms. The first, now

    largely discredited, assumes that chemicals emit particular fre-

    quencies that are detected by the receptors in the same way that thevisual system senses light (see Moncrieff, 1951). More recent

    forms of vibrational theory start from the premise that molecules

    have particular sets of vibrational frequencies that uniquely define

    them (Turin, 1996; Wright, 1977). These theories propose that

    olfactory receptors are tuned to detect different vibrational fre-

    quencies and therefore a representation of the stimulus is built up

    from this unique pattern of vibrations.

    It is currently estimated that the adult human olfactory mucosa

    contains between 500 and 750 unique G-protein receptors (Buck &

    Axel, 1991). This finding alone sets olfaction apart from the other

    senses, each of which contain only a limited number of receptor

    types. Each olfactory receptor neuron appears to produce only one

    type of G-protein receptor (Malnic, Hirono, Sato, & Buck, 1999),and it is important to note that each receptor type appears sensitive

    to many different chemicals (Malnic et al., 1999; Mombaerts,

    1999). Families of particular G-protein receptor types appear to be

    located together on the olfactory epithelium (Ressler, Sullivan, &

    Buck, 1993), although the location of individual receptor types

    within such areas appears random. The functional significance of

    this arrangement is not understood.

    Following an interaction between a chemical and the G-protein

    receptor, the cell depolarizes, and an action potential passes along

    to the first stage of information processing, the glomeruli, con-

    tained in the olfactory bulb (Sullivan & Dryer, 1996). There are

    estimated to be between 1,000 and 2,000 glomeruli. Each glomer-

    ulus receives input primarily from a single G-protein receptor type

    (Ressler, Sullivan, & Buck, 1993). The apparent mismatch be-

    tween number of glomeruli and number of receptor types reflects

    a current lack of precision in measurement; the general nature of

    this relationship is all that is of concern in this article. The spatial

    arrangement of glomeruli appears to be the same as that for

    receptors on the olfactory epithelium, in that members of the same

    G-protein families tend to be located close together (see Mori,

    Nagao, & Yoshihara, 1999). One possible consequence of this

    arrangement is that chemical stimuli that resemble each other in

    whatever key feature(s) turn out to be important for receptor

    binding will also tend to activate neighboring glomeruli. As in

    other sensory systems, lateral inhibition occurs between glomeruli.

    Thus, high activation of one glomerulus may suppress activity in

    its neighbors and thus sharpen output to the next processing stage(Yokoi, Mori, & Nakanishi, 1995; but see Laurent, 1999, for an

    alternative perspective).

    A key implication to emerge from this account is that odor

    quality is very unlikely to be dictated by one-to-one relationships

    between particular receptors and an associated quality. This is

    because of the sheer multitude of receptors, their apparent lack of

    specificity, the fact that most odorous stimuli are composed of

    many chemicals, and the general observation that olfactory coding

    is probably represented at the neural level by a complex spatial and

    temporal pattern of activity at the glomeruli that is relatively

    unique to every chemical stimulus (e.g., Buck, 1996, 2000;

    Figure 1. Cross-section of the head, illustrating the dual nature of olfac-

    tory stimulation (via the nose or nasal pharynx) and the separateness of

    taste (tongue) and smell (olfactory mucosa). From Sensation and Percep-

    tion(5th ed., p. 451), by E. B. Goldstein, Copyright 1999. Reprinted withpermission of Brooks/Cole, an imprint of the Wadsworth Group, a division

    of Thomson Learning.

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    Haberly, 1998; Malnic et al., 1999; Rubin & Katz, 1999; Sullivan

    et al., 1995).

    This perspective, which has emerged mainly from molecular

    biology and neurophysiology over the last decade, has received

    little if any attention from experimental psychologists, and the

    implications for psychological accounts of odor quality have re-

    mained largely unexplored. In fact, as we discuss below, psycho-logical research on odor-quality perception has been motivated by

    the stimulus-problem approach, in which one receptor is equated

    with one quality. In light of recent physiological findings it may

    come as no surprise that these data provide little support for this

    way of thinking.

    Odor Quality and the Stimulus Problem

    The psychological study of odor quality began with self-reports

    of olfactory experience, later coupled with an attempt to identify

    common sensory categories across different chemical stimuli (see

    Amoore, 1982). This effort stemmed from the hope that such

    categorization would lead to the discovery of a limited number of

    primary odor sensations. It was then thought that the identificationof corresponding receptor types and the unraveling of the stimulus

    problem would follow, just as it had for color perception (Saha-

    kian, 1981). In this section we discuss various approaches to the

    description of olfactory qualities, starting with a brief historical

    background.

    Linnaeus (see Amoore, 1982) was the first to attempt a system-

    atic classification of olfactory sensation. He categorized plant

    odors into seven categories, in an effort largely motivated by his

    studies of plant taxonomy rather than of olfactory perception. The

    first general classification system was proposed by Rimmel (see

    Moncrieff, 1951) and included 18 categories, with a bias toward

    categorization based on vegetative origin. A more abstract system

    was proposed by Zwaardemaker (see Moncrieff, 1951). This con-tained 9 main categories, each of which was further divided into

    two or three subcategories.

    Modern attempts to identify odor primaries begin with Hen-

    nings (1916) odor prism. Each corner of the prism represents a

    primary quality, these being, flowery, foul, fruity, spicy, burnt, and

    resinous. Henning claimed that odors would either be fully cap-

    tured by a principal descriptor or fall on the surface or edges of the

    prism if intermediate between categories. This claim produced a

    flurry of experimental work that was largely unsupportive. The

    general problem was the same as met by all classification systems

    (Moncrieff, 1951): Many odors could not be accommodated within

    the scheme or, as in this case, located on the surface of the prism

    (e.g., Findley, 1924; Hazzard, 1930; MacDonald, 1922). For ex-

    ample, in Macdonalds (1922) study, geraniol was judged to have

    three principal qualities, these being flowery, fruity, and resinous,

    yet the construction of the prism implies that this odor must have

    a further quality, spiciness. Participants judgments were not con-

    sistent with this prediction.

    More recent attempts at defining primary odor qualities have

    also met with problems. Amoore (1952) identified terms used by

    chemists to describe odors. These were then analyzed to identify

    those most commonly used. Seven terms were identified: ethereal,

    camphor, minty, floral, musky, putrid, and burnt. Amoore and

    Venstrom (1967) found significant correlations between the terms

    characterizing particular chemicals and their molecular shape,

    suggesting seven or so primary qualities and hence receptors.

    However, Amoores other approach, the identification of specific

    anosmiasanalogous to the study of anomalous color vision

    revealed a much larger number of specific anosmias (about 43 at

    last count; Amoore, 1982), and this finding is difficult to reconcile

    with the earlier conclusion of seven primaries. Overall, attempts to

    identify odor primaries must be judged as unsuccessful.A second approach to the analysis of odor quality has arisen

    from the needs of professionals (e.g., sensory evaluation panels,

    expert tasters, perfumers, flavorists, and wine tasters) for a stan-

    dardized descriptive system that captures the differences between

    odors and promotes communication between specialists (e.g.,

    Brud, 1986). In one such system a target odor is compared with a

    set of standard odors, with participants rating the targets similarity

    to each comparison stimulus (e.g., Brud, 1986; Schultz, 1964).

    However, this approach has proved unwieldy and has seen little

    general application. Much more popular have been systems in

    which a target odor is evaluated in relation to a standard list of

    verbal descriptors (e.g., Dravnieks, 1985; Noble et al., 1987).

    Harper, Bate-Smith, and Land (1968) pioneered the first system of

    this kind by collecting a large number of terms used to describeodor quality. These were then winnowed down to a set of 44 items,

    against which participants evaluate the target odor. Dravnieks

    (1985) later extended the number of items in his widely used list

    to 146. There is, however, no strict limit on the number of items

    that could be included, apart from obvious practical considerations

    like participant fatigue. These systems allow an odor to be profiled

    quite rapidly, with participants rating each descriptor on degree of

    presence (effectively a similarity rating). The profile developed for

    a particular odor using this technique shows high testretest reli-

    ability (Dravnieks, 1982).

    Three points about descriptive profiling are pertinent here. The

    first is that most of these schemes either explicitly or implicitly

    involve similarity judgments, in that the participant is effectivelyasked to assess how similar the target is to a particular descriptor

    (Lawless, 1999). This point is illustrated by the obvious prediction

    that odors that receive similar profiles should also be judged,

    globally, as more similar. Precisely such a relationship has been

    observed (Dravnieks, Bock, Powers, Tibbetts, & Ford, 1978). The

    second point concerns the items to which the odor is compared. In

    the vast majority of cases these items are specific odorous objects

    or categories of objects (Lawless, 1999). Third, and most impor-

    tant of all, each of these rating schemes appears to need a large

    number of descriptors to capture adequately, if indeed it does, the

    experience of odor quality. This would seem to suggest that there

    are no primary odor qualities (for a similar conclusion see Chas-

    trette, Elmouaffek, & Sauvegrain, 1988).

    Applying Adaptation and Discrimination

    to the Stimulus Problem

    An alternative approach to the stimulus problem has been to

    study olfactory adaptation and discrimination. We turn first to

    adaptation, which is a salient property of odor perception (Engen,

    1982). Repeated or prolonged exposure produces a marked de-

    crease in the perceived intensity of an odor, as measured by a range

    of psychophysical techniques (Koster, 1971). This propensity can

    be used to study the stimulus problem in the following way. If two

    odors smell similar, it is a reasonable presumption that they might

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    also share the same receptor types. It follows that taking two

    odorants that smell similar and presenting one of them repeatedly

    might produce cross-adaptation when the other similar smelling

    odor is sniffed (e.g., Cain & Polak, 1992).

    The results from such cross-adaptation studies are equivocal.

    Although some odor pairs that are qualitatively similar will cross-

    adapt (see, e.g., Cain & Polak, 1992; Pierce, Wysocki, Aronov,Webb, & Boden, 1996), others will not (Todrank, Wysocki, &

    Beauchamp, 1991). Moreover, many odors that are clearly dis-

    criminable and have very different qualities will cross-adapt (Ko-

    ster, 1971). In addition, odors that are structurally similar and yet

    perceptually distinct may also show cross-adaptation (Pierce,

    Zeng, Aronov, Preti, & Wysocki, 1995), and in some cases pre-

    exposure to the adapting odor may even act to increase the judged

    intensity of the test stimulus (Engen & Bosak, 1969). These

    findings argue against the idea of any simple relationship between

    perceptual similarity and commonality of receptor types.

    The use of discrimination to explore odor quality is based on the

    assumption that the ease of discriminating two odors is inversely

    related to the degree that they share perceptual qualities (e.g., Jehl,

    Royet, & Holley, 1994). From this perspective, odors that share acommon structural feature (if this should be important in causing

    odor quality) should be less discriminable than odors that do not

    share this feature. Studies using odor discrimination are not only

    the most objective (Wise, Olsson, & Cain, 2000) but also the least

    explored. This is probably because of the practical costs imposed

    by the many comparison trials needed to obtain sufficient data for

    meaningful analysis and by the problem that adaptation precludes

    the short intertrial intervals that can be used in equivalent studies

    of vision or audition.

    The effect of chemical structure on discriminability has been

    examined in a number of recent studies using both primate and

    human participants. The chemical structure of an odorant, most

    notably its carbon chain length and its functional groups, has beenfound to affect discriminability in a lawful way, such that odorants

    of greater structural similarity are generally less distinguishable

    (Laska, Ayabe-Kanamura, Hubener, & Saito, 2000; Laska &

    Teubner, 1999; Laska et al., 1999). These results suggest that

    various aspects of a chemicals structure undoubtedly influence

    participants perception of odor quality. However, there is also

    evidence to suggest that such relationships are far from perfect

    (e.g., Boelens, 1974; Polak, 1973).

    The Role of Learning in Odor-Quality Perception

    The guiding principle of psychological inquiry into odor quality

    is based on the presumption that sensation results causally from the

    features of the stimulus and that with sufficient searching these

    features and their sensations will be identified, solving the stimulus

    problem. Within such a framework, perception of an odor should

    not be greatly influenced by past experience. However, recent

    research on the role of learning in odor perception challenges this

    assumption and suggests that perception of an odor is far more

    sensitive to past experience than is the case for other modalities

    (for a similar conclusion based on the animal literature, see Hud-

    son, 1999).

    One phenomenon that clearly makes this point is tastesmell

    synesthesia, whereby olfactory stimulation can give rise to an

    experience that properly belongs to the sensory modality of taste.

    It has been known for some time that participants will spontane-

    ously describe a wide range of odors as smelling sweet; notable

    examples are strawberry, vanilla, and caramel (Harper et al.,

    1968). It is not clear why this term is used, becausesweetnormally

    refers to a sensation produced by stimulation of taste receptors on

    the tongue and nothing corresponding to an olfactory sweet recep-

    tor is known to exist. One possibility is that describing odors interms of sweetness, or other taste terms, is a linguistic phenome-

    non with sweetused in a metaphorical rather than in a perceptual

    way. However, the sweetness-enhancement effect argues against

    this possibility. For example, if participants are asked to judge the

    sweetness of a sucrose solution flavored by strawberry, they will

    judge the mixture to be sweeter than the unflavored sucrose (Frank

    & Byram, 1988; Frank, Ducheny, & Mize, 1989). The size of this

    effect is directly related to how sweet the odor smells (Stevenson,

    Prescott, & Boakes, 1999). This suggests that the perceptual ex-

    perience of sweetness produced by something in the mouth is

    based on a combination of sensory signals from the mouth, gen-

    erated by (a) odorless sweet tastants such as sucrose and (b) signals

    produced by retronasal stimulation of olfactory receptors by taste-

    less odorants. Sweetness enhancement is not the only effect of thiskind. Sweet odors used to flavor a sour solution can reduce the

    perceived sourness of the latter, whereas nonsweet odors can

    reduce the perceived sweetness of a sucrose solution (Stevenson et

    al., 1999). In addition, the sweet taste of saccharin, but not the

    meaty taste of monosodium glutamate, can facilitate threshold

    detection of the sweet smelling odor benzaldehyde, apparently via

    their shared quality of sweetness (Dalton, Doolittle, Nagata, &

    Breslin, 2000).

    Many sweet-smelling odors have a history of co-occurrence

    with sweet tastes. This has led to the suggestion that the odor

    quality sweet may be acquired on the basis of individual experi-

    ence (Frank & Byram, 1988; and see Laska et al., 1997, for a

    related suggestion forsour) and, further, that it may be modifiableby varying the co-occurrence of odors and tastes in a laboratory

    setting. We have repeatedly obtained such an effect, odortaste

    learning, over a series of experiments (Stevenson, Boakes, &

    Prescott, 1998; Stevenson, Boakes, & Wilson, 2000a, 2000b;

    Stevenson, Prescott, & Boakes, 1995). These have all used the

    same basic procedure. Participants rate a set of odors on a number

    of dimensions in two identical sniffing tests, a pre- and a posttest.

    In the intervening training phase they are asked to tastethat is,

    sip, swirl around the mouth, and then expectoratea series of fluid

    samples. Some samples consist of a sucrose solution to which a

    target odor has been added as a flavorant and others may contain

    a citric acid solution, tasting moderately sour, or plain water

    flavored by adding further target odors. In general we have used

    target odors that participants find only vaguely familiar and nor-

    mally cannot identify. Lychee and water chestnut have been the

    targets used in most of these experiments. The sniffing tests have

    usually required linear analog ratings on four scales: liking, inten-

    sity, sweetness, and sourness.

    Such experiments have consistently produced the same result.

    Target odors that have been mixed with sucrose are rated as

    sweeter, and less sour, in the posttest than they were in the pretest,

    whereas those mixed with citric acid are rated as less sweet, and

    more sour, at posttest. There is little change from pre- to posttest

    in the ratings for control odors mixed with water during training,

    other than a slight increase in intensity (Stevenson et al., 1998).

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    Because such a design raises the potential problem of demand

    characteristics, the initial experiments contained conditions de-

    signed to obscure their purpose. These included the inclusion in the

    training phase of an irrelevant taska triangle test requiring

    participants to decide which of three samples was different from

    the other twoand of more dummy than critical trials, with spaced

    training over several sessions. Recognition tests to assess aware-ness and postexperiment questionnaires revealed that participants

    had no understanding of the purpose of the experiment and very

    little, if any, explicit memory of which flavor had been mixed with

    which taste. Learning of odortaste contingencies appeared to be

    implicit, in that the size of the learning effect was unrelated to the

    degree of awareness of the contingencies shown by a participant

    (Stevenson et al., 1998, 1995). Later experiments suggested that

    elaborate masking procedures are unnecessary. The effect was also

    obtained when dummy trials were removed and training completed

    in a single session, yet participants still displayed little explicit

    memory for the odortaste contingencies (Stevenson et al., 2000a).

    The size of the effect, produced by between four and eight

    pairings of an odor with sucrose, is an increase of sweetness of

    about 10 points on a 100-point scale under the range of experi-mental conditions used to date. This effect size does not seem to be

    affected by whether the solutions are sampled from a cup in the

    manner described above or sipped through a straw (i.e., precluding

    serial learning of smell then taste). It is also very stable. When

    retested 1 month after training, no detectable change was found in

    participants ratings (Stevenson et al., 1998). An unexpected find-

    ing was that the effect is resistant to both extinction and counter-

    conditioning. In these experiments an odor was first mixed with

    citric acid and then for 12 trials presented in water (Stevenson et

    al., 2000a) or in sucrose solution (Stevenson et al., 2000b). No

    difference was detected in the posttest ratings between an odor

    given this extinction or counter-conditioning treatment and one

    given odorsourness pairings alone. Both odors showed odortastelearning relative to control odors. In contrast, colortaste associ-

    ations proved sensitive to both the extinction and the counter-

    conditioning procedures. One experimental manipulation that can

    decrease odortaste learning is to provide preexposure to an

    odorby presenting it as a flavorant mixed in waterprior to

    adding it to a sucrose or citric acid solution (Stevenson & Boakes,

    in press). The significance of these various properties of odortaste

    learning are discussed further below, but first we consider other

    experiential treatments that change the way that an odor is

    perceived.

    One of these involves what we term odor-quality exchange or

    odorodor learning. Exposure to a combination of odors, A X,

    can imbue A with some of Xs perceptual qualities, and vice versa.

    Experiments examining this effect have contained a training phase

    in which participants sniff two such combinations, A X and B

    Y. Each combination of a target odor (A, B) with a contaminant

    (X, Y) is presented 12 times over two separate sessions. This is

    followed by a posttest in which A, B, X, and Y are presented on

    their own and participants are asked to rate each of them in terms

    of how A-like, B-like, X-like, and Y-like they smell. For example,

    X could be p-anisaldehyde, which is generally perceived as smell-

    ing musty, and in this caseX-likewould mean rating each odor for

    mustiness. Acquisition of this odor quality is then measured by the

    difference between musty ratings for Target A and the same

    ratings for Control Odor B, which has not been mixed with

    p-anisaldehyde. With such a design, odor pairings are varied

    across groups in counterbalanced fashion.

    Experiments using these procedures have examined acquisition

    of odor properties using a number of targets (L-carvone, with a

    minty smell; cis-3-hexanol, green or fresh grass; terpineol, disin-

    fectant-like; methyl salicylate, mint or peppermint; guaiacol,

    smoky; champignol, mushroom; and wood distillate, woody orresinous) and various contaminants, including water chestnut

    (fruity), p-anisaldehyde (musty), cherry (cherry or berry), and

    citral (lemony). Exposure to a particular target-contaminant mix-

    ture does not always produce a change in the perceived quality of

    the target. For example, neither L-carvone nor cis-3-hexanol were

    detectably more fruity after being mixed with water chestnut.

    Furthermore, on some occasions the effect occurs in only one

    direction: An odor can yield some property without acquiring any,

    and vice versa. Thus, in the same study (Stevenson, 2001a)

    L-carvone was rated more musty after being mixed with

    p-anisaldehyde, but the latter was not rated as more minty. It is not

    yet possible to predict whether a contaminant will affect a target

    odor. One important factor appears to be the detectability of the

    components within the mixture (Stevenson, 2001b). Another re-lated issue is the familiarity or nameability of the components; for

    example, wood distillate was the most easily identified target odor

    and also the one least modified by a contaminant in Stevensons

    (2001b) study.

    The above results are based on ratings from small sets of scales.

    This raises the possibility that the outcomes may be greatly influ-

    enced by the particular labels given to the scales (e.g., Clark &

    Lawless, 1994). Further measures taken in the above experiments

    suggest that this is unlikely. All four experiments of this kind have

    included a second posttest in which participants have rated the

    similarity of pairs of odors. This was to test the prediction that

    following exposure to a mixture of Target A with Contaminant X,

    A should be rated as more similar to X than to Control Odor Y.Such an effect was found but, in general, only for pairs in which

    the first posttest revealed transfer of odor qualities (Stevenson,

    2001a, 2001b). A further test, included in one experiment (Steven-

    son, 2001b), required participants to rate each odor on the 146

    attributes used by Dravnieks (1985). Although less sensitive a

    testpossibly because given lastthis measure revealed effects

    of training similar to those detected by the limited number of

    scales of the first posttest.

    Learning and Odor Discrimination

    To this point, the evidence we have reviewed on the effects of

    learning on odor perception has relied on ratings of subjective

    experience. Such measures have their limitations, notably because

    of differences across individuals in the way that scale labels are

    interpreted (Wise et al., 2000) and wider concerns with the reli-

    ability of self-report data. Thus, it is clearly important to examine

    the extent to which objective measures of odor perception, notably

    discrimination performance, are affected by past experience.

    At least two factors have been identified that can improve odor

    discriminability: mere exposure and label learning. Several exper-

    iments have demonstrated enhanced discrimination following

    mere exposure to a set of odors. Rabin (1988; Experiment 1) had

    a group of participants profile a set of seven odors of low famil-

    iarity and near neutral hedonic tone using the Dravnieks (1985) set

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    of scales. In the subsequent same different discrimination test

    their performance equivalent to about 88% correctwas signif-

    icantly better than that of the two nonexposed control groups at

    81% correct. Enhancement of performance in such tests of odor

    discrimination can be obtained following prior exposure even

    when no task is required of participants. Jehl, Royet, and Holley

    (1995) gave different groups 0, 1, 2, or 3 exposures to sets ofodors, asking participants to sniff each odor for 4 s and remain

    silent. A subsequent samedifferent test revealed that discrimina-

    tion performance increased with prior exposure, mainly reflecting

    decreased false-alarm rates, with a d of about 4.0 for the group

    given three exposures andd of about 1.6 for the group given no

    preexposure.

    Although the previous two experiments demonstrate that dis-

    crimination improves with experience, they potentially confound

    perceptual and memorial processes because of their reliance on

    comparison between two temporally discrete stimuli. A further

    experiment by Rabin (1988, Experiment 2) argues against this

    possibility, because he obtained largely similar results to those

    above under conditions in which the task involved simultaneous

    presentation of two stimuli in a mixture. In this case participantswere given a target (e.g., A) followed (or preceded) on some trials

    by the target mixed with a contaminant (e.g., A X). Participants

    then judged same or different as in Rabins (1988) Experiment 1.

    He found that prior familiarity with both target and contaminant

    produced a considerable improvement in discrimination, with

    scores equivalent to 58% correct when neither was familiar to

    about 87% when both were familiar. Why exposure should benefit

    both successive and simultaneous discrimination tasks is not well

    understood, and no adequate theoretical explanation currently ex-

    ists for any of these effects.

    Learning labels for a set of odors can further improve discrim-

    inability beyond the effect of mere exposure (which one should

    note is a necessary condition for label learning to occur). Rabin(1988, Experiment 1) had another group of participants label the

    same seven odors that were profiled by the exposure group. The

    label group subsequently performed significantly better than the

    exposure group on the samedifferent task (94% correct, com-

    pared with 88% in the exposure group and 81% in the nonexposed

    control groups). Although the precise nature of the benefit con-

    ferred by label learning is unknown, at least two possibilities can

    be canvassed. On most discrimination tests, as noted above, a

    delay is present between the presentation (or the perception) of one

    stimulus and the presentation (or the perception) of the subsequent

    comparison stimulus. Labels may provide an easy verbal short-

    hand, allowing the odors identity to be stored in working memory

    (e.g., see Annett & Leslie, 1996, for the adverse effects of verbal

    suppression on an odor-memory task). A second, less prosaic

    explanation can also be made, on the basis of the notion that

    language shapes perception. This perspective has been more com-

    monly adopted when considering individuals who have some form

    of special olfactory expertise (e.g., perfumers or wine experts).

    Expertise in such individuals is usually characterized by both

    perceptual knowledge and an extensive related vocabulary (e.g.,

    see Solomon, 1990). Wine expertsthe most tested groupare

    undoubtedly better at wine discrimination than nonexperts (e.g.,

    Hughson & Boakes, 2001; Lawless, 1984). However, these bene-

    fits tend to be small when appropriate exposure controls are

    present (individuals with large amounts of perceptual experience

    but no specialized vocabulary; see Melcher & Schooler, 1996).

    Whether this linguistic benefit shown by experts represents a

    difference in perceptual experience or simply a better ability to

    describe and remember odors in verbal form (as suggested earlier)

    is yet to be resolved.

    Although label learning and mere exposure may typically en-

    hance discriminability, exposure can in certain circumstances re-duce it. Experimental research with both humans and animals

    using stimuli other than odors has shown that when two cues have

    produced a common outcome they can become less discriminable

    (e.g., Honey & Hall, 1989; Katz, 1963). Following Jamess (1890)

    study, this has been referred to asacquired equivalencein contrast

    with acquired distinctiveness (Hall, 1991). The previous section

    referred to evidence from experiments on the exchange of odor

    qualities indicating that after two odors have been experienced as

    a mixture they are judged as more similar (Stevenson, 2001a,

    2001b). Because similarity judgments should to some extent be

    predictive of discriminability, this finding suggests that experienc-

    ing two odors together might make later discrimination between

    them more difficult. Following the training procedures in our

    previous experiments (A X, B Y), we conducted triangletests, which revealed poorer discrimination between elements pre-

    viously mixed together (A vs. X, B vs. Y; mean correct trials

    77%) than between unmixed pairs (A vs. Y, B vs. X; mean correct

    trials 87%; Stevenson, 2001c). More recent experiments, in

    which only one odor mixture is experienced (i.e., A X or B

    Y) followed by triangle tests involving comparisons of both A

    versus X and B versus Y have revealed that the elements of the

    preexposed mixture are more difficult to tell apart (mean correct

    trials 77%) than non-preexposed stimuli (mean correct trials

    89%; Stevenson & Case, in press). Thus, this process appears to be

    one of acquired equivalence.

    Cross-Cultural Differences in Odor Perception

    The research reviewed in the previous two sections has shown

    that the way people experience and discriminate between odors

    can be significantly affected by relatively brief experiences in a

    laboratory setting. This suggests that differences in odor percep-

    tion across cultures could be quite large. Cultures differ in their use

    of dietary flavorings and staples (Moore, 1970), their exposure to

    culturally specific odors (e.g., church incense), and also in their

    use of odorants in different contexts (e.g., cleaning agents, per-

    fumes, medicinal flavors).

    Unfortunately for our purposes, most cross-cultural research on

    odors has focused on affective responses (Pangborn, 1975; Rozin,

    1978). There appears to be only one published study, Ayabe-

    Kanamura et al. (1998), and a conference abstract, Ueno (1993),

    that have reported data on the qualities that participants from

    different cultures perceive when smelling the same odorant. In

    Ayabe-Kanamura et al.s (1998) study, German and Japanese

    participants were asked to smell a range of culturally specific (e.g.,

    aniseed for Germans, dried fish for Japanese) and international

    odors (e.g., coffee). Judgments of liking revealed, as expected, that

    culturally specific odors were more preferred by their respective

    groups. More important here are differences between participants

    reports about the qualities of many of the odors. Many German

    participants thought that fermented soya beans were reminiscent of

    cheesy smelly feet, that dried fish smelled of excrement, and

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    soy sauce of fresh bread, but few Japanese thought so (Ayabe-

    Kanamura et al., 1998, p. 34). Conversely, aniseed was evaluated

    as disinfectant-like and Indian ink as medicinal by Japanese

    participants but quite differently by Germans (Ayabe-Kanamura et

    al., 1998, p. 34).

    Uenos (1993) study compared Japanese and Sherpa (Nepalese)

    participants perceptions of 20 Japanese food flavors. In this caseparticipants were asked to arrange the bottles containing the odors

    into groups on the basis of their similarity. Cluster analysis re-

    vealed that fishy odors were characterized in a different way by

    Sherpa participants, in that they did not exist as a distinct cluster

    as they did for the Japanese. Fish odors are rarely encountered by

    Sherpas in their native Nepal.

    Apart from supporting the claim that differences in experience

    can produce alterations in odor quality, Uenos study also indi-

    cated a close positive relationship between quality and liking.

    Where odors differed markedly in quality between groups (e.g.,

    dried fish), they also tended to differ markedly in pleasantness. On

    the basis of this finding, the much larger literature relevant to

    cross-cultural effects on liking is also consistent with the conclu-

    sion that experience affects the perceived quality of an odor as well

    as how much it is liked (e.g., Davis & Pangborn, 1985; Schaal et

    al., 1997; Wysocki, Pierce, & Gilbert, 1991).

    A Mnemonic Theory of Odor Perception

    We noted at the start of this article that psychological ap-

    proaches to odor-quality perception have been driven by attempts

    to solve the stimulus problem, with visual or auditory psychophys-

    ics as an implicit model. However, it has now been recognized that

    understanding visual and auditory perception, particularly object

    recognition (Logothetis & Sheinberg, 1996) and auditory scene

    analysis (Bregman, 1990), requires much more than simply solv-ing the stimulus problem. In fact Bregman (1990) argued that

    undue emphasis on such a purely psychophysical approach has

    probably retarded understanding of auditory perception. Here we

    argue that an understanding of odor quality cannot be achieved

    without full reference to how we process olfactory information,

    because odor-quality perception bears a much closer resemblance

    to activities such as scene analysis and object recognition than it

    does to psychophysical studies using single frequencies of light

    and pure tones. This is because no such equivalent is possible in

    olfaction, because all olfactory stimuli result in complex temporal

    and spatial patterns of activation on the glomerular layer (e.g.,

    Laurent, 1999). The emphasis for a psychological level explana-

    tion of odor-quality perception must be the way in which this

    pattern of activation is dealt with. This forms the central part of thetheory that we advance in this section.

    The mnemonic theory is described first in information-

    processing terms from the perspective of its core function (odor-

    quality perception; see Figure 2) and then from the perspective of

    its implications for related functions (e.g., familiarity, learning,

    priming, memory, imagery). A commentary on these assumptions

    follows. We then discuss whether the proposed system can be

    mapped onto different parts of the central nervous system and the

    extent to which the theory provides a better understanding of

    abnormalities of odor perception following various kinds of dam-

    age to the brain.

    Overview

    The essence of the mnemonic theory is that the complex output

    pattern from the glomeruli forms the models input (Number 1 on

    Figure 2). This input is then compared in parallel with the contents

    of a store composed primarily of previously encountered glomer-

    ular patterns (Number 2a on Figure 2). The greater the similarity

    between the current input pattern and a stored pattern (an engram),

    the greater the activation of that engram. Odor quality is repre-

    sented here as the relative activation of these engrams.

    Assumption 1 (Tabula Rasa)

    Odors, in the main, do not possess any inherent psychologicalproperties beyond their degree of presence (intensity). For the

    newborn human infant most odorants produce nothing more than

    a blooming, buzzing confusion, to borrow Jamess (1890, p.

    488) phrase. This is in contrast with tastants, which possess both

    sensory and hedonic psychological properties that are unambigu-

    ously innate. Although this assumption is provocative, evidence

    does favor this account, as we make clear later.

    Assumption 2 (Input Pattern)

    Any stimulus falling within the bounds of detectability (e.g.,

    molecular weight), will produce a complex and unique pattern of

    Figure 2. Diagrammatic representation of the mnemonic theory of odor

    perception.

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    stimulation, both spatial and temporal, across the glomeruli. This

    will occur irrespective of the stimuluss molecular simplicity or

    complexity or the number of its chemical components. This pattern

    forms both the input for the theory (Number 1 on Figure 2) and

    provides the basis for the perception of odor intensity.

    Assumption 3 (What Is the Pattern Compared With?)

    The core element of the theory is a processing module (olfactory

    processing module; see Figure 2), in which the input is compared

    in parallel with all previous encodingsengrams (Number 2a in

    Figure 2). These engrams are primarily composed of prior olfac-

    tory input patterns, accumulated through exposure to different

    chemicals and mixtures of chemicals. However, as we discuss later

    in this article, perceptual information from other senses may also

    be encoded in this store.

    Assumption 4 (Pattern Matching)

    Pattern matching in the olfactory processing module is proba-

    bilistic, neither all-or-none nor exclusive. A given olfactory inputmay match and hence activate many engrams to a greater or lesser

    extent, and this pattern of activations may vary somewhat between

    repeat presentations of the same stimulus. In addition, there is

    likely to be some degree of mutual inhibition between engrams so

    that if one particular engram is strongly activated, then this will

    tend to inhibit activation of other engrams that would provide only

    a partial match.

    Assumption 5 (Encoding Purely Olfactory Engrams)

    When an input pattern (Number 1 in Figure 2) fails to match

    strongly with any stored engram, this provides the conditions for

    encoding a new olfactory engram. The process of encoding in-

    volves the output from the olfactory processor module being fedback to an automatic comparator and encoder (via Numbers 3

    and 4 to Number 2b in Figure 2), where it is automatically

    compared with the olfactory input. Because the two will not match,

    the contents of the comparator are encoded as a new engram and

    stored in the processing module.

    Assumption 6 (Resistance to Interference)

    When an input pattern closely matches an engram in the pro-

    cessing module, encoding is prevented. This occurs in the follow-

    ing way: The processor output is again fed back (via the same

    route as inAssumption 5) to the automatic comparator and encoder

    where it is compared with the olfactory input. Because the two will

    broadly match, the contents of the comparator are not encoded.

    Assumption 7 (Encoding Composite Olfactory/Non-

    Olfactory Engrams)

    The store component of the olfactory processing module also

    contains composite engrams composed of an olfactory and non-

    olfactory component(s). Encoding composite engrams calls on a

    further feature of the theory. When output from the olfactory

    processor is fed back to the automatic comparator and encoder, it

    is fed back via two other modules: a controlled associator that is

    not relevant here (seeAssumption 11) and a sensory integrator that

    is relevant (Number 4 in Figure 2). The sensory integrator corre-

    lates the arrival of olfactory processor output with other perceptual

    events. When two streams of perceptual information are tempo-

    rally correlated they are fed back as a packet to the automatic

    comparator and encoder (via the controlled associator). The packet

    is then compared with the olfactory input in the automatic com-

    parator and encoder. When the olfactory component of the packetis familiar and hence similar to the olfactory input, encoding is

    retarded. When the olfactory component is unfamiliar, the contents

    of the comparator are encoded in the processing module, resulting

    in the formation of a composite engram of olfactory and non-

    olfactory information.

    Assumption 8 (Access Constraints on Engrams in the

    Processing Module)

    Both purely olfactory and composite engrams may be activated

    only when the olfactory part of the engram is reexperiencedthat

    is, content addressable memory. Hence recall of engrams in the

    processing module can occur only via pattern matching from

    olfactory input (Numbers 1 and 2a in Figure 2).

    Assumption 9 (Feelings of Familiarity)

    The familiarity of an odor is a product of the pattern-matching

    process (Number 2a in Figure 2). Thus an input pattern that

    matches few engrams closely will be judged as less familiar than

    an input pattern that has stronger matches.

    Assumption 10 (Identification)

    The greater the activation of a particular engram in the process-

    ing module the greater the likelihood that it will excite an asso-

    ciative link or links to semantic or episodic knowledge (Number 5

    in Figure 2). These associations can generate either partial (itsmells like some kind of herb) or complete (its oregano)

    identification. This process is both variable and fallible. An odor-

    ant identified correctly on one occasion may seem highly familiar,

    but not identifiable, on the next.

    Assumption 11 (Acquiring Associations Between Semantic

    and Episodic Knowledge and Olfactory Engrams)

    Associations between an engram in the olfactory processing

    module and episodic or semantic knowledge may occur when

    output from the processor (Number 2 in Figure 2) and the to-be-

    associated information are both available to the controlled asso-

    ciator (Number 3 in Figure 2). Such associations are effortful,

    strengthened through repetition, and prone to interference.

    Assumption 12 (Top-Down Influences)

    Particular semantic or episodic knowledge may lower the

    threshold for activation of individual or sets of related engrams in

    the olfactory processing module via previously acquired associa-

    tions (link between Numbers 5 and 2 in Figure 2). These may act

    to facilitate identification of an odor. If it looks like an orange, and

    feels and tastes in the mouth like an orange, its odor is much more

    likely to be identified as orange-smelling. Verbal information

    alone may play a similar role: If told beforehand this could smell

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    like an orange or a mushroom, a person will be more prone to

    identify orange odor as orange than they might if no such cue had

    been provided.

    Assumption 13 (Imagery)

    The theory suggests that experience of odor quality is possible

    only when an input pattern is available to the pattern matcher in the

    processing module. Thus the only stimulus sufficient to activate

    engrams in the olfactory processing module is a physically present

    one, implying that odor imagery is unlikely (excepting perhaps

    activation during an epileptic aura or schizophrenic hallucination).

    Assumption 14 (Short-Term Storage and Recognition

    Memory)

    When an engram is activated, activation gradually decays but

    lasts longer than both the offset of stimulation and the loss of

    perception of the activating stimulus. Two consequences flow

    from this. First, it allows for an apparent short-term storage ca-

    pacity, as a consequence of the activation of engrams in theprocessing module. Thus facilitated identification of recently ex-

    perienced odors is enabled in an analogous manner to that pro-

    posed for top-down priming, through lowering the threshold nec-

    essary to activate a particular engram (see Assumption 12).

    Second, residual activation may ultimately last for a very long

    time: days, weeks, or even months. This would by necessity mean

    relatively flat forgetting curves (from minutes to months) and

    provide a mechanism for olfactory recognition memory (see As-

    sumption 12).

    Commentary on the Assumptions

    Commentary on Assumption 1 (Tabula Rasa)

    The theory assumes that odors have no inherent psychological

    properties. This implies that neonates, infants, and children prob-

    ably perceive odor quality in a different manner from adults and

    that their hedonic responses differ as well. Although limited, the

    available evidence supports this view. Starting with hedonic re-

    sponses, Steiner (1979) suggested that neonates possess an auto-

    matic response to certain odors, typified by a facial expression akin

    to that demonstrated when neonates sample the bitter tastant qui-

    nine (see Steiner, Glaser, Hawilo, & Berridge, 2001). More con-

    sidered studies have failed to confirm this view. Although there is

    some limited evidence that infants a few hours old do show

    dislikes for odors that adults also find unpleasant, the strength of

    this response is nowhere near as potent as that shown toward

    quinine (Soussignan, Schaal, Marlier, & Jiang, 1997). Because

    olfactory exposure in utero is now known to alter preferences in

    the neonate, it is difficult to eliminate the possibility that any

    observed hedonic response arises simply from this type of expo-

    sure (Schaal, Marlier, & Soussignan, 2000).

    The hedonic responses of infants and older children to odors

    present an equally mixed picture. Although one study has reported

    evidence of hedonic differences in children akin to those in adults

    (Schmidt & Beauchamp, 1988), doubts surround its methodology

    (Engen & Engen, 1997), and in addition, other studies have shown

    that such responses in this age group are highly sensitive to

    experimental instructions (e.g., Strickland, Jessee, & Filsinger,

    1988). For the archetypal foul odor, feces, (Angyal, 1941), it is

    difficult to reconcile Rozins observation (Rozin & Fallon,

    1987)that young children will readily play with itwith the

    notion of an innate dislike for its odor. This view is supported by

    two findings. First, Peto (1935) observed that 89 out of 92 children

    under 5 years old, demonstrated no sign of dislike or disgust when

    tested with putrefying and fecal odors. Second, Moncrieff (1966)found that children were largely indifferent to the fecal-like odor

    of skatole.

    For odor quality the data are more limited. First, there are no

    relevant studies conducted with children less than 5 years old.

    Second, studies of older children have examined only the ability to

    identify odors. Although identification calls on a variety of cog-

    nitive processes, it is known to correlate substantially with dis-

    criminative ability (De Wijk & Cain, 1994a, 1994b; Eskenazi,

    Cain, Novelly, & Friend, 1983), and one would therefore predict

    poorer odor identification in children, as has been observed. Doty,

    Shaman, Applebaum, et al. (1984) administered the University of

    Pennsylvania Smell Identification Test (UPSIT; Doty, Shaman, &

    Dann, 1984) to a large sample of participants (nearly 2,000) of

    varying ages. The test involves smelling an odor and identifying

    from a list of names the correct one for that stimulus. Children 59

    years old performed significantly worse at recognition than did all

    the older samples up to the age of 70 years. Only adults aged 80

    or more years performed worse. Similar findings have been re-

    ported by Cain et al. (1995), De Wijk and Cain (1994a, 1994b),

    and Lehrner, Gluck, and Laska (1999). It is important to note that

    Cain et al. (1995) did not find any difference between children and

    adults in olfactory sensitivity, as measured by a standard olfactory

    threshold test. This suggests that differences in sensitivity are

    unlikely to be the cause of identification differences. Finally, using

    a different technique, Larjola and Von Wright (1976) found that

    younger children (mean age 5 years) were significantly worse at

    recognizing odorants that they had just smelled than were olderchildren, both immediately and after a 1-month delay. Taken

    together, these studies suggest that children probably perceive odor

    quality in a different manner from that of adults and that such

    differences are eliminated by progressive gains in olfactory

    experience.

    Commentary on Assumption 2 (Input Pattern)

    The concept of a complex spatial and temporal pattern as the

    neural representation of an odor is both widely accepted (e.g.,

    Buck, 1996, 2000; Haberly, 1998; Laurent, 1999; Malnic et al.,

    1999; Sullivan, Ressler, & Buck, 1995) and well supported exper-

    imentally. According to this perspective, odors are encoded as acomplex pattern of activation across the 1,000 2,000 glomeruli in

    the olfactory bulb. The evidence for this assertion, which is dis-

    cussed in more depth in the studies cited above (and see the earlier

    section The Human Olfactory System), can be summarized as

    follows: (a) There are a large number of olfactory receptors (about

    500750; Buck & Axel, 1991); (b) each receptor type is very

    broadly tuned, responding to a variety of different chemical stimuli

    (Malnic et al., 1999); and (c) information from each receptor type

    is channeled on to specific glomeruli so that the pattern across all

    glomeruli is likely to differ between odors, even if the pattern of

    activation for a particular receptor does not (Malnic et al., 1999).

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    A further aspect of the input pattern concerns how information

    about odor intensity is recovered. We adopted Lansky and Ro-

    sparss (1993) suggestion that intensity information is extracted

    very early in olfactory processing. However, such intensity infor-

    mation must require further processing to account for effects like

    sniff vigor constancy, whereby variations in sniff depth, and thus

    amount of odorant delivered to receptors, produce little variation inodor intensity (Teghtsoonian, Teghtsoonian, Berglund, & Ber-

    glund, 1978).

    A further consideration is whether intensity information follows

    the same processing path as quality information. As noted in the

    section on the effects of brain injury that follows, it is very clear

    that many such conditions spare the ability to perceive differences

    in odor intensity (particularly the case of H.M.; but see West &

    Doty, 1995) while eliminating the ability to perceive odor quality

    (White, 1998). This suggests separate processing streams. How-

    ever, one puzzling finding is that factor analysis of different tests

    of olfactory function do not typically separate out measures of

    sensitivity from those of quality perception, as might be expected

    (Doty, Smith, McKeown, & Raj, 1994). One possibility is that

    adequate sensitivity is a necessary prerequisite for odor-qualityperception (thus variations in sensitivity will affect odor-quality

    perception) but that the absence of odor-quality perception need

    not affect sensitivity.

    Finally, it is well established that the perceived quality of certain

    odorants changes as their concentration is increased (Gross-

    Isseroff & Doron, 1989; Moncrieff, 1951). We note in passing that

    such findings are easily accommodated within the theory on the

    basis of changes in receptor binding, olfactory input, and thus

    engrams activated.

    Commentary on Assumption 3 (What Is the Pattern

    Compared With?)

    The theory assumes that there is a dedicated olfactory store (the

    olfactory processing module) that receives input directly from the

    olfactory bulb (i.e., glomeruli) and that stores previous input.

    Evidence for this structure comes from three sources: (a) plausible

    neuroanatomical correlates of the olfactory processing module (see

    Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory); (b) the neuropsychological

    data, which suggest that memory and perception in olfaction are

    indistinguishable (see Neuropsychological Data); and (c) the psy-

    chological data, which provide some evidence of a separate olfac-

    tory store. This latter assertion, which is considered in this section,

    is based on four types of functional dissociation: (a) differences in

    resistance to interference, (b) differences between olfactory mem-

    ory and both implicit and explicit memory for other types of

    stimuli, (c) the unusual difficulty that participants have in naming

    odors, and (d) factor analytic studies of cognitive and olfactory

    abilities.

    Olfactory memory may be especially resistant to interference.

    This has been suggested by two types of study: (a) those using a

    recognition-memory procedure, which show little forgetting of

    olfactory stimuli over long delays (e.g., Engen & Ross, 1973;

    Lawless, 1978; Lawless & Cain, 1975), and (b) processes pre-

    sumed to reflect engram encoding, namely the resistance to retro-

    active interference of odortaste learning (Stevenson et al., 2000a,

    2000b), and odorodor learning (Stevenson, Case, & Boakes, in

    press). These conclusions need to be tempered, because interfer-

    ence may take place under certain conditions (seeCommentary on

    Assumption 6), and also other forms of stimuli, such as free-form

    shapes and faces, may show similar effects (Lawless, 1978). None-

    theless, as a general feature of a sensory system, such findings

    appear to set olfaction apart.

    A second unusual property stems from the apparent similarity,

    but singular difference, between olfactory memory (i.e., the en-gram store in Figure 2) and implicit memory. Implicit memory is

    a blanket term describing situations in which prior experience

    affects performance without requiring intentional recollection

    (Schacter, 1987). Several parallels between implicit and olfactory

    memory exist, including effortless and rapid acquisition (DeSchep-

    per & Treisman, 1996), resistance to interference (e.g., Graf &

    Schacter, 1987), and the integral nature of perception and implicit

    memory (e.g., Jacoby, Allan, Collins, & Larwill, 1988). Implicit

    memory for stimuli in other modalities is generally unaffected by

    aging, by Alzheimers disease (e.g., Winograd, Goldstein, Mon-

    arch, Peluso, & Goldman, 1999), by Korsakoffs syndrome (e.g.,

    Benzing & Squire, 1989; Nissen, Willingham, & Hartman, 1989),

    or by temporal lobectomy (Gabrieli, Milberg, Keane, & Corkin,

    1990). In contrast, olfactory memory is profoundly affected by allthe above conditions, as is explicit memory for stimuli in other

    modalities, as discussed below. The implication from this is that,

    although olfactory memory shares more features in common with

    implicit than explicit memory, it differs in the neuropsychological

    conditions that affect it, setting it apart from its closest theoretical

    classification.

    A third difference concerns the difficulty that adult participants

    have in naming even common odors, when other cues are absent

    (e.g., Cain, 1979; Desor & Beauchamp, 1974; Larsson, 1997;

    Lawless & Engen, 1977). This suggests that odor memory is in

    some way different from stores of visual information, for example,

    where such difficulties are rare (e.g., Cain et al., 1995). Finally, a

    recent factor analytic study of cognitive (e.g., verbal, tonal andsymbol memory, IQ, executive function) and olfactory abilities

    (e.g., odor memory and identification; Danthiir, Roberts, Pallier, &

    Stankov, 2001), revealed that odor memory was a structurally

    independent factor. Taken together, these four sets of observations

    support the notion of a psychologically discrete olfactory memory

    system, which here forms the engram store of the olfactory pro-

    cessing module.

    Commentary on Assumption 4 (Pattern Matching)

    A key information-processing step in the theory is pattern

    matching between the olfactory input from the glomeruli and the

    engram store. Support for this notion comes from both neuroana-

    tomical data (see Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory) and ex-

    perimental psychology.

    Although a matching-type process has been alluded to by sev-

    eral authors (see Dodd, 1988; Ohloff et al., 1991; Polak, 1973;

    Schild, 1988), its ability to account for the learning data (e.g.,

    Stevenson, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Stevenson et al., 1998) is what

    initially led us to suggest it. In particular, matching a target odors

    input with previously encoded engrams typically leads to the type

    of finding obtained in our learning studies. For example, smelling

    lychee after lycheesucrose pairings leads to the recovery of a

    lycheesucrose engram by virtue of the engrams similarity to its

    input.

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    The matching process is also supported by its ability to account

    for a number of other findings. The first is the absence of primary

    odor qualities described earlier. Setting aside the fact that multiple

    nonspecific receptors have been unambiguously identified (e.g.,

    Buck, 2000), the mnemonic theory places no bounds on the type or

    number of qualities that may be experienced other than noting that

    richness of olfactory experience should increase as a function ofexposure to new odors.

    A second finding is the role that similarity appears to play in

    judgments of odor quality (Lawless, 1999). Exactly such a rela-

    tionship would be expected by our theory, in that when a partic-

    ipant is asked to compare an odor to a series of quality descriptors

    this process is analogous to that of odor perception, excepting that

    the former occurs in serial, whereas the latter occurs in parallel. It

    is this important difference that we believe separates the experi-

    ence of an odor in daily life from that reported by rating qualities

    in the laboratory.

    A third finding is the consistently imperfect correlation between

    quality and chemical structure (e.g., Boelens, 1974; Polak, 1973),

    regardless of the type of structural feature chosen for analysis.

    Although such findings are a problem for any particular structure-quality model, they do not pose a problem for matching-based

    theories such as the one proposed here. This is because a matching-

    based theory can comfortably accommodate any type of feature-

    based model (i.e., it is complementary). This follows from the

    principle that similarity of glomerular layer input to the theory

    (i.e., resulting from similar binding patterns of odorant to recep-

    tors) will produce similar patterns of activation in the olfactory

    processing module and thus a similar odor-quality percept.

    Fourth, the process of pattern matching embraces the notion of

    redintegration (Horowitz & Prytulak, 1969), in which a part of a

    complex whole can recover its totality. Such effects have been

    observed in both rat and human participants. In rats, extensive

    lesions of the glomerular layer, including those parts known to bemost active for a target odorant, do not prevent appropriate re-

    sponding to odor-stimulus relationships learnt earlier in the exper-

    iment (Lu & Slotnick, 1994; Slotnick, Bell, Panhuber, & Laing,

    1997). This suggests that even a fragmentary input may be suffi-

    cient to recover the whole. In humans, redintegration can best be

    demonstrated with odortaste learning, in that a sniffed odor can

    recover an engram that includes the experience of that odor with

    sucrose (e.g., Stevenson et al., 1995).

    Finally, the very process of pattern matching should make it

    difficult to dissect complex odor mixtures into their individual

    components (Haberly & Bower, 1989). That is, each input pattern

    will largely be treated as a unique stimulus, even when it is a

    mixture of several chemicals, as most odors are. In humans,

    exactly this phenomenon has been observed. In an extensive series

    of investigations, Laing and colleagues (e.g., Laing & Francis,

    1989; Livermore & Laing, 1998a, 1998b) have established that

    ordinary participants, and even experts such as perfumers and

    flavorists, are unable to identify more than two or three compo-

    nents in an odor mixture.

    Commentary on Assumption 5 (Encoding Purely Olfactory

    Engrams)

    Two types of evidence suggest that a novel odor is encoded in

    a special store and that this encoding modifies subsequent percep-

    tion of the odor. The first type comes from the experiments on odor

    learning that we reviewed earlier. The second type of evidence

    comes from studies showing that the mere act of smelling a novel

    odor is sufficient to improve its discriminability from other novel

    odors, an observation that until now has had no theoretical basis

    (Jehl et al., 1995; Rabin, 1988; Rabin & Cain, 1984). This effect

    has been most clearly demonstrated by Rabin (1988), who foundthat preexposing participants to a set of odors enabled them to

    discriminate between members of that set significantly better than

    non-preexposed controls. Such an outcome can be directly ac-

    counted for by the theory. One should recall that when an odor is

    first smelled, particularly if it is not that familiar (as in Rabin,

    1988), the odor will match few engrams in the olfactory processor,

    thus producing far less activation of any individual engram than

    will a familiar odor. Three consequences should flow from this.

    First, a novel odor will smell of multiple qualities rather than being

    primarily characterized by one qualitythe consequence of lots of

    partial activation of slightly to moderately similar engrams. This

    supposition was supported in a recent study by Stevenson, Demp-

    sey, and Button (2003), who found that novel odors were describedas having more qualities, of lesser similarity to the target, than

    familiar odors. Second, odors that are unfamiliar will also be more

    confusable (e.g., Rabin, 1988), as a direct consequence of the first

    point. Third, a novel odor, initially producing partial activation of

    many engrams, should with further exposure be encoded in the

    engram store. Thus, on subsequent encounters, the target odor will

    come to activate its own previous encoding, hence limiting its

    pattern of reported qualities and enhancing its distinctiveness.

    Commentary on Assumption 6 (Resistance to Interference)

    The theory proposes that when a familiar odor is encountered,no further encoding of that odor will take place in the olfactory

    processing module. (One should note that this does not exclude the

    formation of explicit associations between engrams and semantic

    or episodic knowledge mediated by the controlled associator). As

    we discussed earlier (see Assumption 4), experimental data are

    largely in accord with this view. First, odortaste and odorodor

    learning are resistant to interference (Stevenson et al., 2000a,

    2000b; Stevenson et al., in press). Second, odor-recognition mem-

    ory has been demonstrated in several studies to be particularly long

    livedand thus presumably resistant to interference (e.g., Engen

    & Ross, 1973; Lawless & Cain, 1975; Lawless & Engen, 1977;

    Rabin & Cain, 1984).

    The theory, however, does allow some interference to occurunder two conditions. First, when an odor is moderately similar to

    an existing engram, some encoding of the target will eventuate.

    This may explain why odorodor learning effects are typically

    small, on the basis that one member of the pair is often a familiar

    odor (e.g., cherry), whereas the other is not (e.g., p-anisaldehyde).

    The combination (p-anisaldehydecherry) may therefore resemble

    the engram of the previously encountered odor (e.g., cherry) and

    thus retardbut not preventacquisition of the combination (see

    Stevenson, 2001c). The second type of interference, also a function

    of similarity, can occur during recognition-memory tasks, and this

    is discussed separately in Commentary on Assumption 14.

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    Commentary on Assumption 7 (Encoding Composite

    Olfactory/Non-Olfactory Engrams)

    The theory uses two different forms of learning. The first type

    of learning is the encoding of information in the automatic com-

    parator and encoder into the engram store, which may include both

    olfactory (see Assumption 5) and composite olfactory/non-olfactory information. This type of learning, which we have re-

    ferred to previously asconfigural(Stevenson et al., 1995, 1998), is

    envisaged to be relatively fast, effortless, long-lasting, and resis-

    tant to interference. The second form of learning involves the

    formation of associations between the contents of the controlled

    associator. This might involve learning that an odor comes from a

    particular source, learning information about the odor, or learning

    the odors name (e.g., Davis, 1977; Rabin, 1988). In this case

    learning is relatively slow, effortful, and prone to interference.

    Because parsimony would demand one learning system, it is

    necessary to justify the need for two. The best justification is to

    contrast two forms of learning that are known to involve odors:

    odortaste learning and odorshock learning. In odorshock learn-

    ing olfactory cues are used to predict the onset of electric shock.Learning in this paradigm resembles that found in many other

    studies of human associative learning, with acquisition occurring

    only with conscious awareness of the contingencies and rapid

    extinction occurring when participants realize that the odor cue no

    longer predicts shock (Marinkovic, Schell, & Dawson, 1989; and

    see Van den Burgh et al., 1999, for similar findings and Dawson

    & Schell, 1987, for general discussion of the properties of this type

    of learning).

    Odortaste learning, as described earlier, appears to possess

    very different properties. It involves fast acquisition (Prescott,

    1999) with apparently no necessity for participants to be aware of

    the experimental contingencies (Stevenson et al., 1998) and in-

    volves so vivid a recollection of the taste component that theexperience probably counts as synesthetic (Stevenson et al., 1998).

    In addition, such learning demonstrates both latent inhibition under

    no-masking conditions (Stevenson & Boakes, in press) and resis-

    tance to retroactive interference (Stevenson et al., 2000a, 2000b).

    The two separate learning systems used in the theory allow these

    differences to be explained. A controlled associator is necessary

    for odor shock or related forms of learning, in which contingency

    awareness must be achieved prior to any change in behavior (e.g.,

    Shanks & St. John, 1994). However, if no association is formed

    and information is treated as a configuration (one entity), then

    there is no necessity for a controlled associator. It is under these

    conditions that the second learning process operates, with infor-

    mation being encoded as an engram in the store. The properties

    that this process of learning has are unusual because it does not

    rely on the formation of associations. Consequently, learning is

    relatively fast and effortless, and the resulting engrams are resis-

    tant to interference because of the access restrictions that we

    described earlier (i.e., content addressable only).

    The automatic comparator and encoder can also process

    olfactory/non-olfactory engrams, such as that between an odor and

    a taste. There is, however, no reason why other forms of sensory

    information could not be co-stored in the same way, and presum-

    ably such composite engrams would possess similar properties

    (see Haberly, 2001, for a similar suggestion). These would include

    the following: (a) resistance to interference and thus longevity, and

    hence retrieval only via the odorous component of the engram; (b)

    vividness, as with the taste component of odors; and (c) third,

    emotiveness, as with all odor stimuli. Precisely such qualities have

    been identified in a series of studies on odor-induced memories

    (Chu & Downes, 2000a, 2000b), which have demonstrated their

    vividness, longevity (often from childhood), and emotive proper-

    ties. It is suggested here that these so-called Proustian memoriesemerge as a consequence of their storage as composite engrams in

    the olfactory processing module.

    Finally, odors are known to be involved in one type of memory

    phenomenon that may be harder to reconcile with the format

    adopted here. This concerns using odors as a contextual cue.

    Several demonstrations have been made of this effect, whereby

    recall is facilitated when the olfactory context present during

    learning is reinstated at test (e.g., Cann & Ross, 1989; Pointer &

    Bond, 1998). As we have argued, associations between an odor

    and a label require some effort to form, yet in these studies odor

    was present as an incidental cuehardly an ideal situation to form

    associative links between the odor and the to-be-remembered

    information (e.g., words or faces). One explanation of such effects

    is given by the encoding-specificity account (Tulving, 1983), in

    which all available cues present during learning become part of the

    trace, thus the presence of such cues during recall will assist

    retrieval. This account presents a problem for the present theory, in

    that it assumes storage in a common memory system under con-

    ditions in which one would not expect this to occur. One possible

    resolution of this problem (see Cann & Ross, 1989; Epple & Herz,

    1999; Herz & Engen, 1996) is to assume that this effect is not

    mediated through the odor per se but through the mood or arousal

    state that an odor may invoke during testing. Thus the odor acts

    only indirectly as a retrieval cue by reinstating the moodarousal

    level present during learning. However, one should note that the

    claim that mood can act as a contextual cue is itself controversial.

    Commentary on Assumption 8 (Access Constraints on

    Engrams in the Processing Module)

    As we noted earlier, the contents of the engram store can be

    accessed only by the physical presence of an odorant (content

    addressable memory). Apart from the implications for limiting

    interference (see Commentary on Assumption 6), it also has im-

    portant ramifications for odor imagery, which are discussed later.

    Commentary on Assumption 9 (Feelings of Familiarity)

    The degree to which an odor feels familiar or novel appears,along with its intensive, qualitative, and emotional dimensions, to

    be an intrinsic part of odor perception. For example, Lawless and

    Engen (1977) found that response latencies were shortest when

    participants were asked to judge the familiarity of an odor. Ac-

    cording to the theory, familiarity is considered to be a function of

    the degree of engram activation in the olfactory processing mod-

    ule. From this perspective, an odors familiarity, as with its quality,

    will not be affected by where it is smelled or by the fact that the

    participant may not be able to identify either the name or place

    where the odor was last encountered. Familiarity is therefore an

    emergent property of the olfactory processing module.

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    Commentary on Assumption 10 (Identification)

    As we noted earlier, odors, even familiar ones, can be difficult

    to name (e.g., Cain, 1979; Desor & Beauchamp, 1974; Larsson,

    1997; Lawless & Engen, 1977). The theory accounts for poor

    naming in three ways. First, odorname associations may initially

    be hard to form compared with other senses (e.g., Davis, 1977).

    This is because olfactory memory (the processing module) is a

    discrete entity with a paleocortical location (Haberly, 1998; see

    Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory for further discussion) and

    thus physically distant from the likely (neocortical) site of seman-

    tic and episodic memory (see also Herz & Engen, 1996, for a

    discussion of other potential ramifications of olfactions unique

    anatomy). Second, the matching process between the input and the

    stored engrams is assumed to be probabilistic (see Assumption 4);

    consequently, even familiar odors may occasionally be misidenti-

    fied (i.e., the wrong engram or engrams activated), leading to the

    production of an incorrect name (e.g., Cain & Potts, 1996). Third,

    the activation of associations to semantic memory is also predicted

    to be probabilistic; thus, increasing the number of engrams acti-

    vated should make category-level identification relatively easy(e.g., its a fruit). However, familiar odors, with fewer but more

    strongly activated engrams, may be vulnerable to anomia because

    of the greater impact of the probabilistic nature of activation on the

    limited number of name-specific associations.

    Commentary on Assumption 11 (Acquiring Associations

    Between Semantic and Episodic Knowledge and Olfactory

    Engrams)