844 john francis elwolde takamitsu muraoka the hebrew of the dead sea scrolls and ben sira...

7/27/2019 844 John Francis Elwolde Takamitsu Muraoka the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira Proceedings of a S

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T H E H E B R E W O F T H E D E A D S E A S C R O L L SAND BEN SIRA


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STUDIES ON THE TE X TSOF TH E DESERT OF JUDAH

E D I T E D B YF. GARCIA MARTINEZA. S. VAN DER W OUD E

V O LU M E X X V I


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THE HEBREW OFTHE DEAD SEA SCROLLS ANDBEN SIRA

Proceedings of a Symposium held at Leiden University11-14 December 1 9 9 5

EDITED BY

T. MURAOKAAND

J . F . E L W O L D E

B R I L LL E I D E N N E W Y O R K K L N1997


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This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheit saufhahmeTh e Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Sira :prodeedings of a symposium held at Leiden University, 1 1 - 1 4December 1995 / ed. by T. Muraoka an d J . F . Elwolde. - Leiden; New Yor k ; Kln : Brill, 1997(Studies on the texts of the desert of Judah ; Vol. 2 6 )ISBN 9 0 - 0 4 - 1 0 8 2 0 - 3NE: Muraoka, Takamitsu [Hrsg.]; GT

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Datais also available

ISSN 0 1 6 9 - 9 9 6 2ISBN 90 04 1 0 8 2 0 3 Copyright 1997 by Koninklijke Brill, Leiden, T h e Netherlands

A ll rights reserved. N o part of thispublication ma y b e reproduced, translated, stored ina retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any m e a n s , electronic,m e c h a n i c a l , photocopying, recording or otherwise, withoutprior writtenpermissionf rom th e publisherAuthorization to photocopy itemsfor internal or personaluse is granted by Koninklijke Brill provided thatth e appropriatefees are paiddirectly t o The CopyrightClearance Center, 222 RosewoodDrive, Suite 910Danvers M A 01923 , U S A .Fees are subject to change.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface viiBibliographical Abbreviations ix

M . F J . Baasten, Nominal Clauses Containing a PersonalPronoun in Qumran Hebrew 1

J.F. Elwolde, Developments in Hebrew Vocabularybetween Bible and Mishnah 17

S.E. Fassberg, On the Syntax of Dependent Clauses in Ben Sira 56A. Hurvitz, The Linguistic Status of Ben Sira as a Linkbetween Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew:Lexicographical Aspects 72M.Z. Kaddari, The Syntax of 9r> in the Language of Ben Sira 87T. Muraoka, Verb Complementation in Qumran Hebrew 92G.W. Nebe, Die hebrische Sprache der Nahal Hever

Dokumente 5/6Hev 44-46 150W.T. van Peursen, Periphrastic Tenses in Ben Sira 158E . Qimron, A New Approach to the Use of Forms of the

Imperfect Without Personal Endings 174M.S. Smith, How To Write a Poem: The Case of Psalm 151A(HQPsa 28.3-12) 182

Index of Texts Cited 209


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PREFACE

The present volume includes papers presented at the first international symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Ben Siraheld at Leiden University in December, 1995. Not only those whopresented papers but also others who attended part or all of thewhole programme, which lasted three days, were unanimous aboutthe importance of the subject and the interest it represents for futureresearch.

The symposium could not have taken place without very generous financial support extended by the Dutch Academy of Sciences(KNAW) and by Leiden University (the Leids Universitair Fonds, theResearch School CNWS, and the former Department of Hebrew,Aramaic, and Ugaritic Languages and Cultures). The editors aregrateful to the series editors, Professors A.S. van der Woude and F.Garcia Martinez, for agreeing to publish this volume, and to our contributors for their patient and ready cooperation.November, 1996 T. Muraoka (Leiden)J . F. Elwolde (Sheffield)


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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONSA B = Anchor BibleAbrN = Abr-NahrainAbrNSup = Abr-Nahrain Supplement SeriesABR = Australian Biblical ReviewAJBI = Annual of th e Japanese Biblical InstituteA OA T = Alter Orient and Altes TestamentATAT = Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im Alten TestamentAUSS = Andrews University Seminary StudiesBASOR = Bulletin of th e American Schools of Oriental ResearchBib = BiblicaBDB = F . Brown, S.R. Driver, and CA. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of th e Old TestamentBN = Biblische NotizenBZ = Biblische ZeitschriftBZAW = Beihefte zur ZAWCahRB = Cahiers de la Revue bibliqueCBQ = Catholic Biblical QuarterlyCBQ MS = Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph seriesCRA IBL = Com ptes rendus de l 'Acadmie des inscriptions et belles-lettresDJD = Discoveries in the Judaean DesertD SD = Dead Sea DiscoveriesEI = Eretz-IsraelEstBib = Estudios biblicosET = Expository TimesG K = Gesenius' Hebrew Gram mar, ed. E. Kautsch, tr. A.E. CowleyH AR = Hebrew Annual ReviewHSM = Harvard Semitic MonographsHSS = Harvard Semitic StudiesHTR - Harvard Theological ReviewHUCA = Hebrew Union College AnnualICC = International Critical CommentaryIE ] = Israel Exploration JournalJANES = Journal of th e Ancient Near Eastern SocietyJ AO S = Journal of th e Am erican O riental SocietyJBL = Journal of Biblical LiteratureJBLMon = Journal of Biblical Literature Monograph SeriesJ J S = Journal of Jewish StudiesJQ R = Jewish Quarterly Review


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B I B L I O G R A P H I C A L ABBREVIATIONS xJSJ = Journal for th e Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and RomanPeriodJSOT = Journal for the Study of the Old TestamentJSOTSup = Journal for the Study of the Old Testament SupplementSeriesJSS = Journal of Semitic StudiesJTS - Journal of Theological StudiesK B = L . Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti lib-rosL eS. - IfSonnuMEAH = M iscelnea de Estudios Arabes y HebraicosM G W J = Monatsschrift fr Geschichte und Wissenschaft des JudentumsRH R = Revue de l'histoire des religionsRQ = Rm ische Quartalschrift fr christliche Altertumskunde undKirchengeschichteRSO = Rivista degli studi orientaliScrHier = Scripta hierosolymitanaSJOT = Scandinavian Journal of the Old TestamentSTDJ = Studies on the Texts of the Desert of JudahSVT = Supplements to Vetus TestamentumVT = Vetus TestamentumZAH = Zeitschrift fr AlthebraistikZAW = Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft


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NOMINAL CLAUSES CONTAINING A PERSONAL PRONOUN INQUMRAN HEBREW 1

Martin F.J. Baasten(Leiden)

I; Preliminary remarks. Three levels of linguistic descriptionIn order to describe the form and function of the nominal clause in ameaningful way, a distinction should be made between three levels oflinguistic description: the grammatical, the logical and the psychological level. 'Subject'and 'predicate' may be identified distinctly on allthree levels; a constituent that is identified as the 'subject' on one levelmay very well be the 'predicate' on another and vice versa. We shallemploy, therefore, different terms for 'subject' and 'predicate' on eachlevel, as follows:(1) grammatical S and P agreement in gender, number, and

person;2(2) logical S and P S is the more particular/definite constituent: subject;P is the more universal/indefiniteconstituent: predicate;(3) psychological S and P S is the contextually 'old' informationor the point of departure of the utterance: theme;P is the contextually 'new7 information or the aim of the utterance:rheme.

1 The present article is an expanded version of the paper presented at the Leiden Symposium. It forms part of my PhD research, on the nominal clause inthe Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, at the Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden. I amgrateful to my supervisor. Professor T. Muraoka, for granting me the opportunity to present a paper at this conference.Note the following abbreviations: DPr = demonstrative pronoun; Ex = extraposition; Inf = infinitive; NC = nominal clause; NP = noun phrase; P = predicate; PP = prepositional phrase; PPr = personal pronoun; Ptc = participle; Rh= rheme; S = subject; Th = theme.2 Since agreement between grammatical S and P is not a necessary feature ofthe nominal clause, we shall not use special terms for them in this study.


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2 THE H EBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAIn verbal clauses, grammatical S and P can be distinguished on thebasis of agreement in gender, number, and person. On the logicallevel, the distinction is made on the basis of the logical categories ofparticulars and universalsthe more concrete, the more definite, ofthe two constituents is the logical subject, whereas the other is thelogical predicate.3 On the psychological level, the subject is thecontextually retrievable or 'old' information or the point of departureof the utterance, whereas the predicate is the 'new' information or theaim of the utterance; it contains what is being said about thepsychological subject.4 We shall use the terms 'subject' (S) and'predicate' (P) exclusively for the logical subject and predicate,whereas for the psychological level we employ the terms 'theme' and'rheme' (Th and Rh respectively).5It is rather unfortunate that in studies on the nominal clause invarious kinds of Hebrew the terms 'subject' and 'predicate' are usedindiscriminately for all three levels. Using the same terms for differentlevels of description, however, leads to endless terminological andconceptual confusion. Of this sort of unnecessary confusion I shallgive two examples.

1. We often read that in clauses with one definite and one indefinite constituent it is easy to identify S and P, whereas in a clause withtwo definite constituents this is very difficult and, as a consequence,we have to look at the context in order to determine which is S andwhich is P.6 This assertion is erroneous. If S and P are defined interms of definiteness (i.e. on the logical level), then determining S andP in a clause with two constituents of equal definiteness is not diffi-

3 Although we would not claim the same precision in distinguishing variousdegrees of definiteness as intended by Andersen, Verbless Clause, table 3 , p.110, it seems clear that, for example, a PPr represents a higher degree of definiteness than a construct noun made definite by a possessive suffix. The general idea of degrees of definiteness was further developed by Keizer, Definiteness.4 In case both core constituents provide contextually new information, it isgenerally still possible to determine Th as the point of departure and Rh asthe aim of the utterance. For several other notions in this respect, cf. Chafe,'Givenness', 2 5 - 5 5 .5 For a general discussion of the notions 'subject' and 'predicate' at variouslevels of description, see Lyons, Introduction, 334-50; Lyons, Semantics, II, 46 9 -75, 500-11 ; Jespersen, Philosophy of Grammar, 145-56; Cohen, Phrase nominale,22-46 ; Contini, Tipobgia, 11-20; Hoftijzer, 'Nominal clause', 487-88 ; Niccacci,'Marked syntactical structures', 1 3 - 1 8 , 2 4 - 2 6 ; Michel, 'Probleme des Nominal-satzes', 216-220 .6 To give only one example: Geller, 'Cleft sentences', 16, n. 8: 'the establishment of "subject" and "predicate" in nominal clauses, especially when bothare definite, is notoriously difficult and often arbitrary'.


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BAASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 3cult, but simply impossible or irrelevant. However, as soon as thecontext is invoked in order to solve the problem, we should realisethat one is talking about psychological S and P. On the psychologicallevel, however, all clauses are equally difficult, regardless of the defi-niteness or indefiniteness of their constituents; one would alwaysneed the context in order to determine which constituent is the themeand which is the rheme. When the context of a certain clause is unclear or ambiguous, one would have to concede that it is not merelydifficult, but actually impossible to identify Th and Rh.2. Francis Andersen, who in his Verbless Clause strictly and consistently applies logical categories in identifying S and P, mentions aclause like Gen 24.65 huy *ddni and identifies the pronoun as the subject (p. 40 and #19) . It is misleading to claim that he was wrong indoing so because the context tells us to read huy *ddni (with prosodic'stress' on the pronoun),7 so that the pronoun must be the 'predicate'.If more accurate terms were employed here, we would have to saythat the context tells us that huy is the rheme. But that fact obviouslydoes not contradict in any way Andersen's assertion that huy is the(logical) subject.8

The type of nominal clause at issue here is the one that containsan independent personal pronoun. The corpus investigated for thispurpose consists of the Rule of the Community (1QS, 4Q S a " J ) , lQSa,l Q S b , the Damascus Document (CD), lQpHab, the Temple Scroll, and1QM.9

II: The simple nominal clauseA: Clauses containing a pronoun and a definite noun phraseIf the pronoun stands in combination with a definite noun phrase, thepronoun precedes, both in main clauses and in subordinate clauses.1 0

7An interpretation that in itself is quite likely, cf. Muraoka, Emphatic, 19, n. 48.8 Thus, e.g., Zewi, who defines her terms 'subject' and 'predicate' exclusivelyin a psychological sense, claims CNominal sentence', 148, n. 12): 'Andersen ...fails to recognize that independent pronouns might sometimes be predicates[read: rhemes, MB]. . . . Andersen classifies these examples under the order ofsubject-predicate, while it should be predicate-subject [read: rheme-theme,MB]'.9 The text editions used for this purpose are the following: Rule of the Community, lQSa, and lQSb (Charlesworth et al. [eds.]. Dead Sea Scrolls), CD(Qimron, Text of CDC, 9-49 ) , lQpHab (Nitzan, Scroll), 11QT (Qimron, Temple Scroll), 1QM (Yadin, Scroll).* In the only two exceptions, a preceding NP that is formally definite maybe


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4 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAOn the psychological level, the pronoun is mostly the theme. Thistype is especially frequent in exegetical contexts, where somethingthat precedes in the text is clarified, as in 1QS 8.15 m i n n B T T T D nKVT. . .mBJftrKDTB-ramsn[B]K, where the pronoun refers to the immediately preceding quotation of Isa 40.3 iJ'nbK*? n*?QD, with which itagrees in gender and number.11 This kind of exegetical remark is attested in theBible as well, although not frequently, as a so-called parenthetical gloss, 1 2 e.g. Gen 36.1 onK Kin wu rrrftfi n*?Ki 'and these arethe generations of Esauthat is Edom'; 1 Kgs 6.38 H T O nnKn n x m. . . r r a n r f o T o w n E n n n K in n ? 3 'and in the eleventh year, in themonth Buithat is the eighth monththe house was finished...'.

Similar instances of such an exegetical clause in our corpus arelQSa 1.3 fpKn n r a IJED 1? -[inn innn moo - I B K msy TBUK non; 1QS3.18-19 *7ij;ni noKn rnrrn nan; 1QS 8.7; ]nnn nam nKvi. It is not surprising that this type of exegetical remark is widely used in pesharim or inpesher-like contexts: lQpHab 2.6 ... TORn'pnn'pntfnon (the reference is to lQpHab 2 .5-6 cravi nnm6 cmjpnn];13 CD 20 .3 -jnn ma Kin"TO "[inn (referring to a disobedient member of the community in CD20.2); CD 1.13... rvbv mnn rvn TB?K nun K'n (explaining C D 1.5 ]nn pp) ;CD 20.12 nennn nnn Kim (referring to CD 20.12 p a n izrp ne?K.. . nnnpOQl).14

Once we find a formally indefinite NP as predicate, but otherwisethe exegetical clause is identical with the preceding ones: CD 1.13" [ 1 1 n o Dn (referring back to the immediately preceding D H J U n~ltf).In some cases, the PPr may also be the Rh, as in 11QT 53.8nnvrfra n r n rjK; 11QT 61 .4 m m K I 4 ? T B K n m n Kin (cf. Deut 18.22). Dueto the limited context, it is not certain what the pronouns refer to inthe following cases: 1QS 9.19nnnQt?"]nnnni3Dn^nK,n (cf. Licht,Megillat, ad l o c ) ; CD 8.2-3 (= 19.15) *7K npa' 12?K DVn Kin (cf. Davies,Damascus Covenant, 155ff.); CD 8.20 p "[inn1? r r o T *1QK *12?K n m n Kinm w r n ^ ^ ^ K i n ' n ] (cf. Davies, Damascus Covenant, 171-72) .

considered to be semantically indefinite and hence belong under Section IIB:CD 5.9 - ] Q K I K B (cf. Lev 18.13 Kin - J O K ' D ) and 11QT 26.9ron npn ntttDn(cf. 11QT 16.18 KTT^np DKOn); pace Andersen, Verbless, 33 ,46-47 .1 1 It is not useful to speak of a lack of congruence between the grammatical Sand th e grammatical P here; the pronoun does not agree with its P, butasexpectedwith its referent rfroo.1 2 The type is similar to the one mentioned in Muraoka, 'Pasuq', 1.2.1. Onglosses in the Biblical text in general, see Tov , 'Glosses', 40-66, esp. 52-53, ondosses beginning with (w)hu\" For Brownlee's reconstruction rvpnnD'pini?, cf. Nitzan, Scroll, ad loc.1 4 Thus Davies, Damascus Covenant, 176-77. Qimron, Text of CDC', ad loc,reads torn. The form rwim n n n is to be construed as definite; cf. CD 6.19 n n n n


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BAASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 5The clause in lQpHab 10.3 BOODn rvn R T F TW E is ambiguous as to

the syntactic status of the first NP. One might take it either as anextraposed element, but more likely it serves as an introductoryheading that does not form part of the clause itself: Its interpretation:it is the house of judgment*. 1 5In subordinate clauses, the word order remains unchanged: thepronoun always precedes. But the context tells us that the pronoun isclearly the Rh. In our corpus only the conjunction O is attested withthis type: lQpHab 3 .2 ,13-14 ; 5 .6 ; CD 10.16; 16.15 .. . T D K K i n R O ; 1 6lQpHab 9.7 O'Qtfn nrv no n RO referring back to lQpHab 8.15 n rrD'Otf (= Hab 2.8); CD 12.15 o n R n n BEXDO R in 'D . 1 7 This type is attestedtwice with a PP as P, but the pronoun is still the Rh: 1QM 12.7 *? R HDRIp r D ^ j n n f t m i r a n D ^ ^ 10.1 woKTin *7n:i * ? R ranpn n n R . 1 9B : Clauses co ntaining a prono un and an indefinite noun phraseIn this type of clause, both word orders are attested. We find the pronoun both preceding the noun phrase (PPr-NP; S-P) as well as following it (NP-PPr; P-S) . On the psychological level, the two possibilitiesare attested as well (Th-Rh and Rh-Th).In instances of the order S-P, the pronouns are the theme (i.e. nospecific prominence is attached to them): 1QM 1.11-12 m ^r itf nRTn

m i a uv b [ i D (possibly also 1QM 1.5 " P K oi fr nine?* ntfn K pm ]; CD5.17 mxv "OR Q H (compare the underlying Deut 32.28 "ink ^ Orran rrfcH?, where the NP is clearly the Rh.).Subordinate clauses show the same word order S-P and Th-Rh:

lQpHab 2.12-13 - Q * 6 non^n omaxi rrbp npn -IIBJR Dnwon by VKDBtrpn; HQT 50.10-11 no r o i m R in - W R D W I " T O ; 1QM 1.10 or nRin wo-pnn ^rb r f o rarhcb T R Q t> T I I T ; 1QM 13.5 -jenn hun nan R O ; 1QM 15.9

1 5 The phrase piSrd also occurs before clauses that have an extraposed N P o fthemselves, e.g. lQpHab 12.7, see below, Section IIIA. This would indicatethat the latter interpretation is more probable. On the stylistic features ofpesharim in general, cf. Nitzan, Scroll, 81-89; Horgan, Pesharim, 239-44.1 6 This typical clause serves to introduce a verse that has just been explained,see Basser, 'Pesher hadava/, 389-405. See also Brownlee, Midrash, ad loc , 65;Horgan, Pesharim, 243, n. 55; Nitzan, Scroll, Introd., 7; Bernstein, 'Introductory formulas'.1 7 Qimron, Tex t of C D C , ad lo c: a phonetic spelling for D n n ? 'their eating'.1 8 Garcia Martinez's translation ('you a r e a God, awesome in the splendour ofyour majesty . . . ' ) , taking the first tw o NP s as a clause, is less likely in view ofthe next clause mentioned here.1 9 A combination of Deut 23.15 *|jno mpn "f nno -ptfa*"o and Deut 7.21 ' "D


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6 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAmrcnnnynQnKO.2 0 As expected, circumstantial clauses show thesame order: CD 5.11 nK B KTT); CD 9.17 nnK Kim.

In clauses of the order P-S, the pronoun is always the Th. Thistype is often found in imitations of biblical style, notably in the Temple Scroll. As in Biblical Hebrew, this type of clause often serves as aconcluding remark at the end of a series of precepts or of a section:11QT 15.12-13 mn"3sfrmm3nnne?KKvin i?i:>; 11QT 28.5-6 nnn&Kmm*? K in mm; 11QT 16.18 K in bnp nKon;21 l lQT 48.7-3 mrrb nana e ran O D V r f r K ; 11QT 50.7 Kin KDB; 11QT 66.14 K'n namn; CD 15.4 nay OKKinoraK.

Subordinate clauses all show the same order P-S and Rh-Th, withvarious conjunctions: CD 11.6-7 wn mmo OK; CD 13.5 KinTlQ OKI; CD9.17 Kin mo nan OK; CD 9.20 Dn D'je? OKI; CD 9.21-22 On D'3QK3 DK;22lQSa 2.10-11 Kirn] wisa K O ; 1QM 2.8-9 buna*? n*n rrao raw K O ; 1QM9.8 nan trnnp tra; CD 5.16 Kin r n r a nv K ^ O ; 2 3 CD 1.8-9 Dnwn 'a w mOnO'D'EK WQD* 2.1.12-13 omits D'BDK); 11QT 43.16 KinBmpo (onceelliptical: 11QT 43.12 2?np 'a TU> taw K1*?),24 11QT 52.18-19 biaa nra *aKin; 11QT 50.18 non C K Q C D ' a ; 11QT 52.4-5 b nan na nn *a; 11QT 48.7na^m^Kmn^nriKKrinpD^o; l l Q T 56.15 Kinna^nKKi^nwKnaiDWK.Our corpus contains some instances of PP as predicate: l lQT 62.12-13nonn^Knonvunnj;oKi^nc0K...Dn^ (= Deut 20.15); CD 3.18 n o mK'n xh*o.C: Clauses containing a verbal participleAs for NCs with a verbal participle, it turns out that the normal, se-mantically unmarked, word order is PPr-Ptc, unless the Ptc itself isfocalized.25

2 0 The context is unclear in 1QM 15.1 non^D mppn ^j i c ^n i i c r\s J T H T I R'DWM7] ' T O D , but the pronoun does not seem to be Rh.2 1 Similar cases: llQT 16.10 [ n v r ' B ^ m m s n n n w K T i t f p p i J ] ; llQT 16 .13 -14ronqrrDnRjDn.2 2 The Ptc clearly functions as an adjective here. The meaning is not 'if theyare being trusted' but 'if they are faithful'. The same goes for the Ptc I O T Q inthe next clause (lQSa 2.10) . On the function of passive Ptc Qal, Pu'al andHof'al as adjectives, cf. Segal, Grammar, 332-33 .2 3 4QD a reads mrarf? in] orm r a t o [ n ] / after Isa 2 7 1 1 w n m r m ^ t f p ' D .2 4 After Exod 29.34 Kin tDip a vb.2 5 Pace Segal, Grammar, 341; Muraoka, 'Pasucf, 221-23 , who already noted (p.224) a great number of exceptions to the rule formulated by Bendavid, Leshon, 4 9 4 - 9 5 , 663, 666, 679. It seems that the law Bendavid thought to havediscovered works only the other way round: the unmarked word order isPPr-Ptc, but particles that can have some sort of focalizing forcelike ' D andDKmay require a reverse word order, on the condition that it is the Ptc thatis being focalized. See also Muraoka, 'Pasucf, 224, n. 13-14 , and his remark in


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BAASTEN: NOMINALCLAUSES 7Passive participles actually should not be regarded as genuineparticiples, behaving instead like normal adjectives. The only class o fNCs where the Ptc precedes without being focalized are of a veryspecific type: 1QS 2.5 n D n Q K ^ n ^ Q ^ D n n n K i n ^ l Q S 2.7

nanw - [ T O D ' o m yv n n a - m ; 1QS 2.7- wbw m r f r s K a n n a o w n ;1QM 13.4 i n o K r n o a nam o w n n o o o n a n o a ^ y ^ a 1QM13.5 o n K D n m rrnajj ' r o a n o n o i a w i ; 1QS 11.15-16 n m o n n n a - p n an a n a * ; a*? n r t . Andersen (Verbless Clause, 1 0 0 - 0 2 ) suggested thatthese clauses might be precative. However, Muraoka has shown withconvincing arguments that there is no reason to make such an assumption. If there is any element of wish in these utterances, it is dueto the semantic value of the verbs involved, not to the syntacticstructure of the clause. We reiterate that these participles function asnormal adjectives and hence belong to the category described inSection I IB above.26

I f an active Ptc precedes, it is clearly focalized: CD 5 .6 D'KOtDO D31.. . n K E n p o n n a a n ; CD 9 . l 2 T r ^ w n i ? i v D ; llQT 5 4 . 1 1 - 1 2 ' a. . . run*? n o a n a *om n r a a (cf. Deut 13.4 m m no30 ' a ) .A s stated above, semantically unmarked clauses have the order S-

P: CD 12.15 [ D ^ r n o n IV; l lQT 48.11-12 n o m n o P R o n a i p na n a i p a * ? a a ;11QT 51.19-21 nan*? o 'D 'pDi rmm nan*? a*mm o^nai r n a n m p o " r o a. . . non 4?uya\ nnwby m n r o r f r nrara naonrrai m a s o ; l lQT 61.15 vnw. . . t r a n p n a n a bww (= Deut 20.3 nnnbb nvn O ' a n p D P R ) . This neutralword order can also be seen whenever some element other than theP tc is focalized or put into contrast and hence occupies the first slot:C D 8.14-15 (= 19.27-28 = Deut 9.5; 7.8) l a n n R ^ z n ^ n t t r a i 7 ^ 1 2 0 1 6njnaejn m n o r a i -[mat* m i n a n a a 'a nbwn o n a n m n e n 1 ? ; CD 5.12-13n a o n a n o a n n a j n m ; CD 3.1 D o n n a i o n n a ; CD 5.9-10 r n n r n O D O Iw mn o n a i a i n a ron ona6 (the first NP is in extraposition, the PP iscontrastive); llQT 48.12 o n a i p na n n o m na ^ m a o n ; llQT 60.20n a na 'p o D u m a om n ^ n majrmn (cf. Deut 18.12).27

The same applies to subordinate clauses: the pronouns precede insemantically unmarked clauses: CD 5.6-7 m i r a { D ' i V i a o on ] 'K TOKv n r o na nro r r n a na m er c n p f a nat m m nnn nu c a a w i ; CDl33n^ R t a a ] i n a R i n ] n * O R i ; l i Q T 31.9 n a ^ K n a n a O I D K new 'Tiaa;llQT 62.11 n a ^ j n u ' a i n i D K n a ' a n K ^ n K (cf. Deut 20.14 " j n p B R f? j n ^ H ) ; 2 8 llQT 5 1 . 6 - 7 n rn nna na 1? T 3 0 n im n a n a I K O ' R V T I ; ilQT52.19-20 na m a na Dia? 1? B ? n p o ' a i 3 n n' i>; llQT 54.5-6 o n a n n ^ a

4 .6 .* 6 Compare note 22 above.2 7 Com pare Joon-M uraoka, Grammar, 154fe.2 8 Similar cases: llQT 45.13,46.4,12,47.18,55.2,12,15-16,60.16,62.11-13.


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8 THE HEBREW O F THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAo v n r o i x o 0 1 ne?K; 2 9 11QT 60.12-13 K in ne?K b*rw> biDQ n a n w > - O T K On o & n j (= Deut 18.6) ; lQpHab 6.3-4 ommHfrDTOT n o n - R D H T T D B ;lQpHab 6.6-7 nw3 m e? D'or n * T D bu... nb)v m wpbnn n o n ne?K i n e ? Q 3 0Circumstantial clauses that serve to provide background information also display the same unmarked word order: CD 14.20; 1QS 6.25j n v K i m ; 1QS 7.13-14 m e n a m ; 3 1 CD 9.20-21 D ' T J J D a m o n one? O K In n K n an bv, llQT 52.5 rni6D n o m ; llQT 66.9 pinn p t> n n n K v n . 3 2Obviously, the preceding pronoun can be the rheme as well. Thisis what happens with the conjunction O : llQT 51 .7 -8 p i e ? m n " ] K ObwlOP^ym (= Num 35.34; similar llQT 45.14); llQT 61.14 0 1 3 K Oo n s o p K O n a^ jjo n n a o y (compare Deut 20.1).For clauses containing a Ptc and a PPr, we may conclude that inQumran Hebrew a pronoun that precedes need not necessarily be therheme; the normal, semantically unmarked word order is PPr-Ptc.Thus there is a marked difference from Biblical Hebrew, in which 'apersonal pronoun tends to occupy the second slot when no prominence is intended to be given to it' (Joon-Muraoka, Grammar, 154fa,fd).

3: Tripartite nominal clausesIntroductionThe tripartite nominal clause is a NC that contains a third pronominalelement, which is a form of the independent PPr Kin.33 In scholarly literature, several theories have been proposed analysing these tripartitenominal clauses in Biblical as well as in Mishnaic, Medieval andModern Hebrew. As to the syntactic structure and the function of thistype of clauses there is substantial disagreement among scholars.Some consider the pronominal element to be a genuine copula,whereas others attribute an emphatic force to it or consider the pronoun to be either the subject or the predicate of a simple, bipartite,nominal clause.3 4 To some extent, the decision whether to take the2 9 Similarly llQT 55 . 13-14 .3 0 In l l Q T 5 9 . 5 - 6 , i a D ^ T P 'M D p ^ T Q iD n 3 W io n Q r ? A T N T ! T f c a n Q n % the subjectpro n oun itself is clearly put in contrast to 5 9 . 5 noma**.^ 'Wh ile h e is clad in rags'. On mo see Qimron , Hebrew, 1 1 2 ; Qimron, Diqduq,3 0 2 ; Licht, Megillat, ad loc.3 2 Th e form n n n stands for n n t o . Th e clause in 1QS 7 . 1 , -pno T K nsonnmp n a m ,is unclear; cf. Licht, Megillat, ad loc.3 3 Tripartite NCs with th e DPr as a third element are n ot attested in o ur corpus. Cf. also Muraoka, 'Pasuq', 2.1.4.3 4 F o r a recent overview o f tripartite NCs in Biblical Hebrew an d t h e various


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BASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 9pronoun as a copula and the two NPs as Th and Rh, or to see thestructure as one involving extraposition, is arbitrary, especially whenboth NPs are definite. In the case of a well-known example, 11QT 53.6Kin D in O (= Deut 12.23), both interpretations will work, regardless of which of the two NPs is considered to be the most 'prominent'in the context. A specific understanding of the context can never preclude or necessarily imply a given syntactic structure, and vice-versa.Thus, should one feel that in this clause the NP 'the blood' is the Rh,we have the following options (bold typeface indicates the Rh) : a) kihaddam hu> hannefeS (with hu> the copula); b) ki haddam hu> II hannefeS(with tail); c) ki haddam II hu> hannefeS (with extraposition). Shouldone interpret hannefeS as the Rh, still two possibilities remain: d) kihaddam hu'hannefeS (with hu> as copula); e) ki haddam \\hu> hannefeS(with extrapos.).Here we shall adopt the final approach and treat the tripartite NCas consisting of a bipartite NC with a third constituent in extraposition, which may either precede the clause or follow it as a 'tail' (rearextraposition).35A:Ex llTh(ppr> RhThis pattern, in which both NPs are definite, is especially common inthe pesharim and similar contexts where parts of a biblical verse areexplained. In fact, this is exactly the same type of clause that we sawbefore (the 'parenthetical gloss,' see Section IIA above), but here it ispreceded by an extraposed constituent. In Biblical Hebrew, too, suchexegetical remarks may occur without an extraposed constituent if thenoun phrase that is to be explained immediately precedes (as in Gen36.1 , below), whereas we usually do find such a constituent in extrapositionas a so-called 'second citation'if the noun phrase that is tob e explained does not immediately precede (as in Gen 36.8). Compare: DllK RVT rrrfTin n^Kl 'and these are the generations of Esauthat is Edom' (Gen 36.1) and o r m Kin W V TOT n n a I B M ) sen 'and Esauinterpretations of them, see Geller, 'Cleft sentences', 1 5 - 3 3 . See also the convenient list of tripartite NCs in Biblical Hebrew by Sappan, Yihud, 9 2 - 1 1 1 . F o rth e tripartite NC in Mishnaic Hebrew, see Kaddari, 'Tafqid', 2 4 8 - 6 3 ; Azar,Tahbir, 7 9 - 3 1 , 8 2 - 8 4 . On the syntax of the pronoun in NCs in Mishnaic Hebrew in general, see Kaddari, 'Kinnuy', 2 6 3 - 6 8 .3 5 A typical example of such a tail can be found in Jespersen, Philosophy, 24:lie's a great scoundrel, tha t husband of hers.' In fact, this is exactly the interpretation tha t Driver intended with his 'anticipatory pronoun' in cases like Ps4 4 . 5 , '^Q nnKalthough he interpreted the pronoun as anticipating the'predicate' (Tenses, 2 0 0 , pp. 2 7 1 - 7 2 ) o r Cant 6.9 , w wnnriK, in which case,according to Driver, the pronoun is found before the 'subject'.


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10 T H E H E B R E W O F T H E DEAD SEA SCROLLSAND B E N SIRAdwelt in SeirEsau, that is Edom' (Gen 3 6 . 8 ) .Thus, in the Damascus document, a citation of Num 21.18 in CD6.3-5, p p i n o a D i n ' n n : nna one? rrnsn naa, is followed by CD 6.4-7,n m n n a r m ron p p i n o m . . . " a m r *att? o n r m s i m n m n n t e n m a n . Thenoun that is to be explained is put in extraposition in order to bring itinto the mind of the reader or listenerthe so-called 'second citation/Note that these items are not merely a repetition of the biblicallemma, since their form is different C l R a n , r m B i n , p p i n o n as againstI K a , n n s n , p p i n o ) ; they are clearly the extraposed element of thefollowing explanatory clause.36 Identical cases are lQpHab 12.4-5n m n n n B w n m m n i B n Q n r r i Q n a m (explaining Hab 2 . 1 7 . . . p ] a i ? O Q nm o r a - r a n ) ; lQpHab 12.7... T O R D^rr t o n n n p n V H D B (on Hab 2.17n n p p R O Q m , with introductory heading 'Its interpretation: . . / ) ; CD7.16-17 bnpn K in -pan (explaining Amos 5.26 opa^D m a p ) . 3 7 In twoinstances, the extraposed NP does not resume part of a biblical text,but another NP that precedes: CD 4.17 m a i n w n m i r a t o n (explainspreceding CD AASbvbnmiwnnm'yD)? 8 CD 4.19-20 * ] * D D K i n i s n. . . (referring back to i s nrm l a ^ n p m ^a) . 3 9

A s is clear from cases like CD 8.10-11 (= 19.22) o m a T l Kin 031(explaining Deut 32.33 n p D ^ n s Km o r ' o r s n n o q ) , the pronounmostly agrees in gender and number with the preceding extraposedelement, with which it is coreferentialand not with its predicate (asin 1QS 8.14 n m n n e m o n ^ n , see Section IIA above). Due to attraction,however, the pronoun may occasionally agree with its predicate, as inlQpHab 12.9 n m m nv n o n p K 00m (explaining Hab 2.17 p K ~ o o r n ) . 4 0In two instances only do we find an indefinite constituent as the

3 6 In later Bible commentaries, mere repetition of a biblical lemma is fairlycommon, as in Rashi on Gen 6.2 'The sons of God: the sons of the princes andthe judges'. Here the lemma is neither a part of the clause nor in extraposition, but serves as an introductory heading.3 7 Identical instances, in which the noun in extraposition resumes part of apreceding biblical quotation, are: CD 4 . 2 - 3 , 4 .3?, 4.3^4, 7.17-18, 7.18-19, 7.20,8.10 (= 1 9 . 2 2 - 2 3 ) , 8.10-11 (= 19.23) , 8.11-12 (= 1 9 . 2 3 - 2 4 ) .3 8 These words in turn are the interpretation of the cited Isa 2 4 . 1 7 nnQTinaf in nsi. The clause is followed by two simple NCs: jmnriron3 9 Although *]*D is formally indefinite, it may be construed as semanticallydefinite, since the reference is clearly to nranrpQ (e.g. lQpHab 10.9; withoutarticle in CD 8:13 ).4 0 An exact parallel in BH is mentioned in Khan, Studies, 72: Lev 25 .33 ,DnmKKinD'- frrp-unnn'D , where D m n a is Rh. The clause in lQpHab 1 2 . 4 - 5 ,rrnnn rrcna rrnrp wis non moram (explanation of Hab 2 .17 mora -ran.. . ]v> oon),remains doubtful as to agreement, since non is also used for feminine referents, cf. Qimron, Hebrew, 321.16.


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BAASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 11second NP, in both cases a verbal participle: 41 CD 4.19-21 p n n ^13orontrraorvaon... is nm*iD*?n nra**; 42 CD 16.2-4 jmjfr onnsp ernsnDmrninaDaiDrr aT1? c r r a n mp^nc nao*?j> pnpno Kin nan n*?K * ? D Q buna*(the extraposed element is separated from the clause by nan).B: Ex llRh(ppr)ThThere are three cases that might belong in this category, i.e. a NP inextraposition, followed by a NC that consists of a pronoun which isthe Rh and a definite NP. In all three cases, however, the context doesnot allow us to make a decision as to the syntactic structure of theclause and the identification of Th and Rh. At first sight, both in CD7.15-16, -finn ro io on n m n n n a o , and in CD 19.9, "ai> on m a onoKDm] K 2 * n , the last NP seems to contain the old informationthus explaining the contrastive emphasis that makes the pronoun the rheme andthe last NP the themebut the context is unclear.43 Also the contextof 1QS 11.4-5, 'QtfD vbo nwn nD K W O , is not unequivocal. In view ofthe preceding 1QS 11.4 , 'QtfD " p n rii? vbon, one might take 'BUD xho asthe old information, but the argument is by no means conclusive.4 1 Pace Geller, 'Cleft sentences', 15 , n. 5. This is in line with our conclusion regarding the order PPr-Ptc, see Section IIC above.& Lohse, Texte aus Qumran, 75, takes ... -KDnprn'TD as a complete NC: 'DieErbauer der Mauer, das sind die, die hinter "Zaw" hergehen ... . Sie sinddurch zweierlei gefangen', but most other translations (Garcia Martinez, Garcia Martinez and Van der Woude, Rabin, Knibb, Vermes) interpret the wordsbetween DCDQn3on ... i s n n R as an interpolation.4 3 The clause in CD 7.15 seems to explain Amos 5.26, UDSbo mso, which wouldindicate that minn n a o is the Rh, but the clause is followed by "10R "KDtorfrESinnnrDTonn'mD'pm (= MT Amos 9.11 rf?DrrTnrDonKD ,p / which mightindicate that "pan roio is the Rh). Moreover, two lines below we have CD7 .17 -18 , . . .TWDW3ttnB0DnDHafaCT]VDi, where D w a s v B O is the Rh. Theclause in 19.9 is preceded by Zee 13.7, ]R :$n nr ^iom , which would indicate thatTITH nnoin is the Rh , but ]R*n "as? refers to Zee 1 1 . 1 1 , 'nfc onoon ]R2ffi nwp,which does not occur in the text.Remarkably, both clauses are found in the parallel parts of the Damascusdocument, but the former appears only in M S A, whilst the latter can only befound in M S B. On the difficult question of the textual history of these passages, cf. Davies, Damascus Covenant, 1 4 3 - 7 2 ; Strickert, 'Damascus Document', 3 2 7 - 4 9 ; Brooke, 'Amos-Numbers Midrash', 3 9 7 - 4 0 4 ; Brooke, Exegesis atQumran, 3 0 2 - 3 0 9 ; von der Osten-Sacken, 'Bcher der Tora', 4 2 3 - 3 3 ; MurphyOConnor, 'Literary analysis', 2 1 0 - 2 3 2 ; Murphy O'Connor, 'Original text ofCIX, 3 7 9 - 3 6 ; White, 'Comparison of the "A" and "B" manuscripts', 5 3 7 - 5 3 .Interestingly, Goshen-Gottstein ('Hebrew syntax', 1 0 0 - 1 0 6 ) found a similarclause in Isaiah, Isa 9 . 1 3 - 1 4 , with the same structure and which he alsoidentified as a gloss: titan Kin D ' x r t w r i pr nm a? ]1D&) HQD zun t a ^ - r ' Q "r r p ! 3a ^ R ^ T J ^ T r y t a R ' ? ^ Here, indeed, the NPs wnn and contain the old information.


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12 THE HEBREW O F THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAC: Rh-Th(ppr) II ExThe third type of tripartite NC consists of a simple clause of which thefirst constituent is an indefinite NP as P and a pronoun as S, followedby an extraposed element. In our corpus, there is only one clear instance of this type, viz. 11QT 60.19-20 n*7K n o t f bio b n a n n a m n *a(compare 11QT 52.4-5 bn o n natf in o ) . 4 4

To this same type belong clauses with an initial interrogative element. The simple NC has the order rheme-theme, and again the lastNP is in apposition. This type is only attested in poetry. In its pureform it does not occur in our corpus, but it is found, for example, in1QH 15(7)32-33 p ^ n n ] - [ K ^ Q i w a a a p a r i n g bin bmn i n n B P * K in n o i .An interjection is inserted after the interrogative pronoun, as in 1QS11.20 naK*?B ' B r a n D I K 1 p n a m *]K n a i . 4 5D:ExllRhTh(ppr)The last type of tripartite NCs only differs from the previous one inthe position of the extraposed element. As in the previous examples,the bipartite NC has an indefinite NP as predicate followed by asubject pronoun. Our corpus contains only one clear instance of thistype, viz. CD 9.2-4,1DT31 K in D p i ] . . .nOK m a n {'Kao} EPK bo\ where theextraposed element has a very long relative clause.46 Other similar-looking cases, where an Inf is involved, are not certain, for exampleCD 9.1, K in iron*? D'ian ' p i n a O ~ I K Q D I K D ' * T P * I B ? K {uir\) bo (cf. Lev27.29) , and 1QS 7 . 1 6 , o n K D n H i n n l l ? , ? ' D n - ] , ? , D , a n a t t r H i , where thepronoun should probably be regarded as the grammatical object ofthe infinitive in view of parallel constructions like 1QS 5.17-18, 7ia K Onnb n E K *?ia P K I Q P I K bnnnb m n a a lacon: K I * ? I B K , and 1QS 7.17,i n n ' T B P . 4 7 Finally, one parallel example may be included here, al-4 4 The fact that in our clause the Qumran scribe intentionally avoided usingthe divine name that is present in the underlying Deut 18 .12 ,nto"*?31 naifiTPD, obviously does not imply that the result in Qumran Hebrew should be grammatically awkward.4 5 Of exactly the same type is 1QH 20(12).31 TED 3 0 inoK noi. Althoughmost commentators assume the interjection to be a closer parallel wouldbe BH KiQK. In Biblical Hebrew, *)K is never used in this way (2 Kgs 2.14,Rin~*|R, is probably corrupt [LXX a


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BAASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 13though the extraposed element is a PP: 11QT 2 5 .1 0 -1 1 B r n r n r r n w mKinDmsDDV n r r .

BibliographyAndersen, F.I . , The Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch.. J B L M o n ,14; Nashville/New York: Abingdon Press, 1970.Azar, M. [ im H E D ] , m i a o n ]wb T2nn (The Syntax of MishnaicHebrew). Jerusalem/Haifa: The Academy of the Hebrew Language/University of Haifa, 1995.Basser, H., 'Pesher Hadavar: The Truth of the Mattel, RQ 13 ( 1 9 8 8 ) ,3 8 9 ^ * 0 5 .Bendavid, A. [TH3nfcOK],D'oan pefri t o p o yiwfr (Biblical Hebrew andMishnaic Hebrew). 2 vols. Second ed. Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1 9 6 7 - 7 1 .Bernstein, M.J., 'Introductory Formulas for Citation and Re-Citationo f B i b l i c a l Verses in The Pesharim: Observations on a PesherTechnique', DSD1 (1994), 3 0 - 7 0 .Brooke, G.J. , The Amos-Numbers Midrash (CD7,13b-8,la) and Messianic Expectation', ZAW 9 2 (1980), 3 9 7 - 4 0 4 ., Exegesis at Qumran. 4QFlorilegium in its Jewish Context (JSOTSup,29; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1 9 85) , 3 0 2 -3 0 9 .Brownlee, W.H., The Midrash Pesher of Habakkuk. Missoula: ScholarsPress, 1 9 79 .Chafe, Wallace L., 'Givenness, Contrastiveness, Definiteness, Subjects,Topics, and Point of View', in Subject and topic (ed. C.N. Li;New York/London: University Press, 19 7 6 ) , 2 5 - 5 5 .Charlesworth, J.H., et al. (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls. Hebrew, Aramaicand Greek Texts with English Translations., I: Rule of theCommunity and related documents. Tubingen/Louisville:J . C . B . Mohr (Paul Siebeck)/Westminster John Knox Press,1994.Cohen, D., La phrase nominale et l 'volution du systme verbal ensmitique. Etudes de syntaxe historique. Leuven/Paris: Peeters,1984.Contini, R ., Tipologia dlia frase nominale nel semitico nordoccidentale de l Imillennio a.C. Pisa: Giardini, 1982.Davies, P.R., The Dama scus Covenant . An interpretation of the 'DamascusDocument ' . JSOTS up, 25 ; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1 9 8 3 .Driver, S.R., A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew and Some OtherKesterson, Tense Usage, 237, n. 34 , who consider the pronoun in HRin rbvb asthe grammatical subject of the Inf. A similar case, not mentioned in Qimron'sg r a m m a r , is CD 16.11 Rvm'pn1? pa =]Dn.


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14 THE HEBREW OF THE DEADSEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRASyntactical Questions. Third ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1892.Garcia Martinez, F., Textos de Qumrn. Madrid: Trotta, 1992 .

, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: the Qumran Texts in English.Translated by W.G.E . Watson. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994. and A.S. van der Woude, De Rollen van de Dode Zee. Ingeleid en inhet Nederlands Vertaald., III. Kampen/Tielt: Kok/Lannoo,1994-1995.Geller, S., 'Cleft Sentences with Pleonastic Pronoun. A SyntacticConstruction of Biblical Hebrew and some of its LiteraryUses', J A N E S 20 (1991), 15-33.Goshen-Gottstein, M.H., 'Hebrew Syntax and the History of the BibleText: a Pesher in the MT of Isaiah', Textus 8 (1973), 100-106.Hoftijzer, J., The Nominal Clause Reconsidered', VT 23 (1973) , 44 6-510.Jespersen, O., The Philosophy of Grammar. London/New York; Allenand Unwin, 1929.Joon, P., and T. Muraoka, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. Rev. ed. 2vols. Subsidia Biblica, 14. Rome: Editrice Pontificio IstitutoBibl ico ,1991 .Kaddari, M.Z. [ m p ox DD3Q], ID] b wB non SOS -man *ePKn l ion bvqoBiRp T "nra ^~bv] r r o a n ]wbn, in n n a r a np'tMooi T a r mt o p o n n n tf?0 (Post-Biblical Hebrew Syntax and Semantics.Studies in Diachronie Hebrew; Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1991), 263-268., O'QDn ]wbn "TTOn nm'n Tpan bv (Pronominal 'Copula' in Mish-naic Hebrew), in np'tMRDOl T n n n (see above), 248-63.Keizer, M, Evelien, Definiteness and Indefiniteness: a ScalarRepresentation. Working papers in functional grammar, 26;Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, Institute of GeneralLinguistics, 1988.Kesterson, J.C., 'Tense Usage and Verbal Syntax in Selected QumranDocuments'. PhD diss., Catholic University of America,Washington D.C., 1984.Khan, G., Studies in Semitic Syntax. London Oriental Series, 38. Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1988.Knibb, M.A., The Qumran Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.Leahy, T.W., 'Studies in the Syntax of 1QS' , Bib 41 (1960), 135-57.Licht, J. [CD'1? a p j r ] , r r n r r i m o rr i ^ooronon rtvm (The Rule Scroll .A Scroll from the Wilderness of Judaea. l Q S - l Q S a - l Q S b ) .Jerusalem: Bialik, 1965.Lohse, E., Die Texte aus Qumran. Hebrisch und Deutsch. Fourth ed.Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1986.Lyons, J., Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge


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BAASTEN: NOMINAL CLAUSES 15University Press, 1968.

, Semantics. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977.Michel, D., 'Probleme des Nominalsatzes im biblischen Hebrisch',Z A H 7 ( 1 9 9 4 ) , 215-24.Muraoka, T., Emphatic Words and Structures in Biblical Hebrew.Jerusalem/Leiden: J. Magnes/E.J. Brill, 1985., V'm peftai mmaan topon p^a ->:avn pioan (On the NominalClause in Late Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew), in

]wb^ D n p n o (Hebrew Language Studies, 4; ed. M. Bar-Asher;Jerusalem, 1990), 219-52, xviii-xix.Murphy O'Connor, J., 'A Literary Analysis of Damascus DocumentV I , 2 - V I U ' , RB 78 (1971), 210-32., 'The original text of CD 7:9-:2 = 19:5-14' , HTR 64 (1972) , 379-86 .Niccacci, A., 'Simple Nominal Clause (SNC) or Verbless Clause inBiblical Hebrew Prose', ZAH 6 (1993), 216-27., 'Marked Syntactical Structures in Biblical Greek in Comparisonwith Biblical Hebrew', Liber Annuus 43 (1993), 9 -6 9 .Nitzan, B. . 3 ] , (lQpHab)rnirvnano nV^aoo pipannosrfrxzlAScroll of the Wilderness of Juda). Jerusalem: Bialik, 1986.von der Osten-Sacken, P., 'Die Bcher der Tora als Htte der Gemeinde: Arnos 5,26ff in der Damascusschrift', ZAW 91 (1979) ,423-33.Qimron, E. pnQ'p ^ ^ L n n i n ' n a T Q n T ^ ^ ^ n n a O T j i ^ p i i p n .PhD diss., Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 1976., The Hebrew of th e Dead Sea Scrolls.. HSS, 29 . Atlanta: Scholars Press,1986., 'The text of CDC in Magen Broshi (ed.), The Damascus DocumentReconsidered (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society/Shrine ofthe Book, 1992), 9 -4 9 ., The Temple Scroll. A critical edition with extensive reconstructions.With bibliography by F. Garcia Martinez. B e e rSheva/Jerusalem: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev/IsraelExploration Society, 1996.Rabin, C , The Zadokite Documents. Second ed. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1958.Sappan, R . []DO ^KEn ] , r r m p o n m'n ywh n'armn Tirrvr (The Typical Features of the Syntax of Biblical Poetry in its Classical Period). Jerusalem: Kiryat-Sefer, 1981.Strickert, F.M., 'Damascus Document VII , 10-20 and Qumranic Messianic Expectation', RQ 12 (1986), 327-49 .Tov, E., 'Glosses, Interpolations, and Other Types of Scribal Additionsin the Text of the Hebrew Bible' , in Language, Theology and theBible: Essays in Honour of James Barr (ed. S.E. Balentine and J.Barton; Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 40 -66.


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16 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAVermes, G., The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. Fourth ed. London: Pen

guin Boo ks, 1995.White, S.A., 'A comparison of the "A" and " B " Manuscripts of the

Damascus Document', RQ 12 (1987), 537-53 .Yadin, Y ., The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons o fDarkness. Translated by B. and C. Rabin. Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1962.Zewi, Tamar, The Nominal Sentence in Biblical Hebrew', in Semiticand Cushitic studies (ed. G. Goldenberg and S. Raz;

Wiesbaden: Otto Harassowitz, 1994), 145 -67.


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DEVELOPMENTS IN HEBREW VOCABULARYBETWEEN BIBLE AND MISHNAHJohn Elwolde

(Sheffield)

ContentsIntroduction, p. 18Section I: Lists and tablesList 1: Words found only ininscriptions of the biblical period, p. 19List 2: Words found only inlater inscriptions, p. 22

List 3: Words found only inBen Sira, p. 22List 4A: Words found only inthe Genizah Psalms, p.23List 4B: Words found only in4QMMT,p.23List 4C: Words found only inGeneral Qumran literature, p. 24List 4D: Words found only inthe Copper Scroll, p. 25List 4E: Words found only intexts from Murabba'atand Nahal Hever, p. 25Lists 5A-I: Words not attestedin MT but found in bothBen Sira and the GenizahPsalms, etc., p. 26Lists 6A-C: Words attested inMT that occur with equalor greater frequency inthe non-biblical corpora,p. 27Table 1: Size of the four corpora in relation to thepre-mishnaic corpus as awhole, as measured bythe frequency of words

(tokens) beginning with

Alef to Zayin (excludingWaw),p.28Table 2: Vocabulary found ineach corpus as a proportion of pre-mishnaic vocabulary as a whole, p.29Table 3: Proportion of vocabulary unique to eachnon-biblical corpus, p. 29Table 4: For Dead Sea Scrollsonly, proportion ofunique to shared vocabulary, excluding hapaxlegomena and propernouns, p. 30Key to tables 1-4, p. 30

Section II: ObservationsList 3: Words found only inBen Sira, p. 30List 4C: Words found only inGeneral Qumran literature, p. 34List 6A: Words attested inMT that occur with equalor greater frequency inthe non-biblical corpora

1: The influence ofideology, p. 352: Semantic developments, p. 363: Developments inderivational morphology (Lists 3, 4C,6A),p. 42Section III: Conclusions, p. 48


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18 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAIntroductionThe purpose of the lists and tables in Section I is to start to give anobjective picture of innovation and development, synchronic and di-achronic, in the vocabulary of all Hebrew texts prior to the compilation of the Mishnah. Perhaps despite initial appearances, the dataavailable are really very limited, and enable only the most tentativeconclusions to be drawn. Most, but not all, of the data listed belowalso find a place in Section II, where I draw attention to various linguistic features and processes they seem to embody.

Much of the discussion in Section II is based on the data in List 6Aof Section I, which functions in effect as a cross-section of vocabularyattested in both the biblical and non-biblical corpora (mainly theScrolls) . Given the relative size of corpora, as shown by Table 1(especially the last two lines), any word that has a frequency at Qumran greater than fourteen percent of its frequency in the pre-mishnaiccorpora as a whole (or greater than seventeen percent of its frequencyin the Bible), is striking. The items presented in List 6A are simply themost remarkable of this group, statistically speaking.1 In Section III, Imake some remarks about the significance of the data for the divisionof the Hebrew language into periods and dialects. I have not commented on the import of Lists 5A-I , as the data are so limited, and mydiscussion of the inscriptional material (Lists 1-2) is relegated to theend notes (5-10) .

With some modifications, the data are extracted principally fromVols. III (alef to waw) of the Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (edited byD.J .A. Clines; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993, 1995) andfrom work in progress on zayin to be included in the next volume(1996), covering, therefore, roughly a quarter of the Hebrew attestedprior to the Mishnah. Within this alphabetic range, the data includedshould be near-exhaustive. The four pre-mishnaic corpora recognizedby the Dictionary are the Bible (minus Aramaic portions), the Hebrewmanuscripts of Ben Sira, the Dead Sea Scrolls (more specifically, thenon-biblical manuscripts in Hebrew from Qumran, Murabbacat, andso on),2 and Hebrew inscriptions, mainly from the biblical period, butalso later. Of course, in many cases the linguistic status of many of theforms listed is uncertain and their vocalization tentative.3

1 Equally remarkable, although without a place in the present paper, are high-frequency biblical words that are unattested or rare in post-biblical corpora,especially if genre does not appear to be responsible for their absence.2 In this respect, pesharim and other works that frequently quote or paraphrase the Bible are regarded as 'non-biblical'.3 Moreover, words that receive no statistic in the Dictionary, usually because


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 19To assist in tracing linguistic developments, in some of the lists in

Section I, I have separated late inscriptions from early, and, on the basis of assumed dating, the Genizah Psalms,4 4QMMT, the CopperScroll , and the Murabbacat and Nahal Hever material from 'GeneralQumran' literature, that is, from the rest of the Dead Sea Scrolls.

A bracketed figure after a form indicates its frequency. A statisticof the kind A [B:C] means that in any two sub-corpora a form occursA times overall, of which B occurrences are in the first named sub-corpus and C occurrences are in the second. In Lists 6A-C, the statistical format A:B:C(:D) indicates that a word occurs A times in the Bible,B times in Ben Sira, C times in the Dead Sea Scrolls (and, if greaterthan zero, D times in the inscriptions).

The V symbol indicates that the assumed root of a given form isalso clearly attested in the Bible. Marcus Jastrow's Dictionary of theTargumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midras hic Literature(Two vols, in one; New York: Judaica Press, 1992 [originally published Philadelphia, 1903]) has been cited as a readily-available lexicographical tool for the study of tannaitic and amoraic literature, albeit one that leaves much to be desired after a century of research inthe field.

Section I: Lists and tablesList 1: Words found only in inscriptions of th e biblical periodNames of persons and places: 3 (3), ^ a a R (1) , TraK (1) , p o a R (2) ,nun* (2) , innaR (l), ^ r a n (l), nm (2) , &rm (8), nmm (2) , hwrm (l),j i r ( l ) , r q p f r ( 5 ) , i t w k (1 ) , t o r ^ r (1 ) , Ra*?R ( l ) , nafrR (3), n a ^ R (l),- I R ^ R (3), -]DOP]*?R (3), W P ^ R (8) , m ^ R ( 1 ) , Dip ft* (3), "[DD R (1),*Otxh* (1) , OifrR (1) , '3K (1) , MVm (3), 'DOR (1), ^DR (1) ,TODR (2) , m D R( 8 ) , r b r (8), m r r e m (9), r j b r (2), nn em (l), o n R a (l), -ua (l),m n n a / v n a (3), *?anna (3), pa (l), nann rva (l), o a (2) , -moon (l),raaa (1 ) , bmvn ( l ) , m n r a (2 ) , R b r a (5 ) , n o t ^ r a ( l ) , wnbvn ( l ) , pibvn(2 ) , nan6jn ( l ) , *a (l),rapa( l ) , Rna ( l ) , o n a ( l ) , in^rci (5 ) , na: ( l ) , * h(1), KTl (1), mni/Vll (20), ^ (person) (1), vvtyto (3), bnn (1) , ^Itt (3),n a ( l ) , i n n a (l), ' q c d ; (1) , nns m (1) , m m (l), nan ( l ) , v r r f n ( l ) , r ^ q i

they require reconstruction or have been read in different ways, are not included in our lists. An example from Qumran is onj'n'jntK] 'juniper cedar(s)'at 4QJub d [4Q219] 1.2.7, noted by Dr S.E. Fassberg in his recent generous review of Volume I of the Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (DSD2 [1995], 355-57) .4 Four hymns from the Cairo Genizah, dated by the Academy of the HebrewLanguage, Jerusalem, to just after Ben Sira, although their judgment is debatable.


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20 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRA(4), rr+xn (4), warn (l), T T O T I (2), pan ( l ) , nasi (1), oian (l), (l ),rpbxn ( I2) ,mnn (1), e m (l), 5 *OT ( l ) , * 1 ? ! (l), 6 T P T D T (1), jpr (l); 7women's names: KTHK (1) , "[^QnnR (1) , aafrR (1); other: DOK 'to store'(2) V, rnr 'fissure' (l). 8

5 Possibly just part of an alphabetic sequence (Kadesh Barnea ost. 1).6 Nimrud ivory inscription 3; it is unclear whether the first letter is a zayin ora sade.7 A further possible example, from outside our alphabetic range, of a newproper name is found on the earliest Hebrew 'document' we havean ostra-con from Khirbet Tannin that has been dated (by A. Lemaire) to the eleventhcentury BCEwhich may contain the name 2703 (presumably related to biblical nDQ3), although it is possible that the letters should be read in reverse orderto yield, more prosaically, the noun ]0 'oil'.8 But see note 87. Another word from the present alphabetic range occurringonly in the inscriptions might be T DT (IDT), apparently 'pruning', in line 6 ofthe Gezer calendar; however, it is possible that the same word also occurs inthe Bible, at Cant 2.12.Further to the inscriptional material provided, the following statistics andcomments are provided to help in evaluating inscriptions as a supplementarycorpus to the Bible. An analysis of G.I. Davies's comprehensive catalogue ofthe inscriptions (Ancient HebrewInscriptions: Corpus and Concordance [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991]) indicates 1,372 inscriptions datingfrom around 1000 to 200 BCE. This figure excludes inscriptions that contain,say, only numbers, but includes those that contain, say, just one isolated letter. All told, the inscriptions make up 2,763 lines (usually very short) of text,and originate from 63 different sites, mainly in the south of Israel between theMediterranean and the Dead Sea, but sometimes also from places very far removed from the borders of Israel. The inscriptions contain some 5564 runningwords (tokens) distributed over 1184 distinct items of vocabulary (types),usually words as regularly understood, but also letters of the alphabet or alphabetic sequences, for example. 677 words occur just once and just fivewords occur over a hundred times ('and', 'in', 'from', 'to', and 'son').

Because of the large number of seals bearing the name of the owner andused for 'signing' documents, the vocabulary of the inscriptions is dominatedby names of people, many well-known from the Bible, others not, and itshould be noted that various significant biblical names, including Dmittt, DTK,pmr, npi?\ and ipyn are not attested in early Hebrew inscriptions. ( T n r v n inthe Aramaic inscription from Tel Dan is not strictly relevant here.) Also interesting from a religious and cultural perspective is the way in which the inscriptional names show how the 'Canaanite' deities Baal and Anath maintained their appeal to parents faced with the perennial problem of naming anew child. Linguistically, the inscriptional names are significant because oftheir occasional use of an otherwise unknown Hebrew word, as in mefrR, and,more often, for their application of existing Hebrew words to proper names,for example " ansa , in, Dpn, nssK, nm, "moo , and p r , signifying perhaps, re-


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 21

spectively, 'on account of God', lie has dealt treacherously', lie has sought',1 shall break out', Isald', 'a lamp has glimmered', and lie grows old', or forproviding a variation on an existing biblical name, for example ] T 3 (inscriptions), ^aa/'TQ (Bible), 'DDO 1* (inscriptions), "BTDDOp] (Bible), naw (inscriptions),TO?: and D m (Bible).

Sometimes a word known from the Bible can have a rather differentmeaning in the inscriptionsfor example, the well-known words H Q K 'maidservant' and a*?D 'dog' may be better translated in some of the inscriptionsalong the lines of lady-in-waiting' and '(your) servant'.

Notably, the inscriptions sometimes provide an additional usage or anextended meaning for a biblical word, which is particularly valuable in respect of hapax legomena. Thus, for example, the verbbm3 means l>e astonished' at Jer 14.9 but 'remain silent' in the Yavneh Yam letter (although thereading is contested) and mi apparently means l?e faint' in Lachish ost. 3.7but 'menstruate' at Lev 12.2. (Strikingly, the root is instantiated in two laterforms, ]n 'grief [4QpsEzeka (4Q385) 3.1] and, in the same sense, 7PM [GenizahPsalm 4.2]; it has also been conjectured for yi 'judgment' three times in BenSira. Perhaps, then, ]'n in some manuscripts of m. Abot 2.7 (for rQHn) is morelikely to be a by-form of rabbinic ]VT 'grief than of ] O j n 'weariness', although the interchange of zvazv and bet is, of course, attested, notably in theplace name Jabneh.) Similarly, rran 'weeping', at Gen 50.4, is now perhaps attested in a seventh-century inscription (I. Beit Arieh, 'A Literary Ostraconfrom Horvat 'Uza', Tel Aviv 20 [1993], 55-63 ) . vpn lialf-shekel' is found ontwo weights (like the mysterious D'Q, or two-thirds of a shekel, at 1 Sam13.21), and the relatively common biblical weight nil, or twentieth of a shekel,is even better attested in the inscriptions, and is found at least once in theDead Sea Scrolls. The form innDT 'Zemariah' in a seventh century seal fromEgypt tends to support emendation of the name ni'QT at 1 Chr 7.8 to thetheophoric form reflected in the Septuagint.

A striking example of a meaning that is attested from a very old inscription (Gezer calendar) and is also found at Qumran (1QS 10.7) is m r 'seed' inthe sense of 'sowing' or 'seed-time', attested just twice in the Bible (Gen 8.22;Lev 26.5) .

The high frequency of m a 'wall' in the inscriptions is of little semantichelp, as the form occurs exclusively on jar handles from Gibeon and its precise significance is unclear: it almost always appears after the name andis, then, perhaps part of a compound place name, "nrpioa.The lack of vocabulary, other than names, unique to ancient inscriptions,tends to give the lie to the oft-stated 'truism' that Biblical Hebrew is only 'afragment of a language'. Were this so, we should expect not only rather morenew words to crop up in the inscriptions than actually do but also that a significant proportion of these should recur in the post-biblical period. But infact, the nearest we come in our lists to such liibernating' words is "fti andrhl from Lists 6B-C, and, if the Moabite evidence is counted, m / T 0 K , in List5C. The evidence indicates instead that although the frequency of manywords (tokens) in the Bible is very low and can, therefore, usefully be raised


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2 2 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRAList 2: Words found only in later inscriptionsWomen's names: rTDK (1), m (1), pan (1); men's names: HOD II (1);other words, attested in Jastrow: W P (rrxn) 'Beshanite' (4) V, 9 TTCi'proselyte' (1) V . 1 0Ltsf 3 : Words /bund on/y in Ben SiraUnattested in Jastrow: [ n p a 'decorous' (2) V, 'to slander7 (2 ) ,J E a 'blemish' (1) , ]rm 'proud' (1) V ,Tiaa 'might' (1) V, *a 'body' (1) V,jna 'death' (1) V, w w 'nonsense' ( l ) , 1 1 run 'to dazzle' (1), n-pnr

by including the inscriptional evidence, the Bible is a reasonably completesource for the vocabulary (types) of Hebrew during the biblical period.

Finally, we note two examples of phonetic or orthographic uncertainty(o r perhaps dialect variation) in the inscriptions: in Arad ost. 24 we findUStnn for D?ti?p *by your life' and DTpnm for DTP?*! ' a n d command them',indicating that the phenomenon well-known from rabbinic texts, in forms likeiTppi1? (m. Ta'anit 2.9) for JPp^n1? 'to break up' and nap (m. Bek 7.6) for naa'bald', has a much older history, as evidenced as well by the variation[TPinrao/n^nnQQ 'Miv/ftahiah' in the Elephantine papyri.9 For the lexical merger here, compare TOD 'house of David', perhaps in the'idiomatic' sense of 7udah' (but see N.P. Lemche and T.L. Thompson ,'Did Bi-ra n Kill David?: The Bible in the Light of Archaeology', JSOT 64 [1994], 3 - 2 2 :i n n ' 3 is the temple at Jerusalem [p. 15]; E.A. Knauf, A. de Pury, and T.Rdmer, '*BaytDawid ou BaytDdd?', BN 72 [1994], 6 0 - 6 9 : 1 1 T O refers to a cultobject venerated at Dan [pp. 66 -67 ] ; 'On the Reading "BYTDWD" in the Aramaic Stele from Tel Dan', JSOT 64 [1994], 25-32: m refers either to an Israelitedeity, probably Y., or to a high-ranking Israelite officer [p. 27]; see also H.-P.Miiller, 'Die aramaische Inschrift von Tel Dan, ZAH 8 [1995], 121-39 , especially 125-26; F .H. Cryer, 'On the Recently-Discovered "House of David" Inscription', SJOT 8 [1994], 3 - 1 9 , especially 19) at line 9 of the Aramaic inscription from Tel Dan. Both forms (i.e. '30 [>p and inrpn) reflect a universal tendency towards the lexicalization of idioms, which extends to stress patterningand thence to orthography.1 0 The lack of vocabulary emerging from inscriptions between 200 BC E and200 CE reflects the paucity probably not just of preserved sources but also ofthe use of Hebrew in occasional writing during the Greek and Roman periods. This contrasts strikingly with the literary use of Hebrew, both 'Biblical'and 'Rabbinic' at the time. Although both of the words attested reflect morphological and phonetic developments characteristic of a living language,there are clearly insufficient data to make meaningful distinctions among'written' and 'spoken' forms of language or dialects/sociolects. One semanticinnovation attested in the early Beth-Shearim tomb inscriptions, 17 and 22(and also in rabbinic literature), is the use of p i * 'ark' in the sense of 'coffin'.1 1 Si 13.22; as suggested by Professor Kaddari at the Symposium, perhaps thisis not an interjection but simply a repetition of the imperative of ra, meaning


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 23'brightness', TtfT little' (1), m r 'stranger' (1 ) ; attested in Jastrow: onK'compulsion' (1 ) V, HQDR 'pressure' (1) V, n m a 'death' (1 ) V, rn^Q:'recompense' (1) V, HE)} 'riverbank' (1) V, 1 2 p;na 'glutton' (1) V, mbl'poverty (2) V, - p i 'to sleep' (1 ) , p'fti 'experienced' (1), Tnr 'cautious'(4 ) V, mi 'to mo veV be high' (1 ) , PIT 1 * strong' ( l ) . 1 3List 4A: Words found only in the Genizah PsalmsUnattested in Jastrow: OIK 'people' (3) V , 1 4 Dipn 'power7 (?) (1);attested in Jastrow: -"TO* lyyar' (3), m i 1 5 'grief (1) V, n*mn '(song of)thanksgiving' (2) V, IT T 1 6 'trembling' (1 ) , moa 'as' (1) V, bun 'to remit'( 1 ) , rrtOTD 'pearl' (1) Greek, ]Dm 'compassionate' (1) V.Lis* 4B; Words found only in 4QMMTUnattested in Jastrow: Ken 'fat ashes' ( l ) , 1 7 nrapiOT 'setting (of sun)'(1 ) V, rDDB 'penis' (1) V, "]in 'cleave' (2); 1 8 attested in Jastrow: HQIO'blind person' (1 ) , matf 'pregnant beasf (1) V .

something like 'go away*, similar to the form so (imperative of soi), 'cease',which immediately follows.1 2 Perhaps the form should be vocalised not naa but nsa, as suggested at theSymposium by Professor Muraoka.1 3 In the margin of Si 33.7 (B), where the main text reads smx 'arm'1 4 Only the plural form D ' D K , appar. D ' Q K , occurs, three times. Although thismasculine plural is found once in the Bible, at Ps 117.1 (where some recommend emendation to us orDK1?), it is not attested at Qumran or in the tannaiticcorpus, although HDIR and its regular feminine plural moiR are very commonthere (and once at Qumran: 4QD3 [4Q266] 18.5.10) . Apart from tending toconfirm the integrity of the text at Ps 117.1, the form found in the GenizahPsalms would seem to support their early dating (see note 4; A. Even-Shoshan, in his Ha-Millon He-Hadash [7 vols.; Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1980] ,shows DR, in the singular, as attested much later, in a piyyut, but perhaps onlyas an artificial back-formation from the biblical plural). I thank my colleague,Dr David Stec, who is preparing a study of the Genizah Psalms, for drawingmy attention to this matter.1 5

Not TVTi but rmi, according to the Academy of the Hebrew Language's microfiche corpus and concordance (The Academy of the Hebrew Language:The Historical Dictionary of the Hebrew language, Materials for the Dictionary[Series 1:200 B.C.E.-300 C E . ; Jerusalem, 1988]) .1 6 The Academy of the Hebrew Language prefers s?\, not J W .1 7 4QMMT B 31, apparently a pseudo-correct form of ]en arising from nasalization of final vowels (see Professor Qimron's explanation at p. 72 of DJD, X[Elisha Qimron and John Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4, vol. V: Micjsat Macase Ha-Torah [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994]) .1 8 In fact, the verb is registered in rabbinic literature but apparently with adifferent meaning. The two nouns are also attested, but in different mishqalim.


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24 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SlRAList 4C: Words found only in General Qumran literatureNames of persons and places: OT OK (2) (Latin), OID'PJK (1) (Greek),nesrra (1), n^a (1), loa (name of jubilee year) (113), ermn (2),TO*?:rn (1), oiD rr (1), oiDpnn (l), *pfrmt (1), ^ T D T (l); 1 9 other words,unattested in Jastrow: "[CHK 'rafter, doorway, posf (1) (Persian);'storehouse' (8) , 2 0 pK 'sighing7 (1) V,TOBK nothing7 (4), rrriK 'curse'(1) V, ]-n[K] 'form' (15), KO 'mockery' (1) V , p 'understanding' (1) V,tf 'mixing' (1) V, V?l 1* foul' (8) V, 2 1 nnD ) 'glowingness' ( l) , 2 2 Ml0>e angry ( l) , 2 3 Oil 'cleanness' (1), ]T1 'grief (1) V, npil 'new moon'(16),24 r&l Tiave doors' (1) V,opi 'beat' (l) , 2 5 pjian/'an 'meditation' (7)

1 9 The last four words occur in 4Q341, apparently a writing exercise, l ^mt isperhaps a 'nonsense' or 'potential' word, which, like its counterparts in suchwriters as Lewis Carroll, conforms to the standard phonological constraints ofthe author's language.2 0 All in 4Q416 and 4Q418. Florentino Garcia Martinez (The Dead Sea ScrollsTranslated: The Qumran Texts in English [Translated by Wilfred G.E. Watson;Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994], pp. 383-93) renders this form variously as, for example, 'graciously7, Tdndness', 'extension'.However, it is not clear whether the Polel and Hitpolel forms that occur atQumran (and even in Ben Sira, at 12.14) should be viewed as exemplifying anew denominative verb from 'dung' or 'idol' (see Chaim Rabin's remark on CD 3.17 in The Zadokite Documents [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958],pp. 12-13) or rather simply as an extended usage of the verb found in theBible, where the Hitpolel of (I) means 'wallow7, hence, 'wallow in filth' orsuchlike.2 2 The Academy of the Hebrew Language do not include the first two lettersof what Allegro in D/D V edition of 4QCryptic [4Q186] (2.1.1) Conn M. Allegro, Qumran Cave 4, vol. I: 4Q158-4Q186 (DJD, V; Oxford: Clarendon Press,1968], pp. 88 -91 ) read asrnnoa.Geza Vermes (The Dead Sea Scrolls in English[Revised and extended fourth edition; London: Penguin, 1995], p. 368) seemsto treat the form as the plural feminine of an adjective nipia 'glowing', as suggested by Allegro, agreeing with V T * S 'his eyes'. Both the form and its syntactic context are difficult, although the lexeme may occur again (see note 32).2 3 4QHf [4Q432] 4.1.4, where D W T O is perhaps a mistake forDBnnm of 1QH3.16.2 4 All in 4QMishmarotBa"b [4Q321-21a], where it is also frequently reconstructed. 'New moon' follows the understanding of Garcia Martinez (Dead SeaScrolls Translated, pp. 469-70) , who regards the recurrent 13 of the text as partof the verb 'come'. Perhaps more felicitously, Robert Eisenman and MichaelWise (The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered [Shaftesbury: Element, 1992] , pp. 109-116) render npn as 'lunar observation' and tra as a Qumran form of n 'on it',i.e. on a given date.2 5 DiDpTT in the Damascus Covenant (8.4) appears to be a Ptel, 'crush' (thus,DiopTl 'and he will crush them'), unless the form is a mistake by the scribe forDvapaTT 'and the defect will cling'.


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 25V , mn l>e guilty' ( 1 ) , l w i 'troop' (4) V , 2 6 p n 'wealth' ( 2 ) , 2 7 f Q n'pleasure' ( 1 ) , H T t 'presumption' (2) V , T O T T to reject' ( 1 ) , *3T 'disgrace'( 1 ) , HQ^T 'curse' ( 1 ) V , p i t 'javelin' (4) V ; 2 8 other words, attested inJastrow: i 'to bind, to unbind' (1 ) V, m m f * 'divinit/ (3) V, ' a l e f(2) V n n 'foundation' ( 1 0 ) V , 3 0 u 'midsf ( l ) , 3 1 n o : 'completion' (2)V , 3 2 TTO bridge' ( l ) , - | T D l 'crushed' ( 1 ) V , p ^l 'burning' ( 1 ) V,'dalet' ( 1 ) , n o i 'be silent' ( D / Q i 'value' ( l ) , 3 4 ^ " ! 'battalion' ( l ) , r m n'teaching^ (1) V , n m n 'teaching' (2) V , 3 5 r o ^ n 'walking' ( 1 ) V , nsnn'waving' (1) V, *]3H 'waving' ( 1 1 ) V , mnn e?n 'prostration' (1) V, ip]T'splendour' ( 2 J , 3 6 IDT 'song7 (3) V, lad' (5).Lis* 4 D : W ords found only in the Copp er ScrollNames of persons and places: n s n K ( l ) , ] ' r n e m r r a ( l ) , p p n r r a ( 1 ) ,Dtt?rra ( 1 ) , nQH r r a ( 1 ) , ( 1 ) , p n ( 1 ) ; other words, unattested inJastrow: ]RBOR 'stoa, portico' (1 ) Greek; other words, attested in J a s trow: p T O D K 'vestibule' (1 ) Greek, HDK 'conduit' (4), m ^ K 'treasure'(1 ) V , m n o K 'stater' ( 1 ) Greek, 3'3 'conduit' ( 1 ) , n ' o m 'south' (2) V , JIT"be joined' (1 ) , mr 'gutter' ( 1 ) .Ltsf 4E: W ords found only in texts from Murabba'at and Nahai HeverNames of persons and places: O ' t e n o i K (1 ) Greek, KQ*?K (3), ] l 0 2 n K ( 1 )Greek, n/vbvhi (4) , o n : (2), o n o n (5) Greek, ( 1 ) Greek, O H T(3) Greek; other words, all attested in Jastrow: ' tnriK 'guarantor' ( 1 )V, p** 'tree' ( 1 ) V, n^K ' excepf (2) V, 'if not' ( 1 ) V, m a 'daughter'(1 ) V , 'Galilaean' ( 1 ) , n an 'denar7 (2) Latin, ]D'n 'from' (6) , ran2 6 All in th e War Scroll.2 7 CD 4 .17 and 8 .7 (A; MS B [19.19] h as pn) .2 8 All in th e War Scroll.2 9 This, like rbl an d I D * ? , o ccurs at CD 15.1 , in a circumlocution of th e divinename.3 0 Six t imes in lQ H .3 1 H Q P s a (but perh aps th is is the same wo rd th at is found at Job 20 .25 a n d / o r30 .5 ) .3 2 Perh aps better vocalized as 1D3. A t 4 Qa pP s b [4Q3 81 ] 2 4 .2, Eileen Schuller(Non -Can on ica l Psalms f r o m Q u m r a n : A Pseudepigraphic Collection [HSS, 28;Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986 ] , pp. 1 1 5 - 1 6 ) prefers the interpretation 'coal'(fcODtt), which is plausible in t h e con text. 4 Q 5 2 1 5 .2 . 12 .3 4 lQM yst [1Q 27] 1 .2 .8 ; ho wever, the interprtational context is extremelylimited. If *oi is to be interpreted as HQl 'value', the form would be an Ara-maism for *l.3 5 Both in the W ar Scroll.3 6 lQNoah [1Q19] 13 .1 and 4 Q 4 6 2 1 6 ; th e same form o ccurs in man uscripts ofPs 50 .11 an d 80 . 14 , where Leningradensis h as n 'moving things'.


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26 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRATiere, now' ( 1 ) , TQT 'penalty7 (1) Greek,-37 mnr 'purchase7 (1).List 5A: Words not attested in MT but found in both Ben Sira and theGenizah PsalmsAttested in Jastrow: n30 'praise7, (3 [2:1]) V.List 5B: Words not attested in MT but found in both Ben Sira and GeneralQumran literature or 4QMMTNone.List 5C: Words not attested in MT but found in both Ben Sira and theCopper ScrollNot attested in Jastrow: TV>/W* 'reservoir' (1:4) .List 5D: Words not attested in MT but found both in Ben Sira and atMurabbacatAttested in Jastrow: nn 'to enjoy7 (1:1) .List 5E: Words not attested in MT but found in both the Genizah Psalmsand in General Qumran literatureAttested in Jastrow: irr (hitpacel) "be united, be especially addressed'(9 [1:8]) V,38 H E r np 'sanctity' (4 [3:1]) .List 5F: Words not attested in MT but found in both 4QMMT and inGeneral Qumran literatureNot attested in Jastrow: mm 'fornication' (3 [1 :2] ) V; attested inJastrow: T liandle' (2) V.39List 5G: Words not attested in MT but found in both General Qumranliterature and the Copper ScrollAttested in Jastrow: JJSDK 'middle' ( [2 :1] ) Greek, 'contribution'(1:15) V, - o n 'terrace' (4 [3:1]) V. 40

3 7 Mur 45.7, but the interpretation of the form as RJQT is uncertain.3 8 Genizah Psalm 4.12 reads "im o '00 obo lmnn, apparently 'may you, Omy king, be the object of special address from the mouth of all your ministers', unless the sense of the verb is 'may your unity be declared', as suggested by my colleague, Dr David Stec (see note 14), or 'may your uniquenessbe declared'. In any case, the sense is quite different from that found in theQumran passages of 1QS, lQSa, and 1QH, where lrrnn, in all but one text followed by a preposition, means T e united (to, in, with)'. The taw is elided oneach occasion.3 9 This is really an example of an extended meaning, or a lexicalized metaphor. In general, I have avoided registering this kind of item as a 'new word',unlike Professor Qimron in the vocabulary lists of his The Hebrew of the DeadSea Scrolls (HSS, 29; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), and of DJD, X, from whichthis example is drawn.4 0 For SOI, see the discussion and bibliography in Francisco Jimenez, 'Los tr-minos mti y mo en el Rollo de Cobre (3Q15)', forthcoming in M E A H 45 (19%).For the Copper Scroll reading, at 2.3, is contested, with others preferring1 3 H (for T i n ) 'inner sanctuary7 (see Section II, Lists 6A-C, 2). However, Al


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 27List 5H: Words not attested in MT but found both in 4QMMT and atMurabba catAttested in Jastrow: l *n 'so that' (4 [3:1]) V.List 51: Words not attested in MT but found both in General Qumranliterature and at Murabba cat and Nahal HeverAttested in Jastrow: DT 'zuz ' (3 [1:2]).List 6A: Words attested in MT that occur with equal or greater frequency inth e non-biblical corporaNames of persons and places: OIK (9:1:8), (1:0:0:1), MllK(1:0:0:1), j 'TDnrm (17:0:0:18), in' 1?** (2:0:0:2), np]TOK (2:0:0:2),3P ]Pfa< (17:0:0:21), pib* (7:0:0:9), ? n t f (1:0:0:1), DOK (1:0:0:1), IOK(1:0:0:1), ma (1:0:0:1), ' j t a (1:0:0:5), mr a (1:0:0:1), '33 (2:0:0:2),(1:0:0:1), n m a (1:0:0:1), TO (1:0:0:1), ^ n m (2:0:4), n a (1:0:0:1), Dm(1:0:0:1), PRTO (5:0:0:8), P F ^ / v b l / n b l (7:0:1:6), PFmn (3:0:0:16),1PPT (10:0:0:11); other words (ordered by frequency at Qumran): b\*'God ' (240:64:501:2), DDK ' t ruth ' (127:7:204), run 'knowledge'(90:6:130), TIK 'light' (115:7:116), m m 'might' (61:13:101), nnK 'after'(96:9:87:1), niK 'sign' (79:6:84:1), nQE?K 'guilt' (19:0:78), 'lot'(77:3:78), 'worthlessness' (27:1:77), n m 'understanding'(37:1:76), ]in 'wealth' (26:5:67), ^in 'be separate' (42:2:50), TO 1>emighty' (24:5:45), 13 'create' (48:11:38), ]DK 'amen' (30:0:35:1), T r a'elect' (13:1:35), TO 'honour' (31:3:34), run 'knowledge' (5:1:32),'battalion' (14:0:26), BTUP]R 'person' (42:19:25), TO 'inner sanctuary 7(16:2:23), mn 'destruction' (13:0:21), Tin 'splendour' (24:10:20), mp p' in terval ' (2:0:19), ^moa 'recompense' (19:1:18), UK 'we' (1:0:17),n[]na 'creation' (1:0:16), mi n 'thanksgiving' (1:1:15), rmpp'entrance' (1:0:13), rru t>ody' (13:7:13), mar 'prostitution' (9:2:12), DtfT0> e indignant' (12:3:11), npn 'to seek' (7:1:9), 'to abhor' (10:1:9),HDQl 'whisper' (3:0:9), ]V7T/]TIT 'presumptuousness' (11:11:9), []P"nK'abaddon' (6:0:8), nmtt 'sighing7 (11:4:8), ]en 'be fat' (9:4:8), ^[1]3T'dwelling place' (5:0:8), miK 'light' (3:0:7), jnr 'to tremble' (3:3:7),J ^ K / p i K / p O K 'might' (1:1:6), 1 1 3 'to separate' (3:0:8), 'adult'(1:0:5), ]m I 'testing' (2:0:5), m 'stump' (3:0:5), HT7 'wax' (4:0:5), mn'to honour' (6:5:5), bn: 'tassel' (2:0:4), mi 'olive' (1:1:4), mot 'song'(4:0:4), pt 'fetter' (4:0:4), 41 smm 'arm' (2:0:3), j m II 'fortress' (2:0:3),

'rejoicing' (2:0:3), en a 'to churn' (3:0:3), ]P]n 'judge' (2:0:3),

Wolters (The Copper Scroll and the Vocabulary of Mishnaic Hebrew7, RQ 14[1989-90] , 483-95 ) , finds lj i i not only at 2.3, but also, reconstructed, at 11.16,where Milik read pripi 'dwelling place', which would, if correct, be anothercommon RH word attested for the first time in the Copper Scroll.4 1 The biblical statistic is 6 if the forms with unvocalized initial alef at Jer 40.1and 4 (otherwise assumed to represent a by-form, pm) are included.


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28 THE HEBREW OF THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRApPlT/npt 'flaming a r r o w ' (3:1:3), *pt 'to raise ' (2:0:3), ]P]DK 'faithful'(3:1:2), rHDK 'ag ree m ent ' (2:0:2), mnm 'prid e' ( 2 : 0 : 2 ) , 4 2 n m ' to glide'(1:0:2), T H 'to dw ell' (1:4:2), m m 'thistles' (2:0:2), mp]T 'brightn ess'(2:0:2), HQ^T 'raging' (3:1:2), TTK 1>e m aje stic 7 (4:3:1), m 'owl' (1:0:1),0 3 ' to compel' (1:1:1) , *]P]0B0K 'rabb le' (1:0:1), p 'm ud ' (1:0:1),bvc/bn 'defilem ent' (1:0:1), m a 'wall' (14:1:1:19), b l ' abhorrence '(1:0:1), TU T>e bare' (1:0:1), m : 'ge ra h' (5:0:1:10), jan languishing'(1:0:1), 0 H /0 V T 'threshing ' (1:0:1), jpron 'likeness' (1:1:1), - p n 'steps'(1:0:1), SWT 'to bark' (1:0:1) , 4 3TOT sw eat' (1:0:1), 'co w ' (1:1:0),]DP]K ' ( a p p r o p r i a t e ) occasion' (1:1:0), nBfc Tiappiness' (1:1:0), rPD3'we epin g' (1:0:0:1), upn 'half-shekel' (2:0:0:2), nm 'be he ale d ' (1:1:0),Dm 'to ast on ish ' (1:0:0:1), rrn 1>e ill' (1:0:0:1), "JV7 'to cr us h' (1:1:0), XTl'to weep' (2:2:0), 'BPH 'blemish' (1:1:0), *?nn 'to mock' (2:2:0), nonn'ruin' (1:1:0), -DT 'en d o w m en t' (1:2:0), m i 'be bri gh t' (1:2:0), ")p]QT'pruning' (liftOrl)44, n/*OT 'abhorrence' (1:2:0).Lis* 6 B: Words attested in MT that occur with equal o r greater frequencyonly at Murabba'at and Nahal Heverbbn Tiillel' (2:0:4), m 'son' (4:0:39:4), nbl 'to hang down' (1:0:1), ]PJ3T'(set) time' (4:2:5).45List 6C: Words attested in MT that occur with equal o r greater frequencyonly in 4QMMT-1*71 'child ' (1:0:2).Table 1: Size of the four corpora in relatio n to the pre-mishnaic corpus as awho le, as measured by the frequency of words (tokens) beginning with alef tozayin (excluding waw)

Letter Total Bible Si Q InAlef 71585 61883 1422 7768 512%Total 100 86 2 11 (13) 1Bet 21441 17977 39 6 2522 546%Total 100 84 2 12 (14) 3Gimel 7107 5638 20 2 1104 163%Total 100 79 3 16(20) 2

4 2 CD 1.15 and 4 Q H a [4Q427] 7.2.8; the more general term nm, lieight, pride'occurs six times at Qumran (17:1:6:1).4 3 The Qumran instance is merely the lQpHab quotation of Hab 2.7.4 4 See note 8.4 5 One of the five is from a 'General Qumran' text. At Si 43.7, J O T is not foundin the Masada version. In the Bible, the noun, like its corresponding verb, isrestricted to late books (Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Ecclesiastes).


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ELWOLDE: FROM BIBLE TO MISHNAH 29

Dalet 8201 6736 200 1225 40%Total 100 82 2 15 (18) 1He 13083 10820 222 1978 63%Total 100 83 2 15 (18) 1Zayin 5704 4656 176 817 55%Total 100 82 3 14(18) 1Total 127121 107710 2618 15414 1379%Total 100 85 2 12 (14) 1%Ave 100 83 2 14 (17) 2

Notes to Table 1The figures for Bet and He exclude the preposition -3 and the articleand interrogative -n. The bracketed number in the Q column (see theK ey below) represents the Qumran figure as a percentage of thefigure for the Bible.Table 2: Vo cabulary found in each corpus as a proportion of pre-mishnaicvocabulary as a whole

Alef Bet Gimel Dalet He Zayin TotalEntries 851 513 371 289 205 215 2444Si 15 9 70 57 47 35 52 420% 19 14 15 16 17 24 17Q 251 118 100 110 64 91 73 4% 29 23 27 38 31 42 30In 12 1 51 37 18 18 21 266% 14 10 10 6 9 10 11

Table 3: Proportion of vocabulary unique to eachnon-biblical corpus

Alef Bet Gimel Dalet He Zayin TotalSiU/Si 2 / 1 5 9 3 / 7 0 9 / 5 7 2 / 4 7 1/35 7 / 5 2 24/420% S i 1 4 16 4 5 13 6% A 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 1QU/Q 16/251 11 / 118 10 / 10 0 19 / 110 19 / 6 4 16/91 91/734%Q 6 9 10 17 30 18 12% A 1 1 2 2 3 7 9 7 4InU/In 41/121 2 1 / 5 1 1 5 / 3 7 1 1 / 1 8 6 / 1 8 5/21 99/266%In 34 41 40 61 30 24 37% A 1 1 5 4 4 3 3 2 4


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30 THE HEBREW OF THE DEADSEA SCROLLS AND BEN SIRATable 4: For Dead Sea Scrolls only, proportion of unique to sharedvocabulary, excluding hapax legomena and proper nouns

Alef Bet Gimel Dalet He Zayin TotalQU/QS 7/215 1/101 2/85 3/88 6/48 1/78 20/61% 3 1 2 3 13 1 3Key to Tables 1-4All: all the entries in the dictionary for any given letter of the alphabet; Entries: as All; HapPN: Number of hapax legomena and/or propernouns within unique vocabulary (see U); In: inscriptions; Q: Dead SeaScrolls (Qumran, Murabbacat, Nahal Hever); S: vocabulary shared bya given corpus with the Bible and/or another non-biblical corpus (e.g.QS: vocabulary attested in the Scrolls and elsewhere); Si: Ben Sira; U:vocabulary unique to a given corpus (e.g. QU: vocabulary only attested in the Scrolls); %All: unique vocabulary (see U) as a percentageof the entire pre-mishnaic lexicon; %Ave.: Average of the percentagesfor each letter under %Total; %Q (%Si, %I): unique vocabulary (see U)as a percentage of all the vocabulary found in the Scrolls (Ben Sira, inscriptions); %Total: running words (tokens) in each corpus as a percentage of the total number of running words in the pre-mishnaiccorpus as a whole.

Section II: ObservationsList 3: Words found only in Ben SiraAdditional rabbinic vocabulary in Ben Sira includes nra 'different'(42.24 [B], but perhaps emend era*? to D?J(D 'pair'), nan 'wonder7 (threetimes, or four if 11.13 is not regarded as a verb), and ! 3 " n 'guilty' (8.5).Si 51.23 exhibits the earliest known use of the expression EniQ D O'house of study' and Ben Sira also evidences two new adverbialphrases: nr O 'therefore' at 34.13 (followed by p bv 'therefore' in thenext verse) and nv*2 'by which?' at 30.40. The latter expression isquite common in the Mishnah but unattested in the Scro l l s . 4 6 Ben Siraalso seems to be developing an asyndetic form of object clause. Thus,for example, in addition to BH O TDT 'remember that', which itselfoccurs remarkably often in Ben Sira, Ben Sira also has, at 8.7,O'SOKJ llbD "DT 'remember (that) all of us are to be gathered' (withnon-asyndetic parallel at 8.5), and, in the Masada manuscript of 41.3,j n r m i ]1Qip IDT 'remember (that) first and last