5th year barch dissertation: hong kong - sky city

High-Density Living in

Sky CityHONG KONG香

港

May TsangMay 2011

Sky CityHONG KONG

旺角

九龍塘

沙田

銅鑼灣

香港

大埔墟仔

北角

Architecture of DensityAnonymous, (2011) Available at: <https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/-oS-WAxtrGtQ/TXHvFOZhW8I/AAAAAAAAASI/t6lF8sB21iE/5445334748_a10c73cf22_b.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 3

CHAPTER ONE

Density 9

The Case in Hong Kong 13

The Emergence of High-Density Living 15

From Village to Estate 17

Density Control in Hong Kong 21

CHAPTER TWO

Private & Public Housing 27

Tai Koo Shing Estate (Private) 31

Kwai Chung Estate (Public) 35

Living Conditions 38

Inhabitation 43

Environmental Conditions 46

Communal Areas 47

Social Conditions 51

CONCLUSION 55

BIBLIOGRAPHY 62

Architecture of DensityWolf, M. (2006) Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

United Nations Population Fund: Population dayBhaskar, D. (2010) Available at: <http://adsoftheworld.com/files/images/Population_Day.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

INTRODUCTIONSince the dawn of human history, many have been striving to build high in order

to make their mark on the world. Towers, pyramids, steeples and obelisks were

some of the earliest architectural statements to reach the sky (Naz, 2007).

From the 18th century, the Industrial Revolution caused drastic improvements

in construction and iron manufacturing due to the invention of new materials

and technology. An American engineer and architect named William Le Baron

Jenney, developed the load-bearing steel frame, which made possible to build

wider and higher than ever before (Naz, 2007). This form of construction made

skyscrapers possible in later years and revolutionised urban life, as high-rise

buildings were able to accommodate a larger number of people, particularly

within cities of land shortages.

It has been estimated that there will be 7 billion people on Earth by the end of

2011, and 9 billion by 2050 (Population Reference Bureau, 2011). How will cities

across the globe accommodate for the expanding population?

Philip Hauser (1968), a leading sociologist and a pioneer in the fields of urban

studies described how contemporary society had undergone what he called

“social morphological revolution”. This revolution involved the increase in the

rate of world population growth, the increasing concentration of the world’s

population in urban areas and the increasing heterogeneity of populations

sharing the same geographical area and life space (Hauser, 1968).

By 2050, it is predicted that 70% of the worlds’ population will be in urban

areas (United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects, 2007). This population

explosion will result in mixed-use high-rise buildings and high-density living,

creating diversity of urban populations in language, cultural traditions, ethnicity

and social organisations. High-rise buildings and compact cities seem to be

the current solution towards the issue of population explosion. One of the

first high-rise buildings was constructed to take care of housing problems in

the city. As more apartments were built to solve the problem of housing, more

functions were required to satisfy the needs of people. High-rise buildings then

began to accommodate various complex functions. The centralisation of various

functions to one place within the city can solve population problems.

4 | Introduction

Fig. 1New York The Most Populous City In United States

Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.allfamouswonders.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/new-york-city.jpgBerlin36-2.jpg> [Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 2Midtown Manhattan Empire State Building In New York

Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.allfamouswonders.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/midtown-manhattan.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

The 102-storey Empire State Building in New York, built in the 1920’s was a

good example of how high-rise buildings could control city expansion and create

many other value-added functions (Ng, 2009). Due to regular migration of

people to the city, New York reflects ethnic diversity around every street corner.

Being one of the largest cities in the world, the 2005 census revealed that the

city boasts an extremely high population of 8,143,197, with a regular increase

in population density as a result of the population influx (Population Reference

Bureau, 2005).

As the world’s population becomes increasingly urbanised, the pressure for

high-density living is enormous in many parts of the globe. Some cities have

a scarce supply of land in urban areas; therefore densification has become an

important agenda as well as a major planning policy.

Hong Kong – Asia’s Manhattan, as Willis (2008) described is similar to New

York. A city that has evolved from a colonial port into a dominant centre of

international finance and commerce through skyscrapers. Manhattan had

established the urban dynamic of vertical density that has been reproduced

in Hong Kong since the 1970’s, but “today, Hong Kong surpasses New York in

the number of high-rises, hyper-dense habitation, and efficient mass transit”

(Willis, 2008). Apartments rise fifty to sixty stories taller due to Hong Kong’s

continuous land scarcity problems and vast population pressure. Less than 25%

of Hong Kong territory is built upon, therefore high-rise living is a fact of life

for the majority of the 7 million inhabitants. What implications does the dense

living environment have on the citizens of Hong Kong? A population growth rate

of approximately 1 million was observed every 10 years in the last decade and

the population forecast for 2030 is 9 million (Fung, 2001). The small amount of

geographical landmass of Hong Kong built-up imposes an enormous amount

of pressure on the constant need to house increasing number of residents.

The city contains densities of 90,000 or more people per square mile, this is

well above Manhattan’s average of 70,000. Certain districts including Mong

Kok and Kwun Tong that exhibit extreme density rank among the most densely

populated places in the world (Habitat International, 2002).

Statistics show that over 50% of its 7 million population live and work in the

urban centres (United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects, 2009). Hong

Kong Island and Kowloon are best known for convenience and efficiency that

5 | Introduction

6 | Introduction

Fig. 3Residential buildings on Hong Kong Island

Wood, D. (2005) Available at: <http://www.serenitybay.com/travel/hk/P1010077.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

thrive the intensification of human activities. In 2001, the government census

revealed that approximately 3 million people live in self-owned private homes in

high-rise apartment blocks. This has been translated into a total of one million

private homes. The rest of the population similarly lives in high-rise and high-

density rented homes in new towns of suburban Hong Kong known as the New

Territories. Hui (2000) described that high-density in a land limited country like

Hong Kong is the norm. “The city often responded to development pressure by

setting targets for increased urban densities and the establishment of high-rise

cityscape and compact urban settings are unavoidable” (Hui, 2000).

This dissertation aims to examine the issues of high-density living in Hong Kong,

one of the most densely occupied cities in the world. High-rise developments

have often been despised and generally viewed as a problem in Western

culture. They have been accused of causing many unpleasant outcomes such

as stress, behaviour problems and poor social relations (Conway, 1977). At the

societal level, they are faulted for burdening existing services and infrastructure,

worsening traffic problems, and damaging the character of neighbourhoods

(Broyer, 2002). The purpose of this study is to re-examine and redefine this

interpretation in order to give a more accurate and holistic interpretation of the

way density is perceived and experienced.

Planning is essential in compact cities, but what makes good planning for living

at high densities? Some believe that the level of density may reduce the design

scope but it does not totally negate the potential for the design of small spaces.

The study will examine the impact of density control on the quality of the

compact living environment based on of the Hong Kong government policy. By

analysing case studies of housing within the private and public sector, a review

will be made to establish how successful design strategies were concerning

high-density developments. This will lead to an understanding of how citizens

of Hong Kong have adapted to urban living through exploration of context and

experience of high-density living. An evaluation of the overall findings will lead

to a concise summary, looking at how successful the high-rise strategy was and

whether Hong Kong can inform future models in the densification of world

cities. How successful are high-rise buildings used to solve population problems

originating in the city? By looking at architectural implementation through to

human inhabitation, we can determine whether compact cities can become the

key growth engines for the city and nation.

7 | Introduction

Architecture of DensityWolf, M. (2006) Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

CHAPTER ONE | DensityDensity influences virtually every aspect of public housing and many qualities

of urban planning. The concept of density may be familiar at first glance, but

upon closer examination is a complex theory. There had previously been various

interpretations around the concept of density. In the past, it was often used to

normatively categorise an area. Too high of a density indicated an undesirable

situation, whereas areas of density that contained villa style housing was not

considered at all (Meta Berghauser Pont, 2004). A more practical need was

required for expressing density in terms of scale and units. This need first arose

from engineers whose capacities were determined by the population numbers,

the number of houses and the street surface area within an urban district for

laying service lines and other infrastructures (Per Haupt, 2004). Population

density was also essential to provide a suitable number of amenities in the city.

Arithmetic density is the most common way of measuring population density,

which has now been recognised internationally. It is the total number of people

divided by area of land, measured in square kilometres or square miles (Martin,

2008).

Determining density, also acts as an aid to obtain an overall indication of the

character of buildings. Alexander (1993) explained three concepts used to

address the issue of building density and how densities affect the way people

live. These include physical density, perceived density, and crowding.

“Density is a term that represents the relationship between a given physical

area and the number of people who inhabit or use that area. It is expressed as

a ratio of population size or number of dwelling units (the numerator) to area

units (the denominator)” (Churchman, 1999).

Physical density is an objective and quantitative term. It is also neutral in the

sense that it is not possible to directly determine whether a given density level

is positive or negative. However, psychologists distinguished that spatial and

social density are experienced differently. Based on research, McClelland and

Auslander, (1978) stated that the influence of social density is much more

significant than spatial density.

The concept of perceived density and crowding are based on the principle that

10 | Density

Fig. 4Crowding in Hong Kong

Lockne, P. (2007) Available at: <http://farm2.static.flickr.com/1237/942039518_ec12d5ad74_o.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

11 | Density

various people can perceive and evaluate the same density very differently.

This is based under different countries, circumstances and their cultural

background (Churchman, 1999). Rapoport (1975) explained that perceived

density is defined as an individual’s perception and estimation of the number

of people present in a given area, the space available and the organisation of

that space. Within the environment, indications that characterise people and

their activities play critical roles in this perception of density. Perceived density

is therefore subjective as it relies on individual apprehension, however it does

not involve any personal evaluation or judgment. This concept of density is

typically measured by questionnaires surveys carried out by means of face-to-

face interviews in order to obtain comparable data about their vision across

urban areas (Travers, 1977).

Crowding is stated by Churchman (1999) as “the subjective evaluation of

an individual that a given density and perceived density is negative”. It is

also defined as a state of psychological stress, where the experience of an

individual associates with the negative aspects of density through evaluation

of situational variables, personal characteristics and coping assets (Evans and

Cohen, 1987; Sundstrom, 1978). Stokols (1972) cited that although density is a

necessary antecedent of crowding, it is not an adequate condition for causing

the experience of crowding. However, a consequence of limited space would

exaggerate the experience of crowding as the freedom of adjusting the physical

proximity to others is reduced (Makintosh, 1975).

There is no one accepted measure of density between or within countries or

even within urban districts. A report by Lehman and Associates (1995) pointed

out that even between towns in the greater Toronto, Canada area, there was

no consistency in the definition of density. Generally, measures of density

vary in several ways. Firstly, different numerators and denominators are used

across different countries. Some countries define density through population,

according to the number of people per given area, but others define density

according to the number of dwelling units per given area through residential

density. Secondly, a variation of land units, including acre, hectare, square mile,

and square kilometer are used as the denominator (Churchman, 1999).

12 | Density

Fig. 5Hong Kong: Compact City

Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://emywinchester.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/hong_kong_clear.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

13 | Density

Tremendous pressure has been exerted on urban development across the globe.

Various Asian cities such as Singapore, Tokyo and Shanghai, are famous for their

compactness and high-density living. While high density is a phenomenon

increasingly associated with major cities, Hong Kong is a city of extreme density,

comprising of terrain that is largely made up of steep mountainous rock,

resulting in difficult or expensive to develop land (Willis, 2008).

Geographically, Hong Kong comprises of three main areas, Hong Kong Island,

the New Territories and Kowloon Peninsula, which adjoins to Shenzhen, China.

The core urban area is formed by the northern part of Hong Kong Island and

the Kowloon Peninsula with almost half of the population residing there (Hong

Kong Planning department, 2005).

The city consists of only 21.8% of land that is level, easily developable and can

be used for building (Wang & Lau, 2002). Under these conditions, Hong Kong

has adopted vertical developments, with a vast majority of its population living

in high-rise apartments. Affordable spaces tend to be small throughout the

Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). From these environments,

it seems that the people of Hong Kong have learnt to seize their opportunities

to make the most of space and, by breaking widely accepted rules of spatial

convention, they are able to transform almost any kind of space into a space of

use (Rooney, 2009).

In the Western context, high-density development is often considered to be

“over-crowded, causing excessive congestion and possible pathological effects

on society” (Chan, 2002). This is an example of perceived density. Nonetheless,

the findings of Chau (1983) have confirmed that high-density development of

Hong Kong has not been accompanied by many of the social illnesses expected

in the Western experience.

Individuals of diverse backgrounds have different definitions of high density.

“Just about every travel writer who has ever visited Hong Kong writes about the

frenetic energy, buzz, unremitting pace and sheer density of city life” (Rooney,

2009). In Hong Kong, urban planning is embedded in the verticality of society and

into the way of life. Density is experienced everyday, in crowded street markets,

The Case in Hong Kong

14 | Density

Fig. 6Crowding in Mong Kok

Bloom, A. no date. Available at: <http://www.plantsciences.ucdavis.edu/plantsciences_Faculty/Bloom/CAMEL/Art/CrowdLg.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 7Hong Kong Street Market

Harvey, J. (2006) Available at: <http://www.johnharveyphoto.com/HongKong/StreetMarketNearHelensGrandparents_800W.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 8Hong Kong Street Scene

Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://www.britannica.com/bps/media-view/115776/1/0/0>[Accessed May 2011]

looking across to rooms in other buildings, looking down rooftops and elevated

walkways. Citizens of Hong Kong appear to be stimulated by noise and crowds in

a way that many Westerners cannot comprehend. Rooney (2009) explained that

the citizens have shown they have the competence to handle with what is a very

difficult spatial design problem. Practically any space is viewed as usable space

in this city. The shortage of space has essentially brought people closer together

visually, aurally, mentally and physically. This has made it part of the place, the

space and the experience of Hong Kong, a vibrant, exciting and dynamic aspect

of city life.

Pryor (1973) explained how there had repeatedly been public recommendations

made to reduce overcrowding and improve sanitation in the past. However,

the provision of housing and development of a new housing typology did not

emerge until the occurrence of a disastrous fire that left 53,000 people homeless

in the Shek Kip Mei squatter settlement during 1953 (Fig. 9). Such spontaneous

settlements multiplied with the arrival of refugees after World War II and the

establishment of the People’s Republic of China. The population of the territory

increased to over 2 million in 1952 (Chan 1993). At the time, Hong Kong was

a free port, serving as an entrepôt of the British Empire where merchandise

was imported and exported. Most of the establishments and activities were

therefore located near Victoria Harbour, which was the more developed part

of the city. The government who had control over the sale of land was criticised

about the high land price policy and restriction of development land. As a result,

a large number of citizens were living in overcrowded environments with poor

sanitation.

The colony was already at crisis point for housing; with virtually the whole

population reduced to living in totally inadequate and desperately overcrowded

accommodation. The Department of Resettlement (1954) stated “This is not

high-grade housing: it was emergency accommodation built to meet a grave

emergency. A family of five adults was housed in one room measuring 120 square

feet and smaller families were required to share a room. Thirty or forty such

rooms were required to share one communal water tap and three communal

flush latrines. The decision to accept this type of sub-standard housing as the

answer to the overall squatter problem was not lightly taken.”

The Emergence of High-Density Living

15 | Density

16 | Density

Fig. 10Overcrowded Environment with Poor Sanitation

Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://favelaissues.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/img_2444.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 9Disastrous Shek Kip Mei Fire

Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://favelaissues.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/img_2448.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

17 | Density

Over a third of Hong Kong’s population at the time of the fire was squatting

on Crown land in huts of discarded materials, with no water supplies, sanitary

facilities or waste disposal (Fig. 10). They were scattered around Hong Kong

Island and Kowloon in settlements ranging in size from a few thousand to over

one hundred thousand inhabitants (Pryor, 1973).

Up until 1953, the Hong Kong Annual Report (1957) described how the

government assumed that those who found it difficult to earn a living would

return to China when conditions there ‘returned to normal’. Secondly, they

delayed making any decisive moves to solve the problem in the hope that other

countries would intervene to assist with the refugee problem. The government

admitted they were daunted by the immensity of the problem, particularly by

the prospect of accommodating so many people in permanent homes, when it

had always been their policy to not get involved with the provision of housing

(Chiu, 2006).

Finally, there was already the insistent need to rehouse people, which were

nearly six times more crowded than they were before. Until more permanent

action could be undertaken, there was little that the colonial government felt

they could do but to provide areas where squatting could be tolerated (Crisman,

1999). Following the fire, the Government had no choice but to improvise with

mass housing schemes by means of economical and land resources within

the shortest possible time. During the selection process for housing sites,

the government insisted that the only available land on the Island were to be

squatter areas cleared to accommodate the original inhabitants at even higher

net densities (Crisman, 1999). This resolution set the stage for a compact,

vertical, high-density residential city form that has given Hong Kong its unique

characteristics.

Construction began in 1954 on the first government funded relocation

structure. This has set the precedent for high-rise mass housing construction

for the next forty years; public, private, low, middle or high income. In 1956,

height maximums were eased to allow construction of high-rise blocks of 25

to 45 storeys (Chiu, 2006). Consequently, this led to the birth of the high-rise

housing that has come to dominate the Hong Kong skyline.

From Village to Estate

Like many cities, it began with the fusion of trade and residential activities, with

the typical shop layout on ground floor and residence in the rear or on the

first floor. In the early days of Southeast Asia, this type of development was

named ‘Shop House’, with most of which were designed and constructed for

climatic responsiveness (Xu and Yu, 2002). As the city expanded, the two-storey

shop houses rapidly transformed into multi-storey residences on top of multi-

storey shop houses. This first major deployment of the multiple use of space

was found in a mass private housing development in the early seventies (Wang

and Lau, 2002).

In the following forty years, there was a major rush to meet the housing demand

of the million populations that increased every decade (Yu, 2002). It soon

became clear that low cost public housing alone was insufficient to cope with

the continuous demand for housing, therefore the private sector shortly began

to construct speculative high-rise housing consisting of saleable flats within

residential towers, which were targeted for mid-income families (Crisman,

1999). The Government responded with an authoritarian land sales policy,

which in no time also became an inexpensive and effective tool to generate

revenue.

The Mei Fu Sun Chuen was the first conceptualisation of high-density and high-

rise urban design through modulated housing for Hong Kong (Fig. 11). It was

a phased private project, which started from 1969, completed in 1970, and

followed by successive phases of expansion over the years until 1989 (Wang and

Yu, 2002). Today, Mei Fu has 117 towers of fifteen storey tall apartment buildings

crowding on four connecting sites. They constitute a self-contained community

for 46,245 mid-income groups of residents or 13,068 households, living on a

small but compacted urban site, close to business and finance centres on both

sides of the Harbour (Wang and Lau, 2002). This development was a large scale

version of the shop on ground and residence on floors above, made practical by

a combination of land use functions on the ground and upper levels such as bus

terminus, food markets, gardens, sports ground, cinema and shops, therefore

making it a self-sufficient community. Over a period of almost two decades, the

former seaward petroleum fuel storage yard and jetty site of Mobil Company

was transformed into a livable development by the sea (Lau, 2002). The Mei

Fu (Chinese name translation of Mobil) model soon became a model for many

more to come in the following years.

18 | Density

19 | Density

The Mei Fu experiment has had major impact on the acceptance of high-rise

and concentrated living by the population as well as government planners

and developers. Lau (2002) stated “What followed and flourished over the

next decades were not a repetitive copy of the Mei Fu Model but instead a

gradual advancement of a highly sophisticated self-sufficient and mixed land

use concept that became a driving force for the next generation of multiple use

of space”. This became the driving force for the next generation of high-rise

multiple use of space within the city. In areas of site that were more restrictive,

designers had no hesitation but to stack up the living and non-living activities

in a vertical layout (Wang, 2002). What evolved were towers of multi-storey

residential apartments sitting on top of a relatively large podium in which all

ancillary facilities were found (Yu, 2002).

Fig. 11Mei Fu Sun Chuen

Anonymous, no dateAvailable at: <http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c6/Mei_foo_sun_chuen07.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

20 | Density

Fig. 13a The table below sets out the statutory maximum percentage site coverage and domestic plot ratio in relation to buildings of various heights.

Fig. 12 Projected Population Growth to 2050

Population in 2010Population in 2050

Source: Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003

Source: United Nations, 2009

Height of Building(Metres)

up to 15

up to 18

up to 21

up to 24

up to 27

up to 30

up to 36

up to 43

up to 49

up to 55

up to 61

over 61

Class A Site

66.6

60

56

52

49

46

42

39

37

35

34

33.33

Class A Site

3.3

3.6

3.9

4.2

4.4

4.6

5.0

5.4

5.9

6.3

6.8

8.0

Class B Site

75

67

62

58

55

52

47.5

44

41

39

38

37.5

Class B Site

3.75

4.0

4.3

4.6

4.9

5.2

5.7

6.1

6.5

7.0

7.6

9.0

Class C Site

80

72

67

63

59

55

50

47

44

42

41

40

Class C Site

4.0

4.3

4.7

5.0

5.3

5.5

6.0

6.5

7.0

7.5

8.0

10.0

Maximum Site Coverage(%)

Maximum Domestic Plot Ratio

ASIA4,157m5,424m

Africa1,030m2,084m

Europe739m720mN. America

344m471m

Latin America & Caribbean344m471m

21 | Density

DENSITY CONTROL IN HONG KONGAsia has continued to dominate other regions in terms of the total population,

the level of urbanisation and the number of mega cities (Fig. 12) (United

Nations, 2007). According to the United Nations, by 2030, over 53% of the

Asian population will be urban dwellers. This has led to the provision of

satisfactory living environments and affordable housing for the rapidly growing

urban masses, which has become an important policy issue not only for Hong

Kong, but most Asian governments (Yeung, 1998). Like other Asian cities, Hong

Kong has been significant in relying upon private capital to provide housing for

approximately half of the population. Chan (2002) described, “This ‘success’

has been achieved at tremendous social costs in the form of incredibly high

property prices and congested living space.”

“Acknowledging the reality of a short land supply and the benefits of high

density development and also its potential pitfalls, Hong Kong has developed

its own approach to high density development” (Fung, 2001). As described by

Fung, the planning and land systems of Hong Kong have developed appropriate

density controls. These are significantly different from other cities. Both

statutory and non-statutory means of control are used through the imposition

of plot ratios. This is defined as:

Plot ratio = Gross Floor Area (GFA)

Site Area

(Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003)

Statutory Control of Density

The Laws of Hong Kong (2003) state that the statutory side is regulated by

the Building Ordinance and associated with Building (Planning) Regulations

(B(P)R). The First Schedule of the B(P)R set the maximum domestic plot ratios

permissible in Hong Kong (Fig. 13a). It also specifies the percentage of site

coverage in relation to the building height, which can control the intensity of

the buildings so as to ensure that natural lighting and ventilation are adequate

for the external environment. The Second Schedule of the B(P)R specifies the

requirements of open spaces for domestic buildings, ensuring sufficient lighting

22 | Density

Fig. 13b Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio

Fig. 14 Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio



Density Band

Population Density(2001)p.p. ha

Population Density(2011)p.p. ha

Resultant Plot Ratio

2410 2090 1310 580 - 1160 290 - 580

2200 1910 1190 530 - 1060 260 - 530

6.5 5.5 3.5 4 - 8 2 - 4

Band 1Sites with good accessibility to

rail station

Band 2Sites with moderate

accessibility to rail station

Band 3Sites relatively

remote from rail station

Band 4Medium density

sites

Band 5Low density sites

TSUEN WAN

KWAI TSING

NEWKOWLOON

KOWLOON

HONG KONG ISLAND

23 | Density

and ventilation is provided for the internal environments of residential units

(Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003).

Although the maximum plot ratios are stated in the B(P)R, the Hong Kong

Planning Department (2003) stated that a lower plot ratio may be specified and

enforced by other means if the site places major constraints on development

capacity, such as transport or infrastructure limitations, environmental,

topographical, and geotechnical conditions or special design considerations.

If there is non-domestic floor space, the maximum domestic plot ratio will be

reduced according to the provisions of the B(P)R composite building formula.

For example, the plot ratios, which are below their maximum limits, may be

specified in the Outline Zoning Plans (OZPs), so as to suit the conditions of

that site (Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003). Other restrictions include

building height restrictions designed to avoid the obstruction of flight paths,

development conditions imposed by the government under modified land

leases, and conditions attached to the planning permissions granted to

developers (Chan, 2000).

Non-statutory Controls of Density

Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines

All land in Hong Kong is owned by the government and is rented to land users on

long-term leases (Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003). Land ownership puts

the government at a fairly strong position in influencing built form and densities

through lease and planning control. The Hong Kong Planning Department

(2003) explains how the incorporation of plot ratios into the land leases when

land is granted or an existing lease is modified enforces density control. If the

lease of some sites are not restricted by density, density controls can only rely

on statutory plans and ordinances. The Metroplan also classifies the sites into

five bands according to population density and plot ratio (Fig. 13b).

Apart from statutory controls, the Hong Kong Planning Standards and

Guidelines (2010) also provide a clear and broad framework for density controls

by classifying urbanised territory into different areas of density of control. It lists

a number of tables showing the maximum domestic plot ratios that are allowed

for the main urban areas, new towns and rural areas. The main urban areas

24 | Density

Residential Zone 1

- Covers the highest density of residential development

- Applies to districts well served by high capacity public

transport systems

- Incorporates a significant component of commercial floor

space on the first three floors

- Covers development at a medium density

- Applies to locations less well served by high capacity

public transport systems

- Usually has no commercial floor space component

- Covers the lowest density of residential development

- Applies to districts with very limited public transport

capacity or is subject to special constraints for urban

design traffic or environmental reasons.

Residential Zone 2

Residential Zone 3

Fig. 15 Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio

Fig. 16 The Maximum Domestic Plot Ratios - Main Urban Areas

Source: Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines, 2010


DensityZone

R1

R1

R2

R3

Existing Development Area

New Development Areas and Comprehensive Development Areas

8/9/106/7.5

8

6.5

5

3

Hong Kong IslandKowloon & New KowloonTsuen Wan, Kwai Chung & Tsing Yi

Type of Area Location Maximum Domestic Plot Ratio

25 | Density

consist of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, New Kowloon, Tsuen Wan, Kwai Chung

and Tsing Yi (Fig. 14). These urban areas are separated into three residential

density zones (R1, R2 and R3). The three residential density zones are divided

according to the degree of intensity of developments, their proximity to transport

and environmental constraints. Characteristics of the three residential density

zones are summarised in table (Fig.15). Apart form the three Residential Density

Zones, R1 to R3, a very low-density zone, R4, is designated in the New Towns.

R4 is justified by severe geotechnical/infrastructure constraints or compatibility

with adjacent rural low-density developments. The maximum domestic plot

ratio for R4 is stated as 0.4 (Hong Kong Planning department, 2010).

In Hong Kong, the urban land administration system serves the developers

and landowners through the political structure, which is dominated by the

representatives of the higher class (Poon, 2011). Research results show that

the clustering of residential locations of different classes were very similar to

the distribution of density zones (Ng, 2001). Residential stratification exists

as a matter of fact. Wealthy people buy larger homes in better localities,

whereas the lower income residents are more sensitive to transportation

and employment opportunities in the vicinity of their home. Researches on

residential differentiation by Johnston (1971) showed that the socioeconomic

status of neighbourhoods is a crucial element in determining the social status.

However in Hong Kong, how significant it is in the private residential sector is

not fully known.

Controlling the intensity of residential land use is one of the most important

areas of density control. Ng (1991) described “broad brush density zones, density

cap of individual planning units, minimum flat size, bed number and number

of flats per development, lot size control and set-back, frontages and height

control are all different methods in controlling residential density”. Collectively

and individually, these measures perform differently in the culturally distinct

and historical background of Hong Kong. Due to the topographic constraints,

historical development and land policies, the Hong Kong government and

planners have adopted a vertical development, resulting in a dense and mixed-

use urban environment packed with closely built high-rise residences and

commercial buildings. Density control has become an important urban planning

issue in Hong Kong and building compactly has been one of the widely accepted

solutions used to satisfy the intense demand of urban activities in the city.

Architecture of DensityAnonymous, (2007) Available at: <http://mw2.google.com/mw-panoramio/photos/medium/842051.jpg/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

CHAPTER TWO | The Hong Kong Home

Private Housing

Public Housing

Whether luxury, middle class, or public, Hong Kong housing has always been

seen to be high-rise. The housing supply in Hong Kong comes from two main

sources: firstly, private sector developments driven by commercial incentive;

and secondly, the public provision of welfare housing (Tsou, 2004). Currently,

the legislative controls on density, development, and building processes are

applicable to the private sector only (Chan 2002). The Hong Kong government

has been key in monitoring the supply side of the private housing market

through its dominating control of land sales and its development control

mechanisms (Schiffer, 1991). The government leases land for development and

keeps the value of land high by encouraging residential density in conjunction

with mass transit. Major real estate companies, working in cooperation with

the mass-transit rail company, the MTR, build these housing estates (Willis,

2008). Rail stations form the hub for multi-level shopping centres and also

serve as the podium base for high-rise apartments. These often comprise of a

cluster of identical towers up to 60 storeys in height. Integrated management

is provided throughout the whole estate, attracting more affluent residents. In

2007, the Census and Statistics Department identified that the private housing

stock amounted to approximately 1,143,000 units, accommodating 51.4% of

the population (Fig. 18).

Public housing in Hong Kong is truly a phenomenon of density, the statistics are

astonishing and the visual landscapes of public housing estates impressive. The

density of public housing reached at least 2500 residents per hectare, which is

twice the density of the most crowded residential areas in mainland China (Xue,

Manuel & Chung, 2001). Public housing is provided by the Hong Kong Housing

Authority (HKHA), a statutory body established in 1973 that are responsible

for implementing the majority of Hong Kong’s public housing programs. The

Hong Kong Housing Society (HKHS), an independent statutory organisation

established in 1948, also provides public housing for specific categories of

subsidised accommodation to help meet the housing needs of the community.

Public sector housing developments are subject only to internal government

28 | The Hong Kong Home

Fig. 17Hong Kong Mass Public Housing Estate

Wolf, M. (2006). Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html >[Accessed May 2011]

administrative control. Rents and prices are significantly lower than private

housing and are heavily subsidised by the government, with partial recovery of

revenue from rent and car park charges within residences (Chan, 2002). Public

housing estates were typically built in remote or less accessible parts of the

territory, but urban expansion has now left some older estates deep within the

inner city. Apart from Wan Chai district, public housing is found in every district

of Hong Kong (Chiu, 2006).


Public Housing

Public Rental Flats

Subsidised Sale Flats

Private Housing

Temporary Housing

Non-domestic Housing

Total

Thousands

1054

691

363

1143

16

11

2225

Thousands

3350

2129

1221

3384

46

81

6861

%

37.3

31.1

16.2

51.4

0.8

0.5

100.0

%

48.8

31.0

17.8

49.3

0.7

1.2

100.0

Stock of Permanent Residential Flats

Distribution of Population by Housing

Type

Fig. 18 Stock of Residential Flats and Housing Type Distribution

Source: Census and Statistics Department, 2007


Fig. 20Tai Koo Shing

Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.swirepacific.com/gb/images/media/gallery/property/l/1.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 19Tai Koo Shing in Construction

Wing, W. (1980). Available at: <http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e8/HK_Tai_Koo_Shing_1980s.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]

CASE STUDIES

太古城 Tai Koo Shing

Tai Koo Shing is typical of the first generation of the middle class private housing

estate located in Quarry Bay, Hong Kong Island. The estate is within residential

density zone 1 and has a total site area of 21.4 hectares. Originally, the site

was a dockyard for the ship repairs in the northeast quadrant of Hong Kong

Island. After the dockyard had moved in the 1970’s to United Dockyards on the

west shore of the Tsing Yi Island, the estate was constructed in stages over site

(Zhang, 2008). After completion, the estate’s housing complexes were broken

down into six terraces and two gardens, each with a special naming scheme.

The construction consists of 61 residential towers with an average height

of 28 storeys alongside a number of neighbourhood shops, commercial

and entertainment centre. An average unit is sized at 860 square feet and

comprises of 2 to 3 bedrooms, 1 or 2 bathrooms, a kitchen and an open plan

living and dining space (Willis, 2008). Typically, a symmetrical plan is formed by

interlocking 8 residential units around a central core. This is then repeated 27 to

30 times to create the standard residential tower (Willis, 2008). The population

of over 40,000 lives in approximately 12,700 flats. The income distribution of

Tai Koo Shing’s population makes it a typical middle class community in Hong

Kong. Apartment flats are popular amongst buyers and speculators, and for a

significant time in the 80’s and 90’s, Tai Koo Shing’s housing price was a general

indicator of the of Hong Kong’s housing market health in general (Lau, 2005).

The domestic gross floor area is around 95.6 hectares, and the non-domestic

gross floor area is about 38.3 hectares, leading to a GFA of approximately 133.9

hectares. This is approximately 7.7 of plot ratio in total.

Tai Koo Shing is one of the largest and densest private housing estates on

Hong Kong Island (Fig. 20). The scale of the construction was so large that it

was possible to live, work and play there without ever needing to leave the

complex (Yeoh, 1998). With its own large shopping centre, restaurants and even

schools, it could be thought of as a self-sufficient complex. Tai Koo Shing is a

typical housing estate in Hong Kong demonstrating high development intensity.

It demonstrates the dense living conditions in Hong Kong’s urban context.


太古城


Fig. 21Kwai Chung Estate Before Redevelopment

Tang, H. (1969) Available at: <http://www.flickr.com/photos/eat_see/2386295209/>[Accessed April 2011]

Fig. 22Kwai Chung Estate After Redevelopment

Anonymous, (2005) Available at: <http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/hdw/content/static/images/en/aboutus/publications/ehs0708/casestudy_024.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]


Kwai Chung estate is a public housing estate located in the New Territories

of Hong Kong within density zone R1. Built in the 1960’s Kwai Chung estate

was one of the earliest resettlement estates in Hong Kong. It was established

when population increased and there was a shortage of safe and secure

housing available. Originally, there was only communal supply of water in the

estate. In 1967, it was upgraded to have water provided to each flat under an

environmental improvement scheme (Fig. 21). In the old blocks, two families

had to share a toilet facility located outside the flats. In addition, the estate had

no lift service provided (Kwai Chung Estate Management Office, 1996).

By the late 1980’s, it was found that the non-self contained housing design

provided and the supporting facilities were unmatched with the expectations of

residents. Demand for early redevelopment came from the residents, councillors

and pressure groups (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002). In this regard, Kwai

Chung Estate was identified for redevelopment under the Housing Authority’s

Comprehensive Redevelopment Programme in 1990’s. The redevelopment

project covered 11 hectares of site area, providing a total of 14,500 improved

accommodations as well as improvement works for supporting facilities within

the estate (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002). The estate is now under

management of the Hong Kong Housing Authority. Redevelopment had started

from 1993 – 2005 and Kwai Chung is now the largest public housing estate in

Hong Kong, providing 16 blocks of accommodation for approximately 40,000

people. The redevelopment has allowed for more effective land use as well

as enhanced traffic flow in the area. Residents are now living in modern self-

contained flats with a much improved estate environment (Fig. 22).

葵涌邨 Kwai Chung Estate

葵涌邨

For Tai Koo Shing, the current plot ratio control mechanism has directly affected

the quality of living space provided by private developers. An evident problem

is the very restrictive provision of common areas within residential buildings. A

common area is defined as: “the public area that is shared by the residents of

that floor, and includes lifts, lift lobbies, staircases, and rooms for mechanical

plants, pipes, and utilities ducts” (Chan, 2002).

The diagram below shows the amount of saleable area and common area in a

typical Tai Koo Shing ‘cruciform’ floor plan.

LIvING CONDITIONS

With the purchasing of land, the sum of land premium paid by a developer to the

government is related directly to the permissible maximum gross floor space.

Apart from land costs being tremendously high in Hong Kong, they also account

for about 70% of the total development cost (Chan, 2002). The common area is

included in the calculation of the maximum permissible gross floor space within

the development under the current plot ratio system. Subsequently, as shown

by the example of Tai Koo Shing estate, private developers tend to reduce this

common area as much as possible, allowing more exclusive, private space.



This operation has caused an undesirable impact on the quality of residential

living within the estate. “Households are left with tiny lifts and awkward

communal space with narrow public corridors and staircases” (Chan, 2002). Tang

(2002) explained how the control mechanism of gross floor space also reduced

the incentive of providing space for environmental protection purposes, such as

balconies, recessing of windows, extra space for cross ventilation and domestic

waste recycling areas. These communal amenities would take up the floor space

quota, which would make the development more difficult to sell to home buyers

than private floor area (Wong, 2002).

Hong Kong developers are aware that sufficient and quality common areas are

favourable housing characteristics, but plot ratio control as mentioned by Chan

(2002), brought economic concerns, which caused developers to sacrifice this

space in order to maximise the financial returns on each square metre of living

space provided. Chan (2002) also identified that home buyers did enjoy having

more public space, but none were willing to reveal their preference and pay for

it. This may be another factor contributing to the lack of common space.

“A typical Hong Kong Housing Authority home may be small but as the centre

of family dwelling it still needs to be ordered in some way to facilitate so many

people living together. It is also likely to reflect aesthetic choices indicating

different levels of decision-making. Although residents have no illusions about

the quality of their homes, their dwelling experience makes them an authority

on density” (Rooney, 2009).

In the case of Kwai Chung estate, one of the key elements taken during the

redevelopment was the social consideration of the residents. This involved the

minimisation of social disruption and to provide a quality and comfortable living

environment (Cheng, 1999). A Comprehensive Redevelopment Programme

(CRP) was implemented during the redevelopment project, where residents

affected by the renovation could apply for rehousing in new or refurbished public

housing flats reserved for that particular phase of redevelopment if necessary.

To minimise the disturbance further to the local community, some essential

components of the community including car parks, markets, youth centre,

schools and religious shrines were maintained. The establishment of a “civic

hub” was developed as part of the estate, providing a focal point for residents

to meet and socialise. This gave great convenience to the public, containing a


Fig. 23Kwai Chung Commercial Centre

Anonymous, (2007) Available at: <http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/hdw/content/static/images/en/aboutus/publications/ehs0708/casestudy_017.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]


3-storey shopping centre (Fig. 23), air-conditioned markets, car parking and a

covered public transport interchange (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2005).

Economic considerations were continuously taken by the Housing Authority to

optimise site development potentials in order to meet the increasing demand of

flats in the 1990’s. During the time of redevelopment, the Housing Association

was able to optimise site potentials by increasing the domestic gross area,

resulting in a higher number of new flats.


Fig. 24Tai Koo Shing Kitchen

Anonymous, no date.Available at: <http://www.palgrave-journals.com/jba/journal/v6/n1/images/jba201012f3.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 25Kwai Chung Estate Kitchen

Anonymous, no date.Available at: <http://www.palgrave-journals.com/jba/journal/v6/n1/images/jba201012f3.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

INHABITATION

Kitchen

Bathroom

In both Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung housing estates, typical residential units

show little variation in terms of layout. Based on different occupants, various

interior spatial functions are required to suit their particular needs. The

relationship between functions of space and user behaviour varied significantly

in private and public estates.

Windows are important in bathrooms for their psychological benefits. They

enable ventilation and day lighting, which are of great importance for providing

hygienic conditions. However, current design regulations only require day

lighting and ventilation in habitable rooms and not necessarily bathrooms. A

survey carried out by Lau (2010), showed that only 15% of the sample from Kwai

Chung estate expressed acceptance of bathrooms without windows, whereas

the remaining 75% found it unacceptable. The occupants had various levels of

acceptance of the statutory to allow windowless toilet, which indicated that

the users’ expectations and acceptance had not been taken account into the

legislation process (Gou, 2010).

In Tai Koo Shing, the kitchen was often found to be a storage area rather than a

space designated for traditional cooking and food preparation (Fig. 24). Kitchens

in Hong Kong are limited to within 5 square metres (Lau, 2006), it is easily

understood that cooking is a difficult task to carry out in such a small room. For

this reason, it was found that many middle class couples usually chose to dine

out; therefore the kitchen was used more for storage purposes (Lau, 2010). It is

interesting to see how the difference in lifestyle and behaviour is changing the

meaning of physical space. The changes in living habit have caused low usage

of the kitchen within the private estate. This has affected the actual function of

the kitchen, diverging it from the traditional use.

For Kwai Chung estate, occupants who cooked at home tended to hang kitchen

utensils against the window, due to the general lack of space and for privacy

purposes (Fig. 25). This would significantly reduce day lighting performance,

thus creating an undesirable environment for cooking.



Fig. 26Kwai Chung Estate Residents

Wolf, M. no date.Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/100_x_100/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

Where bathrooms did have windows within Tai Koo Shing, they usually faced the

narrow re-entrant space that runs vertically in-between each pair of apartment

wings, similar to a semi-enclosed chimney (Ng, 2009). This can cause bacteria to

easily spread through the stack effect (Butler and Binder, 1989).

The spread of infectious diseases can be a major problem within the dense,

urban environment of the Hong Kong. The outbreak of severe acute respiratory

syndrome (SARS) in 2003 is an example that contaminated various estates and

infected people throughout the entire territory. Although the cause of the SARS

outbreak still remains unclear, it is essential that the Buildings Department

issues better practical notes to guide better design in terms of ventilation and

natural lighting in all spaces (Ng, 2009).

The bedroom is where there is the most significant concern about privacy. It

can be seen that in Kwai Chung estates, there is an absence of windows in the

The importance of having a good view out in living rooms was a major expectation

and consideration to residents. In particularly Tai Koo Shing, developers always

emphasised views as a major selling point. Apartments with better views have

a significantly higher price, but residents always considered a better view with

a better living environment. Most people in Hong Kong interpreted views as the

windows facing an obstructed external environment, such as a park view, sea

view or any other natural environment (Li, 2010).

Tong (2007) noted the way new residents appropriated their living space. He

noted on plan, not just the arrangement of the furniture but also the presence

of clutter as an integral part of the space (Fig. 26). Rooney (2009) stated, “He

recognised that everyday consumption was not just a threat to the order

and design of the space but was actually a characteristic of the space and,

significantly a reflection of the residents’ way of living in that space”. It seems

that residents have a specific and detailed knowledge of space derived from

high density living, which is a legitimate spatial knowledge. As discovered by

Tong (2007), living with density everyday and living as part of the culture of

density contributes to the residents’s spatial knowledge.

Living/Dining Room

Bedroom


The air ventilation and daylight penetration into individual housing units play an

important role within high-rise residential building designs. Residential building

design is largely administered by the statutory control guidelines, which are

dominated by daylight provisions (Gou, 2010). For Kwai Chung estate, the

distribution of lighting quality varies significantly across the building types and

spaces. A lack of sufficient lighting and ventilation in the kitchen and bathrooms

were a common observation, as surrounding high-rise apartments blocked

light. Common issues were windows placed within the visibility range from

neighbouring blocks causing a lack of privacy. As a result, most windows are

kept closed and covered using opaque materials such as shades and curtains for

better privacy, blocking light and ventilation into the housing units.

Furniture layouts also caused obstructions to light within residential units.

Some spaces had no windows at all, possibly for the purpose of storage,

but due to the lack of sufficient living space, such spaces were also used for

habitation. On most occasions, occupants used artificial lighting in these spaces

even during daytime. Lau (2006) described the various factors that affected the

quality of ventilation and daylighting within the residential units of Kwai Chung

estate were the size, number and positioning of windows, the floor area of

space, window floor area ratio, the shape of the room and depth of space from

window, internal reflectance of materials and finishes, the building footprint

shape, external obstructions, building orientation, obstructions caused by

neighbouring towers and distance between towers, external barriers to wind

and daylight such as hills and internal furniture layouts.

In comparison, ventilation and day lighting in Tai Koo Shing was much more

substantial. This is partly due to the location of the residential towers. Being built

ENvIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS


bedroom. Daylight provision was not of great importance for the residents, which

contrasts with the assumption that larger windows were always preferred in all

domestic living spaces (Gou, 2010). Curtains and blinds were commonly found

with 77% installing them in the bedroom, in order to improve their privacy (Li,

2010). Lau (2010) described how “The use of curtains could simply reflect that

most window design has not taken the orientation and visual privacy into the

design process and consideration”.


Tai Koo Shing comprises of terraces such as Horizon Gardens, Shing Fai Terrace,

and Kao Shan Terrace, which have podiums to provide a public space for their

residents that often including a swimming pool and children’s playground.

Podiums and sky gardens create a barrier from traffic and pollution. These

spaces also have a tendency to trap pollutants due to a lack of cross ventilation

and high building mass. Tai Koo Shing demonstrates limited open spaces, which

are located close to highways, roadways, and transport nodes, creating poor

environmental quality due to noise, dust and smoke emissions. The mixed-use

nature of High-rise residential estates in Hong Kong allows for better accessibility

to residents. However, the mixing and co-location of incompatible uses such as

housing, community, recreational and public spaces near commercial, industrial

and transport can sometimes have consequences on the physical quality of the

living environment. The main challenges within high-density living are largely

associated with environmental quality and social acceptability (Williams, 2000).

It can be argued that even if open spaces are provided within residential blocks

or outside in close proximity to homes, if the quality does not meet the demands

and satisfaction of its users, such open spaces may not be efficiently utilised.

Studies of open space satisfaction among residents of the Tai Koo Shing estate

by Coorey (2007) showed that satisfaction is primarily dependent on the

COMMUNAL AREAS

across the waterfront, there is less interference of light caused by surrounding

apartment blocks. Apartments on lower floors however, still tended to be

heavily overshadowed by adjacent structures, therefore receiving a reduced

level of daylight.

A study conducted on residents’ satisfactions and aspirations of high-rise living

in Hong Kong showed that better views, less noise and better air quality were

the major reasons for people to choose high-rise living (Lau, 2002). The higher

selling prices for apartments on higher floors were also attributed to better

environmental quality. This trend may seem to suggest that residents who

choose to live on higher floors are seeking to escape from the environmental

problems, since living on higher floors allows them to be further away from

the surface of the city. However, opting for taller buildings alone may not be a

solution to the problem.


Fig. 27Kwai Chung Estate Landscaped Open Spaces

Anonymous, (2005)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority

Fig. 28Kwai Chung Estate Common Area


physical qualities as opposed to its social qualities. For residents living at higher

densities, the physical qualities such as climatic comfort, maintenance, facilities

and provisions were identified as having important implications on their overall

satisfaction. Respondents living at lower densities were more inclined to

consider the social qualities such as safety, crowding, privacy and interaction

to have a higher implication on their open space satisfaction (Coorey, 2007).

This highlights the importance of environmental and social quality for optimum

satisfaction of open space within Tai Koo Shing. Such open spaces play a critical

role in the lives of residents, as it is their only means of escape from the

otherwise built up urban setting.

Environmental considerations also took place throughout the Kwai Chung

estate redevelopment, providing residents with a green and healthy living

environment. Previously, there had been a lack of green cover and trees,

contributing to poor micro climatic conditions in the outdoor spaces (Tan & Fwa,

1992). Due to the extremely compact nature of individual public dwelling units,

residents were forced to use these open spaces despite its poor environmental

quality. A study by Davies (1998) had shown that the most popular form of

recreation among Hong Kong residents is the use of passive local open spaces.

It was observed that the majority of users were the elderly and low-income

groups whose accessibility to district open spaces and country parks may be

limited. This led to an increase in the overall area of open space within the

estate from around 4.8 hectares to 7.5 hectares (Hong Kong Housing Authority,

2002). Designers specifically chose sites to allow the best possible use of open

spaces for residents of the district (Fig. 27). An adequate provision of open

space, greenery, vistas and visual corridors was a critical issue in the light of high

land prices and the general lack of space between and around tall buildings.

Open spaces and landscaping on podiums were design measures taken to

improve the perception of open spaces, views and greenery for residents within

Kwai Chung Estate (Fig. 28). The redevelopment works also led to a plantation

of 170,000 new plants and retention of 100 old trees in the estate. About 30%

of the estate area has been landscaped with a high standard of landscaping,

ample seating areas for the elderly and play facilities for children. (Hong Kong

Housing Authority, 2002). The amount of open space and common area in

the Kwai Chung estate is much more generous than that in private housing.

Public housing developments in Hong Kong are not subject to the statutory



Fig. 29Tai Chi in Public Space


In a city where convenience is valued the most, a central location with sea

views would be most desirable for many. However, the ever-changing skyline

of the Hong Kong means that the views and benefits of living at higher levels

cannot be guaranteed for long. A resident of Tai Koo Shing said “Because of the

population explosion, the view across the harbour and distant mountains from

my 17th floor apartment may be replaced with another apartment block in the

future, I think I’ll see people having breakfast in their dining room and I’ll be

able to wave hello to them” (CNN, 2011). In Hong Kong, it is not uncommon to

have an insight into a neighbour’s life. For this reason, similar to Kwai Chung

estate, many use screens or curtains for better privacy.

Though close proximity is common in Hong Kong, the social connections between

neighbours in private estates are not. Sociology professor Paul Yip from the

University of Hong Kong stated “People in Hong Kong do live very close to each

other, but they live in very confined areas and they might not know the name

of neighbours next door” (CNN, 2011). Particularly in the case of Tai Koo Shing,

residents are not very good at building connections between communities, due

to the design and limited communal space. On the other hand, residents of Kwai

Chung estate have generous amounts open space, as they are not subject to

the statutory floor area control mechanism. This has enhanced social relations

with other neighbours. Although individual public housing units of Kwai Chung

estates are more cramped and many residents have left to live in larger homes

of children who have prospered, Mrs Wong, an inhabitant of the estate says she

would never leave. “We have a really deep connection with this estate. Next

door there are people who have been here since the 1960’s too” (BBC, 2006).

Small interventions such as community gardening has also been integrated to

encourage residents of public housing estate to make the most of outdoor space.

“We grow vegetables, we grow plants. A lot of people come here and really

enjoy the process. People make friends, it helps build a better community. It’s

also a much healthier lifestyle for people here.” Said Angus Lee, a horticulturalist

SOCIAL CONDITIONS


floor area control mechanism. Land is allocated to the public housing authority

at favourable costs so there is no pressure on the public housing authority to

achieve an economical return on investment by decreasing the common area in

public housing estates (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002).


Fig. 31Childrens Playground


Fig. 30Integration with the Community


of the estate (BBC, 2006). Residents of all generations also naturally gather

every morning for Tai Chi in public spaces (Fig. 29). This is an aspect that is not

seen within private housing estates such as Tai Koo Shing. A resident of Tai Koo

Shing commented, “People only clear the snow in front of their own door… I

think it’s the culture of Hong Kong. Not only the culture of Tai Koo Shing. People

are concerned solely with their own affairs” (The Sociological Review, 2002).

Residents of private estates seem to have less of a community attachment and

incline to dwell in isolation within their private homes.

It can be seen that the design of the community helps to stimulate a collection

of factors, which enriches the sense of neighbourhood. Li (2008) stated “With an

ideal physical design of the residential community, an effective and more human

approach in space management provides a platform that effects the interaction

among actors of the community”. Similar to Kwai Ching estate, residents should

be provided with a suitable platform in the community. This would allow them

to interact with each other and experience the common feeling of being part of

the larger family within the community. This is particularly important in compact

cities like Hong Kong where most of the housing structures are in dense, urban

environments.


Hong Kong: Hectic Street LifeBhaskar, D. no date Available at: <http://www.tropicalisland.de/HKG%20Hong%20Kong%20Advertising.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

CONCLUSIONHong Kong is a unique, vertical city. Both public and private residential buildings

are typically situated within dense urban environments. These conditions stem

from the expanding population and economic expansion since the 1970’s,

which generated a huge demand for housing, though land remains limited to

only 21.8% of total developable land area (Wang & Lau, 2002).

For the majority of the seven million inhabitants, high-rise living is a fact of

life. Rooney (2009) described, “A major factor contributing to Hong Kong’s

citizens tolerance of density clearly lies with a deep-rooted conception that,

topographically land is difficult to develop, that developable land is expensive

and that high density, high rise living is the norm”. Rapoport (1975) noted that

a homogeneous population (Hong Kong) is more inclined to have a greater

tolerance of density than a heterogeneous population (Manhattan – New York)

in an equivalent density. This is because they take for granted certain clues

of interaction and behaviour and can therefore disregard others more easily

(Rapoport, 1975).

How high-rise residential space function, not only in terms of occupation, but

how the space is perceived as a lived-in space should be a major concern for the

architect. Rapoport (1975) supports that before density can be judged, it should

be ‘read’ through the specificity of physical and social relationships. In terms

of Hong Kong, if we are to better understand how as a homogeneous ethnic

population, citizens are able to cope with density, we are required to recognise

and appreciate how these signs of interaction influence the way they think of

space and how these are implicit in the experience of that space (Rooney, 2009).

One of the challenging aspects of attempting to link density with positive or

negative consequences is the tendency to make assumptions on how various

levels of density affect resident’s lives. There is no systematic evidence as to

whether higher densities affect everyone or most people the same, who is

affected, and to what extent they are affected (Yip, 2002). Fischer (1976) argued

that we do not know how much of an “average” urban resident’s life actually is

spent within high-density situations.

Reviewing the case studies offered an insight on how tall residential buildings

have had many social and environmental implications on the quality of living.

High-density housing does not necessarily equate to poor living conditions,

provided that additional policy controls are implemented to ensure this. This

may include sufficient communal space by integrating a certain percentage of

green site coverage as part of the guidelines (Im, 2009). Other effective systems

of density control must provide adequate day lighting conditions, ventilation

and good air quality, access, privacy, elimination of infectious diseases spreading

and space for amenities.

Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung estate are modular in both the plan and

prefabricated construction. Both the estates seem unrelated to its site and

context. This type of mono-function planning and architectural podium design

has resulted in housing developments to have an isolated relationship with the

city. Although in the case of Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung estate, other uses have

accompanied the housing, but for many other major housing estates, there is

no consideration of activities and physical elements that constitute a rich urban

environment (Crisman, 2009). Housing in Hong Kong has been thought of as a

distinct problem from overall planning. Crisman (2009) explained, “The single

most important factor for the government in determining housing location has

been the availability of unused land, without equal regard for the planning of

social services, commercial districts or employment”. This has caused repetitive

enclosed clusters of walled towns that function independently. On the other

hand, the street life of the city has evolved from this, creating a vibrant and rich

living and working environment, responding to residents’ needs for amenities

that the government neglected to provide.

When analysing the inhabitation of Hong Kong homes, it is interesting to find

how residents respond and behave, based on the architects’ design of the

residential space. It is a difficult task for the architect, as they are on unfamiliar

territory when dealing with the domestic space. Rooney (2009) explained,

“They attempt to make sense of the problem that is presented to them, and

which characteristically, they will try to make fit within the framework of their

professional knowledge, which in turn, is largely based on Western spatial

norms”. Architects know that the occupied space will alter and evolve long after

they have left. According to the occupants’ lifestyles, residents adjust and adapt

to the space to suit their own way of living. Decisions are made based on a

56 | Conclusion

57 | Conclusion

criteria, which designers may have never considered or understood (Rooney,

2009). An example of this was shown in Tai Koo Shing, where a resident who

often dined out used the kitchen as a storage area, diverging the function of the

kitchen from the traditional use.

In a city where the buildable land resources are scarce, high-rise residential

buildings operate as an optimal option to maximise development potentials and

best returns. The ‘home – work – play’ concept within Hong Kong housing estates

gives the residents efficiency, convenience and savings in time. Safe and vibrant

urban spaces have also been created within these neighbourhoods, providing a

good sense of social cohesion between residents. The intensification of mixed

land uses contributes to reduced travel time, therefore increasing productivity

and economic viability within the city (Wu, 2005). High-rise developments

provide a heuristic device to meet the housing demands for the increasing

population. But what matters most, is the underlying phenomenon that brought

success for Hong Kong. The city still manages to keeps the population relatively

healthy and cheerful, allowing citizens to enjoy short journeys to and from

work, enjoy leisure and spare time, but fundamentally, enjoying the excitement

and dynamic aspect of city life as a whole.

Hong Kong, where everything is closely packed together, is the perfect case of

a compact city. Previously, there was the assumption that it would never be

possible to reproduce the Hong Kong experience elsewhere (Manzini, 2003).

This was partially true as it was not easy to find other cities in the world where

the frantic life and working lifestyle of Hong Kong would be acceptable. Times

have now changed, making this assumption far less true than in the past (Sassen,

2000). The main reason is that density and service intensity is no longer unique

to Hong Kong. High-density living has become one of the most widely used ways

of organising urban space in a hyper-populated world. Service intensity will also

become the common denominator of every major city.

The typical model of residential development in Hong Kong that comprises of

the high-rise apartment towers with a podium at base level provides a platform

of compactness. They offer every kind of service to residents. The spread of

this typology that depends on service systems has created the organisation of

capacity, which is exportable and adaptable to other contexts. Manzini (2007)

explained, “Hong Kong expertise is developing a new and dynamic framework

58 | Conclusion

Fig. 33Hong Kong Night

Wolf, M. (2006)Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

Fig. 32Night Density

Wolf, M. (2006)Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]

59 | Conclusion

in conceiving, constructing and managing complex packages of building and

services that provide an interesting, exportable ‘Hong Kong made product’”.

The specific ways of Hong Kong living and the related services may be considered

as possible models for other metropolises of the world. “What today is specific

to the territory, tomorrow could be commonplace where high density and high

connectivity meet, and where Chinese and Western cultures mix” (Manzini,

2007). Hong Kong is now simultaneously a global and Chinese metropolis

(Domus, 2001). The extreme environment produced by the city can generate

powerful ideas, which may have the control to migrate and play a vital role in

the development path of other global cities. Consequently, Hong Kong can set

a precedent not only in the future of the place itself, but also in further cities.

Hong Kong: Compact CityAnonymous, no date Available at: <http://emywinchester.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/hong_kong_clear.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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videosBBC iPlayer, (2011) Retrieved in March 2011 from the World Wide Web:http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b00z8cw5/Working_Lives_Hong_Kong/

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