a abusir and saqqara r qq sa r 2015 nd a abusir in the ye · abusir and saqqara in the year 2015...

ABUSIR AND SAQQARA IN THE YEAR 2015

F A C U L T Y O F A R T S ,

C H A R L E S U N I V E R S I T Y

Miroslav Bárta / Filip Coppens / Jaromír Krejčí (editors)

AB

USI

R A

ND

SA

QQ

AR

A

IN T

HE

YE

AR

201

5

MIR

OS

LA

V B

ÁR

TA

FIL

IP C

OP

PE

NS

JAR

OM

ÍR K

RE

JČÍ

(ED

ITO

RS

)

ISBN 978-80-7308-758-6


AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka i

The publication was compiled within the framework of the Charles UniversityProgress project Q11 – “Complexity and resilience. Ancient Egyptian civilisation inmultidisciplinary and multicultural perspective”.

ii Table Contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka ii


Miroslav Bárta – Filip Coppens – Jaromír Krejčí (editors)

Faculty of Arts, Charles UniversityPrague 2017

Table Contens iii

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka iii

ReviewersLadislav Bareš, Nigel Strudwick

ContributorsKatarína Arias Kytnarová, Miroslav Bárta, Edith Bernhauer, Vivienne Gae Callender,Filip Coppens, Jan-Michael Dahms, Vassil Dobrev, Veronika Dulíková, Andres DiegoEspinel, Laurel Flentye, Zahi Hawass, Jiří Janák, Peter Jánosi, Lucie Jirásková,Mohamed Ismail Khaled, Evgeniya Kokina, Jaromír Krejčí, Elisabeth Kruck, HellaKüllmer, Audran Labrousse, Renata Landgráfová, Rémi Legros, Radek Mařík, ÉmilieMartinet, Mohamed Megahed, Diana Míčková, Hassan Nasr el-Dine, HanaNavratilová, Massimiliano Nuzzolo, Martin Odler, Adel Okasha Khafagy, ChristianOrsenigo, Robert Parker, Stephane Pasquali, Dominic Perry, Marie PeterkováHlouchová, Patrizia Piacentini, Gabriele Pieke, Maarten J. Raven, Joanne Rowland,Květa Smoláriková, Saleh Soleiman, Anthony J. Spalinger, Nico Staring, ZdeňkaSůvová, Geoffrey J. Tassie, Břetislav Vachala, Joris Van Wetering, Hana Vymazalová,Leslie Anne Warden, Ayano Yamada, Ken Yazawa, Mohammad M. Youssef, PatriziaZanfagna

© Faculty of Arts, Charles University, and individual contributors, 2017

ISBN 978-80-7308-758-6

iv Table Contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka iv

This volume is dedicated to the memory of Nicole Alexanian (1965–2016)

Table Contens v

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka v

Table of contents

FOREWORD xxiii

ARCHAIC PERIOD AND THE OLD KINGDOM

Miroslav Bárta – Katarína Arias Kytnarová – Martin Odler – Zdeňka Sůvová‘Killed’ for eternity. Artefacts and ritual behaviour from a unique ceremonial structure inAbusir South 1The principal aim of this contribution is to provide a preliminary report, analysis andinterpretation of a Fifth Dynasty structure discovered in Abusir South during the 2014season. This structure is square-shaped in ground plan, built entirely of mud bricks.It is located immediately to the north of the Fifth Dynasty mastaba of Neferinpu (about2370 BC, early reign of Djedkara), which was excavated during the seasons of 2006and 2007. The archaeological context seems to reflect a single, short-term event ofa specific symbolical handling, perhaps a performance related to the burial ceremonies,and ending with the ritual of breaking the red sherds as evidence provided by the pottery and stone pounders seems to suggest.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir – Fifth Dynasty – cemeteries – burial ceremonies –ritual of breaking red sherds

Edith BernhauerErscheinungen und Wandel in der Privatplastik des Alten Reiches 23Abstract: Die Privatstatuen des Alten Reiches sind bisher nur in Einzelartikeln ohneden Blick auf das Ganze, das heißt alle Statuentypen der Zeit, zu werfen, publiziert.Ihre Aufstellungsmöglichkeiten, teilweise zeitabhängig, schließen im Grab alle Räume,außerhalb das Dach und den Eingangsbereich mit ein. In den Tempeln sind siedagegen selten belegt. Typologisch lassen sich nur im Serdab alle Statuentypen finden.Je nach Grabtyp (Mastaba, Felsgrab, Mischform aus beiden) können etwasunterschiedliche Dekorationskonzepte mit Statuen beobachtet werden. Parallel zurVergrößerung des Verwaltungsapparates ab der 5. Dynastie nehmen die Anzahl der Gräber und die dazugehörigen Statuen zu. Insbesondere ab Niussere fallen die „Pseudogruppen“, „Familiengruppen“ und „Statuen mit der Kauernden“ auf.Entsprechend der zeitlichen Nutzungslage, darin spiegeln sich dann die Statuentypenwieder, sind die zwei Hauptnekropolen in Giza und Sakkara zu sehen. So ist zumBeispiel zu beobachten, dass die Beamten der Verwaltungsschicht durch Leserstatuenund ihre häufig dazugehörenden Statuenkomplexe mehr das Bild von Sakkara als dasvon Giza prägen. Auch ist nicht von der Hand zu weisen, dass mehr Holzstatuen inder 6. Dynastie aus Sakkara als aus Giza bekannt sind. Da allerdings die Nekropolevon Sakkara noch weiterer Ausgrabungen bedarf und fundierte statistischeAuswertungen bisher fehlen, müssen viele Fragen offen bleiben. Dieser Artikel kanndaher nur ein Versuch sein, sich den komplexen Fragestellungen zur Privatplastik imAlten Reich anzunähern.Keywords:Altes Reich – Serdab – Mastaba – Felsgrab – Scheintür – Privatplastik

Vivienne Gae CallenderSome Sixth Dynasty Queens: an historical perspective 39Abstract: In contrast to the numerous names on the royal king lists, the number ofknown Egyptian queens is surprisingly small; even more noticeable is the limitedquantity of secondary literature regarding these women. Thus, it is of great significance

Table Contens vii

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka vii

that, over the last thirty years or more, a small number of archaeologists haveincreased that list of queens. Amongst these additions there have been some thrillingdiscoveries of Old Kingdom queens from South Saqqara to Abusir – the most recentaddition being found only in the last months of 2014. These discoveries all add to ourknowledge and understanding of these royal women in both minor and major ways– usually dependent upon the amount of evidence still remaining at the cemetery sites.

Once, we knew a little – mainly about their pyramids – regarding just ten queenswho lived in the Sixth Dynasty. Today, thanks to a group of French archaeologistsworking at South Saqqara, that list now numbers nineteen named queens and twoothers whose names are not known. As a result of those discoveries, we alsounderstand much more about the queen’s importance and status in her society forthis period because of their work. The women themselves are still enigmatic, and theirroyal role is not by any means properly understood, but in this discussion I wouldlike to offer some ideas about the impact on Egyptian history made by some of thosequeens from the Sixth Dynasty.Keywords: female gender role – cartouches – family discord – erasures – queens – Teti– Khuit – Ankhenespepy I – Ankhenespepy II – Pepy I – Pepy II – Neith – Merenre I –Merenre II

Vassil DobrevA necropolis from the First Intermediate Period at Tabbet el-Guesh (Saqqara South) 53Abstract: The IFAO Mission at Tabbet el-Guesh has already revealed the existence oftwo priests’ necropolis at the excavated area of 60 x 50 m. One of them is from the endof the Old Kingdom (Sixth Dynasty) and is characterized by rectangular or squaremud brick structures which are in fact enclosure walls surrounding and protectingopen–air courtyards where funerary chapels, storerooms and shafts with burialchambers were built into the mountain. The ancient Egyptians called this type offunerary structure per djet, ‘house of eternity’. The other necropolis is from thebeginning of the Late Period (Twenty–Sixth and Twenty–Seventh Dynasties) and itstombs are organised in several North–South rows of small mud brick mastabasorientated East–West.

During the excavation season 2012–2013, the Mission discovered several small mudbrick structures that could be dated to the First Intermediate Period (Seventh–EighthDynasties) and seem to be just a fraction of a much larger necropolis. Some of thesestructures are very simple, just white plastered niches with funerary shafts behindthem, but others resemble to the so-called house-mastabas, characterised by a smallcourtyard and a low surrounding wall to the East. The house-mastabas H 1 and H 2’present an interesting feature on their eastern sides: an inscribed lintel was added overthe false door stela, which has an offering table in front of it. The traditional OldKingdom disposition of stela + offering table is modified here by the addition ofa lintel over the stela and this could be considered as a criterion for dating structuresfrom the First Intermediate Period.Keywords: First Intermediate Period (FIP) – necropolis – house-mastabas – criteria fordating FIP structures – restoration of priest’s funerary cult

Veronika Dulíková – Radek MaříkComplex network analysis in Old Kingdom society: a nepotism case 63Abstract: The current state of Egyptological research faces a problem to process thehuge volume of data. Researchers have dealt with the datasets consisting of thousandsof entities. Such a volume cannot be evaluated efficiently and rigorously usinga traditional manual manner of paper and pencil. Although methods of complexnetworks (CNA) have been used for the quantification of a number of historicalaspects, nobody has yet applied CNA to the Old Kingdom context. This paperproposes a new approach based on the method of complex network analysis which

viii Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka viii

provides new possibilities for the better understanding of the Old Kingdom social andadministrative developments. The treatise demonstrates the first promising results ofthis technique on an assessment of nepotism in the second half of the Old Kingdomexemplified in the numerous illustrative graphical visualizations.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – Nyuserre – complex network analysis –social network analysis – nepotism – society – administration – titulary – relationaldata mining

Andrés Diego EspinelAneglected hunting scene from Saqqara (Pitt rivers 1926.14.6) and the iconography of the deserthunters during the Old Kingdom 85Abstract: Desert hunting is a well-known scene type in Old Kingdom monuments.They have been extensively analysed by egyptologists, who have mainly taken intoaccount both their symbolic and social meanings and the animal information depictedon them. However, few authors have devoted specific studies on the iconography ofthe desert hunters. The present study takes into consideration their clothes, tools andgestures, analysing their development in time and space during the Old Kingdom.Moreover, depictions of the Old Kingdom desert hunters, their implements andtechniques are compared with data from other periods, shedding light on the role ofdesert hunting and hunters during the pyramid age.

To this end, an unpublished fragmentary relief of a hunting scene, probably datingfrom the Sixth Dynasty, will be firstly examined. It is the relief Pitt Rivers 1926.14.6,donated in 1926 to the Oxonian museum by Cecil Mallaby Firth, who discovered itsomewhere in Saqqara. Despite of its fragmentary state, it is an important documentas it is the only known non-royal depiction of an Old Kingdom bowman ina Memphite hunting scene.Keywords: Desert hunting – iconography – private tombs – pyramid complexes – OldKingdom

Laurel FlentyeRoyal and non-Royal statuary of the Fourth Dynasty from the Giza Necropolis 123Abstract: This article traces the development and interrelationships between royal andnon-royal statuary during the Fourth Dynasty at the Giza Necropolis. Evidence forlife-size statues and small-scale statuettes is attributed to the reigns of Khufu throughMenkaura. Implicit within this discussion is the variety of contexts in which statuaryoccurred at Giza, namely the pyramid and valley temples of the royal pyramidcomplexes as well as the mastabas and rock-cut tombs in the surrounding cemeteries. From the outset, statuary is a feature of Khufu’s reign in the early Fourth Dynasty atthe Giza Necropolis. Although Khufu’s pyramid complex is mostly destroyed, statuefragments are assigned to it including those excavated by Selim Hassan. Also attributedto Khufu’s reign are a variety of sculptural types in the non-royal sphere, namelythe seated statue of Hemiunu discovered in his serdab (G 4000), the reserve headsmostly found in the shafts or burial chambers of the mastabas of the WesternCemetery, as well as evidence for statue platforms. In the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000),different statue types also decorated the mastabas belonging to members of the royalfamily, such as the bust of Ankh-haf (G 7510), the scribal statues of Ankh-haf (G 7510)and Kawab (G 7120), and the seated statues of Kawab (G 7120) and Khufu-khaf I(G 7140) which are dated from Khufu’s through Khafra’s reigns. Their reconstructionin exterior chapels as well as offering chambers attests to the diversity of contexts inwhich statuary occurred as well as their particular function within the decorativeprogram.

Based on the absence of a statuary program in Khufu’s pyramid complex,Djedefra’s statues from Abu Rawash provide a significant link between Snefru’s andKhafra’s statuary programs, which must have impacted the development of statuary

Table of contens ix

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka ix

in the mid to late Fourth Dynasty at Giza. Djedefra’s statues from Abu Rawash rangein type, iconography, size, and materials which certainly is reflected in the statuaryprogram of Khafra. Reconstructions of Khafra’s pyramid and valley temples withseated and standing statues suggest that statuary was probably more a feature ofthe decorative program than relief decoration. In the non-royal sphere, the statuechamber of Minkhaf (G 7430) in the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000) may resemble the layoutof Khafra’s pyramid temple based on Herbert Ricke’s reconstruction, but certainlyreflects the interest in statue niches also evident in Kawab’s exterior chapel (G 7120).

In the late Fourth Dynasty, Menkaura’s pyramid complex continues the predilectionfor statuary, both in the pyramid and valley temples, ranging in type, iconography, size,and materials, including an emphasis on the monumental. The series of greywacke triadsfrom Menkaura’s valley temple are almost three-dimensional relief decoration, whichmust have had a programmatic layout. Stylistically, Menkaura’s greywacke statues havegreater modeling as compared with Khafra’s anorthosite gneiss statues. In the non-royalsphere, the rock-cut tombs in the Eastern Cemetery (G 7000), Khufu-Khafra Quarry,Central Field, and the Menkaura Quarry Cemetery were probably influenced by thestatuary programs in the pyramid complexes and vice versa, particularly the use ofmultiple images of the tomb owner and gesture between statues, e.g., the rock-cut statuesof Meresankh III (G 7530sub). However, the addition of servant statuettes in MeresankhIII’s rock-cut tomb (G 7530sub) reflects an interest in daily life iconography, occurring inboth statuary and relief decoration, but also essential to the tomb owner’s afterlife. Inthis respect, the Fourth Dynasty at Giza witnessed an expansion in the use of freestandingand rock-cut statuary in differing contexts, suggesting that three-dimensionalrepresentation became an important feature of the overall programmatic layout and culticfunction of the tomb, similar to the statuary programs in the royal pyramid complexes.Keywords: niches – pedestal – rock-cut – scribal – serdab – statues

Lucie JiráskováModel stone vessels of the Old Kingdom – their typology and chronology 145Abstract: Assemblages of model stone vessels unfortunately never got enough attentionof scholars dealing with the material culture of the Old Kingdom in the past. The articlethus attempts to show their value, especially in respect of chronology. Firstly, the groupwas typologically described. The author divided vessels into several classes regularlyappearing within the Old Kingdom burial chambers. Reflecting their numbers andmaterial used for their production, the assemblages were compared. Such an analysisled to several “stages” with particular pattern of distribution. The turning pointsbetween them also reflected not only major changes in the burial and funerarycustoms, but also more general changes in the ancient Egyptian society.

During the whole Old Kingdom, the assemblages of model stone vessels representedsocial markers. In the Fourth and first half of the Fifth dynasty, they were madeexclusively from travertine, and appeared in the tombs of members of the royal familyand the highest officials. By the middle of the Fifth dynasty, the limestone sets tookthe place of earlier pottery model vessels, and found their way to the burial chambersof middle class officials. The Sixth dynasty brought another major change. Burialequipment became wealthier, and there was no more need for “humble” model vesselsmade of stone. From the beginning of the Sixth dynasty, the model stone vessels wereslowly substituted by copper pieces, and by the middle of the Sixth dynasty theyalmost disappear in favour of real vessels made of different materials.Keywords:Old Kingdom – stone vessels – travertine – limestone – typology – chronology

Mohamed Ismail KhaledNotes on the crews of workmen of Sahura 157Abstract: The new discovery from the northern wall of the causeway of Sahura atAbusir has added to our knowledge of the programme of royal scenes depicted on

x Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:34 Stránka x

the Old Kingdom’s royal complexes. The reliefs came to light during the excavationby the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities’ mission around the pyramid complex of KingSahura, which started in 1994 and continued from 2002 until 2004. The exploration bythe Egyptian team has so far revealed scenes listing a large number of crews of workmenwho participated in different royal activities in the presence of the king himself. Thispaper sheds more light on the crews of Sahura, as well as presenting new names.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – Sahure – Abusir – causeway – reliefdecoration – workmen – crews.

Evgeniia KokinaAlone or together: for whom were the private tombs of the Old Kingdom built? 163Abstract: Among the private tombs of the Old Kingdom there were so-called familytombs and family tomb complexes. Recent excavations at Saqqara and Abusir broughtto light new examples of such tomb types. As the analysis of the Old Kingdom datashows tombs intended for one person were quite rare. At the same time the presenceof several shafts did not influence in most cases the decoration of tombs which remainedto be dedicated only to one person. The analysis of the cemeteries in the Memphitearea and provinces reveals only about 300 private tombs in which cult places for otherpeople besides the tomb owner were allocated. A cult place can be identified by falsedoors, offering table scenes, offering bearer scenes, depictions of priests, offeringformulae, offering lists, offering tables, statues, offering rooms. The article intends toshow who and how could obtain such a cult place besides the tomb owner; howthe presence of cult places correlated with the number of shafts; why additional cultplaces were allocated; how such joint tomb possession was regulated.Keywords: Old Kingdom – private tomb – tomb decoration – cult place – family

Jaromír KrejčíNakhtsare’s cemetery in central Abusir – the burial ground for the royals? 173Abstract: A group of four tombs aligned along the north–south axis is located to the southand east of the mortuary temple of King Raneferef in the southern part of centralAbusir and has been named the Nakhtsare cemetery. The results of the archaeologicalexcavations of these much destroyed mastabas (excavated 1994–2016) represent animportant supplement to our understanding of the development of the Abusir RoyalNecropolis. Following the completion of the archaeological research, it is time to makean interim report on the group of these mastabas.Keywords:Abusir – Fifth Dynasty – mastaba – royal family – royal mother – royal son– Raneferef – Khentkaus III – architecture

Hella Küllmer„Das Verteilen von Gold“ – Einige Überlegungen zu den Webereien des Alten Reiches 185Abstract: After Hermann Junker published the Mastaba of Seneb in Giza V in the year1941, including a study on some few other “Rewarding the female weavers”-reliefs,there has been little attention on this topic. This article provides a detailed descriptionof the scenes and a discussion of the economic importance of the distribution of goldand other goods. A study of the titles and the social status of the persons engaged inthe weaveries of the Old Kingdom shows a special connection to the king and the palace.Keywords:weavers – titles – market – exchange – reward – Old Kingdom – reliefs

Audran LabrousseDerniers hommages aux reines: Les autels de Noubounet et Inénék/Inti 201Abstract: During the excavation of the family necropolis of King Pepy I, inscribedfragments of altars were collected in the mortuary complexes of two of his wives:

Table of contens xi

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xi

Nebu-wenet and Inenek/Inti. These last tributes to the queens once belonged tothe north chapel built on the access to the pyramid and to the offering room of the culttemple. We have now, for the first time, some knowledge of the altars of the northchapels. The altars belonging to the offering rooms, added to those already known,allow important differences in style, disposition of texts and material.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Pepy I – South-Saqqara – altar – Nebu-Wenet – Inenek/Inti

Rémi LegrosInhumations privées dans la nécropole de Pépy Ier 211Abstract: La nécropole de Pépy Ier est aujourd’hui connue essentiellement pour lescomplexes funéraires du roi et des reines de la VIe dynastie. Pourtant, de nombreuxparticuliers sont venus là pratiquer leurs dévotions et, pour certains, s’y faire inhumer,constituant ainsi ce qui apparaît comme un véritable lieu de mémoire.

Trois grandes phases se distinguent, qui témoignent de l’évolution de cettenécropole royale, dans sa perception et son occupation. L’Ancien et le Moyen Empiresse caractérisent par une continuité de l’activité rituelle dans le temple. Ensuite,jusqu’au Nouvel Empire au moins, les sépultures de particuliers se multiplient, maisconservent une certaine considération pour les installations royales. C’est à la BasseÉpoque enfin qu’il faut situer la cessation des pratiques funéraires.Keywords: Pépy Ier – inhumations privées – sacralité – lieux de mémoire

Émilie MartinetL’administration des nomes de Basse-Égypte sous l’Ancien Empire 219Abstract: In contrast to Upper Egypt, titles related to the Delta’s administration arescarce on all levels: nomes but also in the region as a whole. Hence, the fact is that thereare so few studies devoted to the organisation of this region during the Old Kingdom.

Although the epigraphic sources show that there was a territorial division initiatedby the palatine elite, the nomes cannot be considered as provinces at the beginning ofthe Old Kingdom, in the sense where nothing proves their administrative nature atthat time. This paper highlights the lack of a systematic and complete organisationbased on the nome unit in Lower Egypt during the Old Kingdom. However, it ispossible to perceive the importance of other administrative structures all along thisperiod that we will describe, as well as a direct intervention of the royal power insome Lower Egypt sites.

In order to have a better understanding of the administration of Lower Egypt, oneneeds to take into consideration all the different officials, regardless of the positionthey held in the hierarchy and their sphere of influence. This paper tackles theimportance of the supra-provincial level made up of men who played a role betweenthe central institutions and province. With respect to the elites directly buried inthe nomes of Lower Egypt under the Sixth dynasty and who have adopted the “formalpalatine culture”, it is unclear whether they had an influence on the entire nome. Inany event, these elites were included in the Court society, as the elites of Upper Egypt.

In this paper, we will develop a more informal model of the Delta’s administrationthan previously proposed. This model is based on a crossover study of the historicaland archaeological sources dated from the end of the Old Kingdom, may they be royalor private. The ongoing process of territorial division especially in the oriental Delta,even at the end of the Fifth dynasty, is one of the factors which could explain theestablishment of a peculiar administrative system in this part of the country.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Delta – notes – administration – elites – local temple

Mohamed Megahed – Peter JánosiThe pyramid complex of Djedkare at Saqqara–South – Recent results and future prospects 237Abstract: Until recently the pyramid complex of Djedkara at Saqqara–South was

xii Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xii

considered one of the most neglected royal funerary monuments of the Old Kingdom.Identified only in 1945/46 the complex has seen a number of brief investigations,which however remained unpublished or largely passed without notice. Yet, recentsurveys and documentation started by the SCA in 2010 have shown that this king’smortuary complex is better preserved than most of the pyramid temples of the lateFifth and entire Sixth Dynasty. While the valley temple must be considered entirelylost under the present-day village of Saqqara the other parts of the complex are quitewell preserved and yield a number of interesting features. Despite this, no completedocumentation of the monument has been achieved thus far and the entire complexwith its different architectural parts remains largely a riddle. The plans by VitoMaragioglio and Celeste Rinaldi (published in 1962 and 1977) still forming the majorbasis for any scientific engagement, are – as can be gathered after the observations/documentations of the initial campaigns – misleading or wrong. This paper is brieflysurveying the temple’s main features and present condition. As the main focus ofthe paper the results of the recent work at Saqqara and future prospects is presentedand discussed. The importance of the building and its potential for the art andarchitecture of the Old Kingdom highlighted.

This paper aims also to provide some new results of a project that started in 2009with the aim to publish the material from the archaeological excavations of pyramidcomplex of Djedkare in South Saqqara. Numerous fragments of relief decoration werecollected by the Egyptian missions in the king’s complex, and therefore, a selection offragments are presented in this paper.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – Djedkare – Saqqara–South – mortuarycomplex, architecture – relief decoration

Massimiliano Nuzzolo (with the collaboration of Patrizia Zanfagna)Patterns of tomb placement in the Memphite necropolis. Fifth Dynasty Saqqara in context 257Abstract: This article investigates the patterns of spatial distribution of tombs in the Saqqara necropolis during the Fifth Dynasty. After some preliminary considerationson the tombs spatial distribution and GIS-analysis, and the peculiarities of the othermain contemporary necropolises of the Memphite area (e.g., Giza and Abusir),attention will be focused on Saqqara, either because it was the main cemetery ofprivate people during the above period, or, and most importantly, because its overalltopographical development has still to be fully understood. By crossing several kindsof data, including size and location of tombs, titles of tomb owners, and landscapephenomenology (accessibility and visibility of tombs and royal monuments), the papershall provide some new insights into the historical dynamics of formation of the sacredlandscape of the necropolis at the Fifth Dynasty.Keywords: Saqqara – Fifth Dynasty – private tombs – spatial analysis – titles – social status

Martin OdlerFor the temples, for the burial chambers. Sixth Dynasty copper vessel assemblages 293Abstract: The article is a preliminary report on an assemblage of copper vessels foundin the Sixth Dynasty tomb of the official Inti at the Abusir South cemetery (towardsthe end of the period of ca. 2305–2118 BC). The most important assemblage of full-sizeand miniaturized copper vessels comes from Shaft A of the complex with the burial ofInti Pepyankh, probably a relative or a client of Inti. The vessels contained a writtenreference to the ritual of funerary repast (pr.t-xrw), and their role in the ritual is exploredin the article. The assemblage from this tomb is studied also from the point of view ofregularized production of artefacts. It is then compared to other assemblages of coppervessels from Sixth Dynasty Egypt connected to the funerary repast and the Openingof the Mouth ritual. On the basis of the collected evidence, it is argued that the scopeof vessels present in the burial equipment was similar to the vessels used incontemporary temples. The occurrence of the same types of vessels in several

Table of contens xiii

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xiii

specimens in full-size as well as miniaturized versions is explained as a possible traceof the agency of different participants in the provision of the burial equipment.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Sixth Dynasty – copper vessels – funerary repast – Openingof the Mouth ritual – artefact regularization – agency

Adel Okasha KhafagyNew excavation at North Saqqara. Soped-Hotep tomb 317Abstract: This is a report on the re-discovery of the mastaba of Soped-hotep dating tothe Fifth Dynasty. The mastaba was found in 2013 when an illegal digging in the NorthSaqqara area led to the exposure of the tomb’s chapel. The tomb was originallydiscovered by Mariette and labeled as D15, being located about 150 m east of the tombof Ti. This report provides an account of the mastaba’s architecture, decoration andlater history as reflected through archaeological finds.Keywords: Saqqara – Old Kingdom – Fifth Dynasty – mastaba – Seped-Hotep

Dominic PerryRequisition economics in provincial centres and Abusir in the Old Kingdom 331Abstract: The article examines the Old Kingdom’s economic institutions from a newtheoretical perspective: the theory of “requisitioning”. It suggests that the Crowninstructed and empowered consumers to collect goods directly from producers. Doingso, it avoided the institutional burden inherent in more redistribution-based systems.Evidence for this practice may be observed in various textual sources from Abusir,the Wadi al-Jarf accounts, royal decrees and autobiographies. It is concluded thatrequisitioning – legitimized appropriation – may have occurred in Egypt during theseperiods; its prominence, however, fluctuated wildly over different periods andregimes. The Crown’s attitude frequently changed and requisitioning could be treatedeither as a necessary tool of management, or a harmful practice requiring prohibition.Keywords: Redistribution – Requisitioning – Royal Economy – Abusir papyri – royaldecrees

Marie Peterková HlouchováGods with solar aspects in selected written and epigraphic sources of the Old Kingdom 345Abstract: In the Old Kingdom the cult of the main sun god Re reached one of its peakswhich was reflected even in written material of that period. On the contrary, other godswith connection to the sun, such as Atum, Shu, Horus, Sokar, Nefertem or Weneg, arenot attested so often and, moreover, some of these gods appears only in the religioustexts. This study is based on an analysis of selected written sources of the Old Kingdomcoming from the Memphite area: the Palermo Stone, papyri from Abusir, sealimpressions and the South Saqqara List. The Gebelein papyri are also included, asa sample of provincial documents. Most of these sources have not been studied in thisway so far. The material is rather selective and is somehow connected to the royal sphere.The majority of evidence is dated to the Fifth Dynasty, to the period when the cult of Rereaches its zenith. Therefore, it is worth comparing the frequency of the attestations ofRe and other deities with solar aspects. This sondage provides us with interesting andsignificant information concerning various gods of the solar religion.Keywords: sun cult – Palermo Stone – Abusir papyri – seal impressions – South SaqqaraList – Gebelein papyri

Patrizia PiacentiniExcavating the egyptological archives of the Università degli Studi di Milano: The Varille’sdocumentation on the pyramid complex of Djedkare-Izezi at Saqqara 355Abstract: Between 1944 and 1949, Varille worked as epigraphist at Saqqara for the Antiquities Service. He joined the mission of Abdel Salam Mohammed Hussein on

xiv Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xiv

the excavations of the funerary complex of Djedkare-Izezi, but because of the prematuredeath of both archaeologists their results were never published. Some large foldersfound in the Varille archives, housed in the University of Milan, contain materials thatcan be useful to understand the way in which the excavations were carried on and someof the objects discovered. This unpublished documentation consists in photographs,cards with notes and photographs, and a short report on the excavations. The aim ofthe article is to present and analyse these materials, as well as to discuss the role of someof the people who worked with Varille on the site, who are mentioned in his papers.Keywords: Saqqara – Djedkare-Izezi – Alexandre Varille – Mohammed Hussein –Hassan Ahmed Osman – Fatouh Effendi

Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John TassieA new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba: The Quesna mastaba in the contextof the Early Dynastic–Old Kingdom mortuary landscape in Lower Egypt 369Abstract: King Khaba of the Third Dynasty is most closely associated with the site ofZawiyet el-Aryan due to the finding of a series of stone vessels in and around mastabaZ500 inscribed with his serekh. Apart from a few serekhs on seal impressions found inUpper Egypt at Elephantine and Hierakonpolis, he is virtually unknown outside ofthe Memphite region. There are also unprovenanced references to Khaba, includingthe seal impression UC11755. Many have assumed that the king was buried in the LayerPyramid, or mastaba Z500, although some, including Swelim have questioned this.In 2010 a mud-brick mastaba (14.1 × 9.0 m) oriented north–south, was discovered atthe central Delta site of Quesna, with the excavation of this structure completed in 2014.From one of the two burial chambers within the mastaba, a mud seal impression bearingthe serekh of King Khaba was identified. The initial analysis of the pottery vessels fromthis mastaba indicated a date from Huni to Khufu, but analysis of the most recentlyexcavated vessels may include new types, and possibly inscriptions. A small number ofstone vessel fragments were also located, which appear to be of a similar stone type tothose from Zawiyet el-Aryan. The exact placement of Khaba in the succession of rulersof the Third Dynasty is much debated, and so the finding of this mastaba in the Deltabrings fresh data which may contribute towards this debate. Architectural comparisonsbetween Z500 and the Quesna mastaba will also help to illuminate this little known reign.Keywords: Delta – mastaba tomb – Quesna – Old Kingdom – Khaba – funerary

Saleh SoleimanAn attempt to identify the erased figures of offering bearers in some scenes of Kagemni’s tombat Saqqara 391Abstract: This study deals with the figures of nine offering bearers in the tomb ofKagemni, Teti cemetery at Saqqara. Some of these figures and all the identification textshad been for some reason erased. Detailed inspection of the erased texts leads to theconclusion that one of these representations is of Gemni, the eldest son of Kagemniand eight of the representations are of Kagemni/Gemnika, the second son of Kagemni.

The subsequent erasures of these two individuals may be the result of a dispute orpower struggle between the sons of Kagemni’s first marriage and the son of hismarriage to the daughter of king Teti. Tetiankh, being of royal blood, would have beenin a more powerful position and had the authority to carry out the erasures. Anotherpossible explanation is that the erasures were part of the punishment of Gemni andKagemni/Gemnika for involvement in the conspiracy to assassinate Teti.Keywords: Saqqara – Teti – Kagemni – Teti cemetery – offering bearers

Anthony J. SpalingerThe trope issue of Old Kingdom war reliefs 401Abstract: A discussion of the repeated topos of the Libyan enemy in Old Kingdomroyal depictions. The presence of this one common enemy of Egypt within repeated

Table of contens xv

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xv

written and pictorial sources from the Old Kingdom parallels indicates a nationalistfeeling, one connected to the self-identity of the Egyptians, can be traced to a veryearly time in history. Of great importance is that this “theme” persists throughoutEgyptian history. Libyan–Egyptian relations must be seen as not merely hostile inattitude from a primordial era but also as a theme that could be re-used over and overto magnify the kings’ military performances.Keywords: persistent enemies of Egypt – Libya – Libyan family scene – Pepi I – Pepi II –Sahure – war reliefs

Joris van WeteringThe Macramallah burials, Wadi Abusir, Saqqara 419Abstract: The Macramallah burials or M burials, found by Rizkallah Macramallah(in 1936) within the lower Wadi Abusir, are for several reasons an atypical feature inthe funerary landscape of Saqqara. Here, an interpretation is proposed that links theseburials to the funeral of certain members of the royal family of the First Dynasty whowere buried within the elite cemetery at North Saqqara. It is argued that these personsformed the household of a high ranking deceased during the period. His body was atthe embalming station which was situated at the entrance to the Saqqara necropolis(lower Wadi Abusir). There, the priests took care of the body’s embalming processwhile the souls of the buried servants took care of the needs of the deceased’s soul. Itis also argued that the M burials may be indicative of the arrival of high rankingmembers of the royal family in the Memphite region during the reign of Horus Den(or just before it) which may suggest that Memphis became the capital of the OldKingdom polity (First Dynasty to Eighth Dynasty) during this reign (mid-First Dynasty).Keywords:Wadi Abusir – Macramallah burials – embalming stations – First Dynasty –Memphis – capital

Hana Vymazalová – Katarína Arias KytnarováThe development of tomb AS 68c in Abusir South: burial place of the king’s daughterSheretnebty and her family 435Abstract: The article presents a brief summary of the evidence on the rock-cut tomb ofprincess Sheretnebty in Abusir South, and its development over time. The archaeologicalevidence is complemented by the analysis of pottery finds from the chapel, burialshafts and burial chambers in this tomb.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir South – rock-cut tomb – burial shafts – potteryfinds – Sheretnebty

Hana Vymazalová – Gabriele PiekeIti and his statuette from the tomb of Princess Sheretnebty in Abusir South 451Abstract: The paper presents a discussion concerning the identity of Iti, an officialattested in the tomb of princess Sheretnebty in Abusir South. The up-to-date availableevidence is summarised and analysed in this paper, in order to present the possibleexplanations for Iti’s identity, as either the princess’ husband or her offspring.Keywords: Old Kingdom – Abusir South – rock-cut tomb – serdab – statuette –Sheretnebty – Iti

Leslie Anne WardenSerdab, cult, and ‘home’: Domestic life and relationships in Old Kingdom mastabas 467Abstract: Serdabs housed statues of the deceased, acting as a supplementary home forthe deceased’s ka. They have been understood to provide a point of participationfor his cult. Closer examination of the corpus of tombs with serdabs shows that the roleof this architectural feature was dependent in part upon its location: in the offering

xvi Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xvi

room itself, the rooms before or after the offering chamber, or external to the chapel.Distinct locational traditions dominated Saqqara vs. Giza tombs, but within thatframework there was a place for individual decision making in the number and locationof serdabs placed in a tomb. Different locations served different purposes, with specificstatuary types correlating to specific serdab locations. When both location and statuaryare considered together, the serdabs appear to mimic spheres of the home in all of itsmultiple levels of decorum, with the formality increasing as the serdabs were placed inconceptually more ‘private’ areas of the mastaba. The serdab was not a simple additionor insurance for the cult of the deceased. Serdabs, especially those located outside ofthe offering chamber, were rather focused on recreating the home in a conceptual (ratherthan architectural) manner and establishing bonds to family. The serdab and its statuarythus served as a compliment to the cultic and ideological concerns apparent in the artisticprogram and the architecture of the tomb.Keywords: serdab – mastaba – Old Kingdom – Saqqara – Giza – Abusir – statuary –architecture – kinship

Ayano YamadaSome remarks on the evolution of the workers organization of the pyramid construction inthe Old Kingdom � through the examination of the so-called Mason’s mark. 489Abstract: As transforming the volume and construction method of pyramids changed,it is assumed that the number of workers and their organization also necessarilychanged. Although this assumption has been discussed in previous studies, the firstappearance of the workers’ organization named apr and its formation in the Fifth–SixthDynasty needs further consideration. This paper then reinterprets the phaseddevelopment of the workers’ organization as a stage through an analysis of the ratioof the appearance of the masons’ mark. In addition, the factors which stronglyinfluenced the changes in the worker’s organization are examined.

As a result of the analysis, no team marks or names of organizations had appearedin the Third Dynasty (First stage). Some phyle-signs’ team marks first appeared onthe north pyramid in Dahshur, in the reign of Snefer (Second stage). The apr team nameprefixed with the King’s name (crew name) also appeared in this reign, but it is incisedon a copper chisel, not painted on the stone. In the Third stage, from Khufu toMenkaure, a typical style of the workers’ organization was completed: the crewname – phyle-signs’ team mark – a single sign that refers to the smallest workers’group. According to Roth and other studies, it has been suggested that most of the names of those workers’ organizations were involved with nautical terms.However, the oldest example where the sign of aprwith the King’s name was writtenis a copper chisel. In other words, the crew name may not be derived from nauticalterms; it seems that originally it was the name of the carpenters’ group. As well aschanging society, innovations and improvements to do with the constructiontechnology of the pyramid were spectacular during the First to Third stages. Becausethe timing of construction innovations and the stage of each change corresponded toeach other, it can be inferred that the changes in the workers’ organization at that timewere forced by technical and physical necessity. After the middle of the Fifth Dynasty,interesting inscriptions were written that show the names of high officials and theirtitles (Fourth stage). In this case, the political and economic aspects of that period, andespecially “the collapse of the Old Kingdom”, were affected rather than the technicalfactors.Keywords:workers’ organization – formation – stage – factor – apr

Mohammad M. Youssef – Břetislav VachalaVier Grabplatten mit Opfertischszene aus Saqqara und Abusir 503Abstract: Four interesting funerary limestone relief slabs were discovered in the Memphitenecropolis in the past, which remained yet unpublished and are so far unknown.

Table of contens xvii

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xvii

Two of them were discovered in 1966 in the area to the west of the Nefer tomb, nearthe Unas causeway in Saqqara, by Ahmed Moussa (reg. nos. 16204a, 16204b), andthe third one in 1994 on the western border of the contemporary Muslim cemetery atAbusir by Mohammad M. Youssef (reg. no. 19156). The central dominant motif inthe decoration of these slabs represents the offering-table scene, where the ownerreceives various kinds of offerings. Their names are occasionally added. The ownersof the stelae are Tisatjet (m.; reg. no. 16204a), Nesptah (f.; reg. no. 16204b) andDenegneferef (m.; reg. no. 19156). One can suggest to date the slabs to the late ArchaicPeriod (mid Second Dynasty: reg. no. 16204a; late Second Dynasty: reg. no. 19156) andthe early Old Kingdom (late Third Dynasty: reg. no. 16204b). A similar limestone reliefslab belonging to an unknown person was recently found in the South Abusircemetery by the Czech mission (exc. no. 15/AS 39/2013). Its possible dating is earlyFourth Dynasty.Keywords: funerary relief slabs – Saqqara – Abusir – mortuary cult – funerary repast

THE MIDDLE KINGDOM

Jan-Michael Dahms – Elisabeth KruckIpiemsaef: a new insight into his tomb, his coffin, and his burial equipment 513Abstract: In 1906/07 J.E. Quibell excavated the tomb of Ipiemsaef and Khenu in the TetiCemetery in Saqqara. Although it was intact little attention was paid to the burial aswell as to the associated coffins. Furthermore the inscriptions of the coffin of Ipiemsaef(Sq8C) are not part of A. de Buck’s edition of the Coffin Texts. The article introducesnew aspects of the textual compilation of the coffin of Ipiemsaef which includes newparallels for the Nut-texts as well as for p.Gardiner II, and it presents new ideasconcerning the burial arrangement and its dating.Keywords: Ipiemsaef – Khenu – J. E. Quibell – Teti Cemetery – Saqqara – Sq8C

Zahi HawassThe statue of Dedu-Amon 527Abstract: The article provides a detailed description of a statue of Dedu-Amon,currently in the private collection of Heide Betz (San Francisco). The serpentine statueof Dedu-Amon as a standing man, striding forward, can be dated to the ThirteenthDynasty based on a comparison with similar statues.Keywords: Middle Kingdom – Thirteenth Dynasty – statuary – private collection

Ken YazawaThe late Middle Kingdom shaft tombs in Dahshur North 531Abstract: Since most of the Middle Kingdom shaft tombs in Egypt have been thoroughlyplundered, until now analyses of cemeteries have relied on the patchy evidence ofthe remaining objects. However, the subterranean structure of the tombs was usuallyunaffected by robbery. It is possible to complement the lack of information andobtain an overall view of the cemeteries by analyzing these structures. This paperclassifies the shaft tombs in Dahshur North by form and size, and then examinesthe relationship between date, social status of the owner and the result of the classification. Orientation of the shaft tombs is also investigated, and the resultdescribes its significant relationship to the funerary landscape of the Saqqara–Dahshurregion.Keywords: Dahshur North – Middle Kingdom – shaft tomb – social status – funerarylandscape

xviii Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xviii

THE NEW KINGDOM

Robert ParkerAn undisturbed minor burial in the Teti Cemetery 545Abstract: The discovery of an undisturbed burial is of importance for several reasons;it affords context to the burial assemblage which hints at the significance attached tothe various objects interred by the people that performed the burial. It also providesa glimpse of possible social conditions such as wealth and status as applied to thedeceased. Non-elite burials contain a wealth of information on the lower classes ofMemphite society thereby representing a ‘silent majority’ who mainly speak to us notthrough biographies, monuments or inscriptions but through the nature, context andorigin of their funerary assemblage.

Macquarie University, through the Australian Centre for Egyptology under the directorship of Naguib Kanawati, found such a burial during excavations inthe Teti cemetery in January, 2008. Located in the N–W sector of the cemetery thisintact minor burial contained several bodies complete with almost thirty artefactsincluding a large amount of imported ceramics.

Analysis of the previously unpublished contents will suggest the burial to haveoccurred either during the reigns of Hatshepsut or more likely Thutmose III. Contextand type of artefact illustrate the possible burial practices of the common man at thisperiod of Egypt’s history. Further this interment will be compared with other minorburials in the Teti cemetery in an attempt to gain a more balanced understanding ofthis burial type.Keywords: context – Cypriote – intact – minor burial – trade

Stéphane PasqualiLes fouilles d’Auguste Mariette � Saqqara (1858–1875). Les tombeaux du Nouvel Empire 557Abstract: A study about an important part of Auguste Mariette’s excavations at the necropolis of Saqqara by means of archives of the time (handwritten andphotographic archives of Théodule Devéria, the ‘inventaire de Boulaq’, etc.). The listof all inscribed objects from the New Kingdom is provided.Keywords: Saqqara – Abydos – Auguste Mariette – Théodule Devéria – Bulaq Museum

Maarten J. RavenWhat the butler saw: the life and times of Ptahemwia, royal butler at Memphis 583Abstract: Ptahemwia was royal butler in Memphis, presumably during the reignsof Akhenaten and Tutankhamun. His tomb was found in 2007 by the joint Expeditionof the Leiden Museum and Leiden University in the New Kingdom cemetery atSaqqara. It contains a number of wall-reliefs and inscriptions which, together withthe architectural information and the remains of the funerary gifts, allow us toreconstruct Ptahemwia’s biography. This information also helps to reconstruct the various tasks of a royal butler in general and provides further details on the politicalclimate at Memphis during the Amarna and post-Amarna period.Keywords: Memphis – Saqqara – Ptahemwia – royal butler – Amarna period –Tutankhamun

Nico StaringToward a prosopography of New Kingdom tomb owners in the Memphite necropolis 593Abstract: This contribution takes as its point of departure the observation that the relationship between individual tombs in the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqarais still poorly understood and that no coherent internal patterns have been established.The organisation of this vast elite necropolis and the spatial distribution of tombstherein are here studied by analysing the prosopographical data of 448 individuals:

Table of contens xix

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xix

the tomb owners. After introducing the prosopographical method and its challenges,in particular as concerning the case study of Saqqara, its research potential will bedemonstrated. The distribution of tombs according to the titles (occupational, rank,and honorific) of their owners and the observable changing patterns through timeprovide a first, tentative indication for the rationale of their distribution. Since thelocation of a majority of New Kingdom tombs is today lost, knowledge of the rationaleunderlying tomb placement is pivotal to allow for making statements about theoriginal appearance and development of this necropolis. This research potential isillustrated with selected case studies.Keywords:New Kingdom – Prosopography – spatial analysis – tomb placement – titles

LATE PERIOD AND BEYOND

Renata Landgráfová – Filip Coppens – Jiří Janák – Diana MíčkováMyth and ritual in the burial chamber of the shaft tomb of Iufaa at Abusir: Snakes and snake-likebeings 613Abstract: The shaft tomb of Iufaa at Abusir dates to the turn of the Twenty–Sixth andTwenty–Seventh dynasties and the extent of its interior decoration is unique amongLate Period tombs. Only the Theban tomb of Padiamenipe (TT33) contains a similarrange and extent of texts and representations. The unfinished western wall of Iufaa’sburial chamber, as well as the upper part of the northern wall, contain a number ofrepresentations of snakes and snake-like creatures alongside their accompanying texts.Snakes similar to some of these creatures can be found in the 6th hour of the Amduat,that is, the deepest regions of the Underworld, whereas others have been indentifiedon the astronomical ceiling at Esna, as well as in Papyrus Jumilhac. The northern wallof the burial chamber, which is the focus of the present paper, is almost entirely takenup by the text of the ritual of the purification of the Egyptian king, adapted for Iufaa.A comparison of the motifs in the text of the ritual indicated that the shortmythological compositions and allusions to mythological events that accompanythe snake-like beings hold, in fact, the myths that explain and underlie the variousactions of the purification ritual.Keywords: Abusir – Late Period – shaft tomb – Iufaa – snakes

Hassan Nasr el-DineLa répartition des cimetières saïtes à Saqqara 627Abstract: Ce travail a essayé de mieux comprendre la répartition des cimetières deBasse Epoque, et l’évolution de la nécropole à travers les époques tardives, y comprisl’époque ptolémaïque. Pour aborder le sujet, on a tenté de présenter les tombes dontl’emplacement bien connues, puis celles dont l’emplacement est inconnu. Ensuite, ona indiquér les parties différentes où se regroupes ces tombes: au sud de la pyramided’Ounas, sur l’emplacement du temple bas d’Ounas, dans le secteur au nord de lachaussée d’Ounas, autour de la pyramide d’Ouserkaf, autour du complexe de Djéseret entre la monastère de St. Jérémie et l’enceinte de Sekhemkhet.Keywords: Saqqara – Basse Epoque – Saïte – Bakenrenef – tombe – nécropole –cimetière – emplacement connu et inconnu

Květa SmolárikováSome remarks on the architectural and religious aspects of the Late Period’s shaft tombs 641Abstract: From an architectural point of view the construction of the Late Period’s shafttomb kept certain rules: its superstructure consists of a huge enclosure wall witha square plan, in front of the eastern wall could be a mortuary cult installation; butthe feature most typical is a massive limestone burial chamber with vaulted roof andlavishly decorated walls, built at the foot of a huge and deep main shaft. This is

xx Table of contens

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xx

connected with the surface by narrow vertical subsidiary shaft(s) and long horizontalpassage(s) starting from the bottom; and one cannot omit the embalmer’s depositstrictly situated to the southern part, more precisely to the SW-corner of the funeralcomplex. And I would like to stress the latter feature especially, because it seems –judging from our research – that location of embalming remnants had directconnection with religious texts depicted on the southern walls of the burial chamber.Here, beside a list of offerings, a series of Spells from the Pyramid Texts mentioningresurrection were clearly identified. My central concern here is to examine theseparticular Spells in both religious and cultural contexts, using the background inarchitectural disposition.Keywords: Late Period – shaft tomb – burial chamber – Pyramid Texts – Embalmer’sdeposit

VARIA

Hana NavratilovaMiscellanea Graffitica I 649Abstract: Miscellanea Graffitica fill in on different aspects of graffiti studies in theMemphite area. The paper revisits 1) aspects of graffiti research methodology andresearch history, 2) archived records of the texts from the temple of Userkaf includingvisitors’ graffiti, and 3) a Ramesside figural graffito found in the pyramid complex ofSenwosret III at Dahshur, which is part of an extensive graffiti corpus dating to theNew Kingdom that includes both textual and figural graffiti. It is a testimony toancient skill and craftsmanship and its unusual features resemble period ostracaproduced in the communities of Western Thebes, including Deir el-Medina. Thecharacter of the drawing inspires a reading of the piece as a caricature or satiricalportrait showing upturned ideals of Egyptian elites. The piece inspires hypothesesregarding not only assumed purposes (or lack of) of the drawing, but also its widersocial setting. The apparent skill of the maker is also an indicator of his social positionand invites speculations about the community of workmen or artists.Keywords: Graffiti – visitors – draughtsmen – scribes – epigraphy – Memphis – NewKingdom

Christian OrsenigoJames E. Quibell records on Saqqara in the archives of Alexandre Varille 675Abstract: This paper provides an overview of some archival materials from James E.Quibell archive, which is preserved at the Università degli Studi di Milano (StateUniversity of Milan, Italy). This wealth of materials (more than 3500 photographicprints, notebooks, etc.) is the object of an on-going project supported by a grant fromThe Michela Schiff Giorgini Foundation started in 2014. The paper presents somegeneral considerations that emerged from the analysis of the photographs andillustrates through some different case studies the importance of the discovery of thisdocumentation as well as that of the handwritten one. Besides documenting the majordiscoveries made by Quibell in Saqqara, the archival materials preserved in Milan isprecious not only for the archaeological research stricto sensu, but also for the historyof antiquities collecting and provides plenty of information on how could be workingin Saqqara at the beginning of the XXth Century. Keywords: Egyptological Archives – Università degli Studi di Milano – James E. Quibell –Saqqara

INDEX 685

Table of contens xxi

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxi

Foreword

Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens and Jaromír Krejčí

The Abusir and Saqqara meetings have been organised already four times by the Czech Institute of Egyptology at the Charles University in Prague – in 2000,2005, 2010 and 2015 (Bárta and Krejčí, eds. 2000; Coppens, ed. 2002; Bárta, Coppensand Krejčí, eds. 2005 and Bárta, Coppens and Krejčí, eds. 2011). Over the years thisevent has become an established tradition to look forward to. Indeed, taking placeevery five years, it has developed into an effective and informative platformbringing scholars up to date with the most recent developments in the field, at Abusirand Saqqara in particular, but also taking into consideration the neighbouringpyramid fields as well as all other evidence and research relevant for gaininga better understanding of the primary subject of the conference. Scholars ofEgyptian archaeology, philology, art history, anthropology, natural sciences andother disciplines active on the pyramid fields, but also colleagues whose workselsewhere has an impact on the history of the pyramid fields, meet for a week todiscuss the latest development and discoveries in their respective fields andestablish further cooperation.

It was not different during the last meeting that took place in Prague during June22–26, 2015. In the present volume we offer 43 contributions by 53 scholars coveringdifferent fields and periods. The overwhelming number of the 31 contributions isdedicated to various aspects of Old Kingdom archaeology and most present specificaspects linked with archaeological excavations, both past and present. The successiveperiod of the Middle Kingdom is represented by three studies; the New Kingdomperiod features four and the Late Period three articles, respectively. Finally, the volumeis closed with two more studies which cannot be strictly dated to a specific period.The very nature of the individual contributions reflects well the current situation inEgyptology characterized by a focus on archaeology, the theory of artefacts,iconographic and art historian studies, and the research of largely unpublishedarchival materials. What is – rather unfortunately given the present state of affairs –in great demand are multidisciplinary projects making use of the current hi-techstandards in world archaeology. Such projects in most cases fail due to the currentrestrictions in sampling strategies and subsequent analyses, unlike, for instance, inSudanese archaeology. As long as this situation persists, hardly any significantprogress in the current quality of Egyptian archaeology and Egyptology in generalcan be envisaged.

The final but perhaps most important and heartfelt words are going to our dearcolleague and friend Nicole Alexanian. This fine German scholar and close friend ofmany of us was made to leave this world too early. She devoted her professional careerto the study of the Old Kingdom period, site, tombs and the Dahshur pyramid fieldin particular. She was the author of many stimulating articles and studies anda monograph on the tomb of Netjeraperef. In accord with her family, we take the liberty to dedicate the present volume to her. We are convinced that her name andmemory will remain everlasting and will thus fulfil one of the most important wishesof the Ancient Egyptians – achieving endless and blessed presence through your deedsand thoughts. It is the very hope of the editors that she would enjoy the currentvolume and discussions on many themes emerging through the rich collection ofthe texts presented below.

It is probably not out of place here to thank all the contributors for their cooperationduring the editorial process. Our sincere thanks go to Jolana Malátková and MartinOdler for their invaluable help during the preparation of the volumes and to the Serifapublishing house. We also wish to thank all members of our institute for their helpand encouragement.

Table of contens xxiii

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxiii

Bárta, M. and Krejčí, J., eds.2000 Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2000. Archiv orientální. Supplemena 9. Academy of

Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, Prague.Coppens, F., ed.2002 Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2001. Proceedings of the Symposium (Prague, September25th – 27th 2001), Archiv Orientální Supplementa 70.3 (Prague 2002), 261–425.

Bárta, M., Coppens, F. and Krejčí, J., eds.2006 Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2005. Proceedings of the conference held in Prague,June 27-July 5, 2005. Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, CharlesUniversity in Prague, Prague.

Bárta, M., Coppens, F. and Krejčí, J., eds.2011 Abusir And Saqqara In The year 2005. Proceedings of the conference held in Prague,May 30 – June 4, 2010 (2 volumes). Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,Charles University in Prague, Prague.

xxiv Foreword

AS_vstupy_i_xxiv_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:35 Stránka xxiv

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba:The Quesna mastaba in the context of the EarlyDynastic-Old Kingdom mortuary landscape in LowerEgypt

Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John Tassie

Introduction

The site of Quesna is located 50 km to the north of modern Cairo on a large sandmound or gezira in the central Nile Delta (Fig. 1). Until 2010 the evidence at Quesnadid not pre-date the Late Period. In spring 2010, however, the first evidence of OldKingdom pottery sherds came to light on the far northern edge of the site (Rowland2011). First indications suggested a date ranging from the late Third Dynasty untilthe early Fourth Dynasty (the reign of Khufu at the latest; A el-Senussi pers. comm.;Rowland 2011, 82–84). During the 2014 excavation season however, rare evidenceof the Third Dynasty ruler, Khaba, emerged on a fragmentary seal impressionbearing the ruler’s serekh located within one of the two main burial chambers (363)in the structure (figs. 2a and b and 3b). This would present a potentially early ThirdDynasty date for the mastaba, which would be remarkable given the dearth ofarchaeological evidence for this period in the Delta. This article will focus onunderstanding the Quesna mastaba within the sphere of existing evidence fornorthern Egyptian mortuary evidence throughout the 3rd millennium BC?

This contribution focuses on a detailed description of the mastaba structure, itsassociated contexts and finds, and how it can be understood within the sphere ofexisting evidence for northern Egyptian architecture and practice in the 3rd millenniumBC. The following questions frame this contribution, and will open a discussion onthe broader socio-political context within which it was constructed: 1) Did Quesna fallwithin the Busirite or Athribite territory in the Old Kingdom; 2) How can the Quesnamastaba be seen within the sphere of existing evidence for northern Egyptianmortuary practices throughout the 3rd millennium BC; 3) What date is the mastaba;and 4) Who might have been buried in the mastaba?

Fig. 1. Map showing

archaeological sites

of the Delta referred to

in the text; including Quesna

and Busiris. Map by

J.F.L. van Wetering;

Rowland (2014);

Tassie (2014).

A new funerary monument dating to the reign of Khaba 369

AS_293-488_ABUSIR 12.1.18 13:48 Stránka 369

Division and administration of territory in the Delta during the Old Kingdom

The origins of the socio-political geography of the Delta and Lower Egypt asa whole stretch back through at least the fourth millennium and possibly earlierinto the Neolithic. Although the earliest permanently occupied regions of Lower Egyptin the Neolithic were restricted (in so far as current knowledge goes) to MerimdeBeni Salama, el-Omari, Sais, Tell es-Samara and the Fayum, up until the thirdquarter of the 4th millennium BC the most intensive evidence for occupation is seenwithin the eastern Delta. In the first quarter of the 3rd millennium BC a number ofthese sites appear to fall out of use. This may be for a combination of reasons,including silting of local river branches (Kroeper 1989, 420), and new exchangemechanisms directed through the capital at Memphis. This may have affecting the economic health of smaller communities that had earlier benefitted from, andperhaps been founded because of, their strategic locations within exchange networksto the Sinai and Near East, as well as the Nile Valley.

Archaeological and textual evidence remains sparse for a clear reconstruction ofthe original density and distribution of settlements in the central and western Delta,particularly in the period prior to the foundation of Memphis. For the 4th millenniumthere is evidence from Merimde Beni Salama for the Maadian Predynastic cemetery(Badawi 1978; 1980; Badawi et al 2016; Eiwanger 1999), likewise group(s) were settledat Sais at this time, and Buto (Wilson et al 2014; Hartung et al 2009) and there isevidence from el-Qata (Leclant 1952; 1953; 1954). Although the archaeological evidencemay not reveal a great deal with regards 4th, and to an extent 3rd millennium settlementin the western Delta, evidence from seal impressions dating as early as the reign ofDen, confirm that there was a distinction already in the First Dynasty with regards toadministrative offices held in the districts of the east and the western Delta (Kaplony1963, 435, 569, 584).

A number of agricultural estates are documented, but much more needs to bedone to really start to understand how the central and western Delta was populatedand administered during the third millennium, as well as before. New rulers arerecorded as having founded new estates, but could this always have been the case,or were earlier sites returned to? The eastern Delta is comparatively well knownthrough extensive survey dating back to the late 1970s (Bietak 1975, figs. 28–32; vanden Brink 1988; 1989), and subsequent research, including archival research, fieldsurvey and excavations. The western Delta, by contrast, remains the poorly knowncousin. This may be the case for a number of reasons, including the differential flowof the Nile through the branches of the Delta, resulting in variable deposits of Nile silt(e.g. Macklin et al. 2015) Other reasons include fewer surveys in the region, andpossibly there having been uneven distribution of sites due to certain areas beingmore suitable for strategic reasons. It would seem likely that there were increasinginteractions between the western Delta sites and Memphis from the time of itsfoundation, in particular for the transport of cattle, crops, wine, and other goods fromthe rich agricultural lands, vineyards and pasture as the capital’s needs increased.Archaeological evidence confirms that desert edge sites such as Kom el-Hisn, andKom Abu Billou, existed by the Old Kingdom, but it could have been earlier. Newfield investigations at Kom el-Hisn directed by Warden-Anderson, may clarify thisin the near future, and shed new light on ‘The Estate of the Cattle’, a probablesource of produce destined in part for Memphis and then Giza. The latter, whichalthough recorded in textual sources from the First Dynasty, remains unattestedarchaeologically. Evidence for Predynastic settlement is only rarely known in the western Delta, as mentioned above, e.g. at Merimde Beni Salama and el-Qata,settlements that were located, possibly, on a route to Memphis. Written recordssupport the persistence of inter-regional contacts between the western Delta andsurrounding regions, suggesting the import of cattle from lands west of Egypt, anarea colonised from the ‘Libyans’ by early Egyptian rulers (Moens and Wetterstrom1988, 168, 172).

370 Joanne Rowland – Geoffrey John Tassie


Athribis, Busiris and Quesna in the Old Kingdom

To return to the discussion of Tell Atrib (An. Eg. Hutherib, Gk. Athribis) in the tenthLower Egyptian nome. Although no archaeological evidence has been found here todate, the textual evidence suggests foundations certainly as early as the Fifth Dynastyduring the reign of Sahure (Vernus 1978, 6). Furthermore, within the mastaba ofPthahotep II there is a reference to a funerary domain named RwD ¤nfrw; suggestingthe possibility of a foundation in the area already in the Fourth Dynasty (Jacquet-Gordon1962, 402; Vernus 1978, 7). During Late Period and Ptolemaic period, Tell Atrib wasstill a centre for the cult of Khenty-Khety and finds of recent seal impressions in thefalcon necropolis at Quesna have further strengthened the evidence for the linkbetween the two sites during the Ptolemaic period (Goma� and Hegazy 2001, 4, 57;Rowland et al 2013, 83). The cult can be traced to much earlier dates, however,including in a reference on a seal impression from the funerary temple of Userkaf,and a reference on the Palermo Stone during the reign of Sahure (Vernus 1978: 5).The reconstructions of provincial boundaries during various times within the OldKingdom were made, admittedly, before Quesna had been discovered, however, itseems that boundaries could have varied within the Old Kingdom and Quesna couldhave changed its provincial connections over this period (Helck 1974, fig. 4 and 5;Bietak 1975).

Although Quesna has proven connections with Athribis in later periods of its use,the question of its relationship with the Busirite nome cannot yet be dismissed. The capital of the ninth Lower Egyptian nome was Abusir Bana (An. Eg. Djedu,Gk. Busiris). The site of Djedu may have a very long history, although the lack ofarchaeological research at this large tell site hampers our knowledge of anyPredynastic origins; Late Period to Roman remains cover the surface of the site (seeTassie 2015, fig. 2). It is uncertain whether cAndjety (a river and vegetation god) wasthe patron god of Djedu, but the region was originally known as cAndjety’s nome(Wilkinson 2003, 97–98). In the Pyramid Texts, the king’s power is associated withthis god (Allen 2005, PT.182; PT.220; PT.614) and King Sneferu is shown wearing thedouble plumed crown of cAndjety on a relief now in the Cairo Museum (Saleh andSourouzian 1987, No. 24). cAndjety – many of whose attributes were later assimilatedby Osiris (Griffiths 1980, 136–138) – may have had a temple at Djedu during the ThirdDynasty. The earliest evidence for cAndjety’s nome is an inscription from a Saqqaramastaba dating to the late Third Dynasty of the official Pehernefer, who describeshimself amongst other titles as ḥ3ti-c [provincial governor] of cAndjety’s nome’ (Jones2000, 497; No. 1859; Maspero 1890, 246–272). The Palermo Stone, in the section ofSahure’s annals, mentions donations being made to several gods, including to Mesenand Sem, whose temples it states were in cAndjety’s nome (Sethe 1932, I–244). Couldthe individual(s) buried at Quesna have been a priest in one of these temples andwhere were they located?

The Quesna mastaba: the evidence

To date, only the single mastaba tomb dating to the Old Kingdom has been foundat Quesna. Given that the gezira on top of which the site is located has been damagedon nearly all sides, it is quite possible that there were others originally, which mayhave extended further to the north, where the gezira has been cut from the northernface of the mastaba. The mastaba itself was discovered largely due to surface survey,although the magnetic survey that was completed in 2009 does faintly reveal the structure (as indicated in Rowland 2011, fig. 1). No similar signals appear tothe east or west of the mastaba, although future test trenching will help to eliminatethis possibility.

The mastaba (Grave 1139 within the Quesna grave register) measures 14.10 mnorth-south, by 6.0 m east-west, with a corridor chapel 3.0 m wide by 13.25 m longrunning along its eastern side (see figs. 2a and b, 3a and b). Given the damage apparent



to this structure, the original dimensions can be reconstructed as 14.95 m × 6.14 m or28.4 by 11.6 cubits. On excavation, the remaining height is 2.30 m in total, with 0.40 mcomprising the superstructure. It is a tripartite double niched tomb, with its southernsection having a tumulus constructed of rubble, and the northern part containingthe burial shaft, offering room and the cult room, with the double burial chamberfound in the central section.

Three sizes of mud-bricks were used in the construction of the main mastaba: 1) 0.50 × 0.30 × 0.15 m; 2) 0.55 × 0.20 × 0.20 m; 3) 0.24 × 0.12 × 0.08 m, with minorvariations. The only contemporary bricks of comparable size known are from TombNo. 1 at Lake Abusir, with bricks of 0.55 × 0.26 × 0.16 m within the superstructure(Bárta 2001: 23; Verner 1995: 86). There are some bricks of different sizes that arefound within particular features in the Quesna mastaba, including the floor of the cult room, which is made of bricks of 0.50 × 0.28 × 0.20 m, and the north-southdividing wall of the burial chamber with bricks of 0.38 × 0.10 × 0.10 m. A singlecurved brick was also discovered, possibly originating from the northern end ofthe corridor chapel. The composition of these bricks is of alluvial Nile silt (79%),mixed with sand (20%), and a very small amount of vegetable matter (1%). Mortarwas only used on the horizontal beds. The size 1 bricks were used for the walls ofthe northern (as seen in Rowland 2011, fig. 9) and southern substructure, with the size 2 bricks for the eastern and western walls of the substructure, and the size 3bricks for the superstructure and main body of the mastaba. The corridor chapelwas comprised entirely of size 3 bricks.

The southern and northern walls of the substructure appear to have been thefirst walls built, followed by the eastern and western walls. The base of the burialchamber comprised of packed mud, possibly originally overlain with a woodenfloor. This construction method gave a solid lining to the substructure generallycomprising of a CE1 brick bond (see Spencer 1979 for Egyptian bonding corpus).The mastaba part of the superstructure is 12.0 m north-south by 6.14 m east-westand built using an A6 brick bond. There is no evidence that any of the main wallsof the superstructure had a palace niche façade design; perhaps surprising giventhat palace niche façade, common in the First Dynasty and largely disappearing inthe Second Dynasty, makes a return in the Third Dynasty (Emery 1961; Reisner1936). There is evidence for this design in the offering chapel, however, as discussedbelow. The angle of these walls or slope of the batter (preserved in the walls ofnorthern part of the mastaba) is between 78–80 degrees. Above the burial chamberthere is evidence in the form of sockets for wooden roofing beams, although the thickness of the eastern and western walls may suggest that there was originally a corbelled roof. To lessen the weight above the burial chamber, it ispossible the core of the mastaba had, originally, a sand or/and mud-rubble fill.

The northern section of the mastaba is the most solid part of the construction,primarily consisting of solid brickwork (103), with an offering room (346) of 1.6 × 1.7 m located in its most north-eastern part. This room seems to havecontained mainly beer jars, which are numerous and of various types. South of this offering room is the burial shaft (349), measuring 1.10 m (north-south) by 1.0(east-west) and 1.90 m deep; possibly originally as deep as 4.0 given the originalheight of the superstructure. In the western part of this sector is what appears to have been a cult room (285) and (274) measuring 2.5 m north-south by 2.25 meast-west, where statue(s) of the tomb-owner(s) may have stood. There are remains of the white plaster (381) that coated the room. This part of the tomb was re-used for a secondary burial (B.161 in [386]), which was orientated north--south, and appears to have been interred during the Old Kingdom, judging from the associated pottery. This burial was enclosed by bricks at the same height as the floor level (285). Bones of an ovicaprine discovered may be the remains of a foodoffering for the deceased. Another secondary burial orientated east-west, B.162 in[372], overlies B.161 and appears to be from a much later period, possibly Ptolemaicor Roman.



Fig. 2. a. Plan of the mastaba showing the main contexts: round brackets indicates deposits and square brackets indicates cuts,

with the levels for the various contexts placed on the symbol of a plane table. b. The top diagram shows a North-South section

through the centre of the mastaba and the bottom diagram an East-West section through the mastaba.



The burial chamber measures 4.0 m north-south by 3.70 m east-west, bounded onthe north and east by (103) and on the west by (273). The southern part of the burialchamber had an east-west running casemate wall that consisted of the 0.25 m thickwall (276), the rubble fill (304), and the 0.80 m thick wall (329). The northern face of(329) was coated with mud-plaster. The first burial to be placed in the chamber wasB.160, located in the western part of the casemate wall. The western niche (350), [366]observed in (276) was made to receive the feet of this burial, which was probablyplaced in the loosely flexed position on its right side with the head north facing east.On comparison with other sites such as Abusir, Helwan and Saqqara (Bárta et al. 2010,14–16, 267–263; Quibell 1923, 24–5, 32, pl. XXIX; Saad 1951, 28, 33, 37–9, pl. XIVb)the burial may have been placed in a wooden or reed coffin, or just covered withpalm fronds, although if this were the case then nothing remains. Shortlyafterwards the burial chamber was remodelled, with the north-south wall (330)added to divide the chamber in two, and the east-west wall (374) built to provide aneastern side for the new interment B.159. Patches of mud plaster were observed on(374) and it is likely that the entire burial chamber was coated thus. These two newwalls were both built from bricks of a slightly lighter more yellow colour. This burialappears to have had the same orientation as B.160, with a smaller niche [367] filled by(363) cut into (276). Above B.160 is a socket [368] cut into (276), which was probablyfor a wooden beam supporting the roof. Another surviving socket [362] was probablyfor an east-west beam over the burial chamber, the wall (273) cuts away where furtherbeams may have been located and the opposite wall (103) finishes about the heightwhere the sockets would have entered the wall. There is a series of three large robbers’cuts in the burial chamber, the first of these is in the north of the burial chamber [136],[272] and [301] filled with (137), the second in the south-east of the chamber [306],which has eight different fills and came down on the eastern burial and [333] filled by(327) that cuts the western burial. Just to the north of the large cut [333] was a largerectangular slab of limestone (SF.150). One end of this limestone block was broken, soit is impossible to known whether it may have served as a portcullis; such as was inuse already in the First Dynasty (examples from Helwan - Saad 1947, 162; and for TombNo. 1 H3 of the First Dynasty, 163–4, pl. LXVIII; Tomb No. 40 H3 also of the FirstDynasty , pl. LXIX), with examples from the Third Dynasty including AS 54 at Abusir(Bárta 2011, 46–7). This northwestern corner was badly damaged, with many fallenbricks covering the limestone block, however, the arrangement of the remaining brickssuggests that there may have originally been stairs leading up to a doorway into thecult room. The original placement of SF.150 may have been either at the base of theburial shaft, or possibly the base of the ‘stairs’.

The southern section of the mastaba consists of the large southern wall of the substructure (154). This wall has been severely damaged and is at a much lowerheight than the corresponding northern wall (118). A thin wall (332), which seems tobe the continuation of the southern wall of the offering chapel separates this large wallfrom the tumulus-like rubble fill (331). This rubble fill measuring 2.50 m north-southby 4.20 m east-west, which is bounded to the north by the southern wall of the burialchamber (276) constitutes the main body of the southern section of the mastaba.Similar rubble filled constructions have been found in tombs at both Helwan (lateFirst Dynasty, including 1374) and Saqqara (Second Dynasty) (Emery 1961). Suchconstructions have been interpreted as representing the primordial mound (Emery1961).

The exterior (probably roofed) corridor chapel would have had a superstructuremeasuring 11.75 m north-south by 3.0 m east-west constructed using a CE1 brick bond.The eastern wall (107) and (57) of this corridor chapel is 1.50 m thick, and its westernwall (339), that abuts the main mastaba, is only two bricks wide 0.24 m. The entranceto the chapel was in the northern part of its east wall with an offering niche (322) toits south that had a simple palace niche façade design. Presumably this niche wouldhave held a stele, but, if this were the case, only a few pieces of uninscribed limestoneremained in the vicinity. Inside the corridor chapel, the interior of the eastern wall



was decorated with phragmites (reeds) or palm leaf (pers. comm. M. El-Dorry) coatedwith a white plaster (380), attaining a thickness up to 0.10 m. On the lower parts ofthe interior western wall there is also evidence of white plaster, but as the upper partof the wall is missing it is impossible to tell if they were decorated. As Reisner (1936,262) points out, the roofing of these exterior corridor chapels was to protect thedecorated internal walls. The floor of the chapel was constructed of mud-bricks(288) with a width of 1.10 m. On comparison with other Third Dynasty tombs, suchas those at Beit Khallaf (Garstang 1904), the main offering recess of the chapel wouldhave been expected to be in the southern part of the west wall (339). Unfortunately,a large robber’s pit [306] is located in this area preventing any identification of thisarchitectural element. The southern end of the corridor chapel is terminated by a smallroom (390) measuring 0.92 m north-south by 1.18 m east-west, which was dividedfrom the chapel by means of a screening wall. Like many other areas of the mastaba,

Fig. 3. a. looking north across

the burial chamber.

b. the two burial niches,

looking south.



this had been damaged by later tomb robbers who left their marks [292] on the walls,destroying much of the eastern wall of the chapel in this area. The floor of this closedroom is very rough in appearance, but whether this was due to damage from thecontents of the room, or due to robbery, cannot be ascertained.

Along with the numerous beer jars (figs. 6a–h), which potentially could range indate from the late Third Dynasty to the reign of Khufu, Meydum bowls and fine warevessels also occurred. Other objects found included a few lithics, stone vessels andhundreds of faience beads, one carnelian and two gold beads. Several elongatedtriangular ivory inlays, probably from decorated boxes, were found scatteredthroughout the tomb. Small pieces of copper were also recovered, but none wererecognisable as particular objects. Fragments of yellow quartzite were found in the area of the storeroom; these could possibly have been pieces of a quern.

Mortuary evidence in Northern Egypt during the 3rd millennium BC

Despite there being considerable evidence across the eastern Delta during the Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods, there is a sharp decline into the SecondDynasty. Settlement remains are minimal in comparison with evidence for cemeteries,as is often the case, but the population seems to start to move away from sitesincluding Minshat Abu Omar and Kafr Hassan Dawood by the start of the SecondDynasty (Kroeper and Wildung 1994; 2000; Rowland 2014, 271). Tell el-Farkha inthe eastern Delta seems to have dwindled in its extent and prosperity by this time,and excavations thus far suggest that the site was abandoned in the 4th Dynasty,possibly according to the excavators, because of the movement of trade routes toMendes (Ch�odnicki 2012, 105–113). Tell el-Rub’a (Mendes) is one of the exceptions,with evidence from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom and First IntermediatePeriod and later, and at Tell Ibrahim Awad there is a series of temples dating fromthe Protodynastic to the Middle Kingdom, in addition to settlement and cemeteryremains dating to the First, Second, and Fourth–Sixth Dynasties (van Haarlem 2000;2009). A similar situation is found at Tell el-Basta (Bubastis) that dates from the Predynastic into the Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom and later (Bakr 1992; Lange2013; Bakr and Lange 2017). In the central and western parts of the Delta, there is ve

a abusir and saqqara r qq sa r 2015 nd a abusir in the ye · abusir and saqqara in the year 2015...

Documents