4. - burma library · l'alternative: constats, questions, espoirs (ahmed ben salah) . pour une...

.. 4. -- j-?i -91 international foundation for development alternatives

fundacion internacional para alternativas de desarrollo

fondation internationale pour un autre developpement

ifda dossier 34 , march/april 1983

BU I LD I NG BLOCKS/MATER I AUX . The world crisis and the challenge for the nonaligned (C. Raghavan)

Popular song, the recording industry and their alternative facets (Fernando Reyes Matta)

. Iran: Mythes et realitss d'une r6volution (Chahrokh Vaziri)

. New age world governance (William N. Ellis)

MARK1 NGS . Who can stop the apocalypse? (Rudolf Bahro)

INTERACTIONS . L'alternative: Constats, questions, espoirs (Ahmed Ben Salah) . Pour une sortie 5 gauche de la crise (Samir Amin) . Under conditions of humanquake (Robert Jungk) . Jobs for tomorrow, the potential for substituting manpower

for energy (Walter R. Stahel & GeneviSve Reday-Mulvey) . Problsmes d'information en Afrique (Maryse Cond6) . Sri Lanka: The young females cheapest of the cheap Third

World labour (Feizal Samath) . Aid to Marcos' Philippines backfiring, new study charges

NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM . IFDA: new officers . Alternative Nobel prize . India: a citizen report on the environment . Indigenous people challenge transnationals on resource development

MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION

executive committee : ismoi'i-sabri abdalia. ahmed ben salah, gamani coreo, mahbub u l haq, enrique iglesias, jan meljer, marc nerfin (president), ignacy sachs, Juan somovia, maurice f. strong, Inga thorsson

co-chairmen 1981-1962 fernando henrique cardoso, ernst michanek

secretariat 2, place du march&, ch-1260 nyon switzeriand ; telephone 41 (22) 61 82 82 ; telex 28 840 ifda ch rome office : 207 via ponisperna, 00184 rome, Italy ; telephone 39(6) 679 96 22 (direct) and 48 56 92 (standard)

EDITORIAL

WHERE CHANGE BEG I N S

Before May '68 blossomed in Paris, the 60s were the years of the Greening of America' as Charles Reich put it in a then No. 1 bestseller I/. They were also the years during which the postwar baby-boom generation started to pass through college, a generation now approaching maturity, authority and power. This encourages Duane Elgin, in a recent book 2/, to make a rather bold assumption: the counter-culture of the 60s, the sub- culture of the 70s, 'offers, at least, the potential of becoming the dominant cultural orientation' of the 80s and beyond.

In spite of historical and cultural differences, this may also apply to Western Europe, where the 'movement' is gaining philosophical and political strength (see, for instance, in this issue of the Dossier, the text of Rudolf Bahro's speech in Stockholm, pp.51-64). There is however an obvious question: in which direction will the movement continue to grow? The risk is that it abandons itself to the old political games. It would then be co-opted by the existing order and we would end up with new masks on TV but, for what matters, just more of the same.

If there is hope, it is because what may have changed, in significant groups of the generation reaching 'responsibility', is the approach to life and the way to live. They seem to have chosen to be rather than to have. May they be numerous enough to become the salt of the earth... This is in fact what Elgin's book is about, as its title suggests: Voluntary simplicity - An ecological lifestyle that promotes personal and social renewal: His message - as that of other books mentioned in a new section of the Dossier's footnotes, Inner space - is about a simple and fundamental thing: we do not have to wait for change to change. We may start with what is within our reach: ourselves as individuals and as groups. And if, having changed, we manage to change society as well, then the old patterns may be broken for ever and the change be for good: the 'genetic code' of the new age is the same as that of the agents of change.

We can't lose: change in self is immediately gratifying, and it will help and shape societal future.

l/ Charles A. Reich, The ~ r e e n i n g of America (New York: Bantam Books, - 1971), 434 pp.

21 See Footnotes, p. 94.

IFDA DOSSIER 34 , MARCH/APRIL 1983 BU I LD I NG BLOCKS

THE WORLD C R I S I S AND THE CHALLENGE FOR THE NONALIGNED

by Chakravarthi Raghavan Inter Press Service Third World News Agency Room C-504 Palais des Nations 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland

Original language: English

Abstract: The seventh summit of Nonaligned nations at Delhi comes at a moment of world crisis - economic, social, political and security. The crisis in the economy, already at Great Depression levels in the Third World, the current level of integration (and transnationalisation) of the world economy and the asymmetric inter-dependence of countries and sectors, the EastIWest tensions and Using levels of armaments and nuclear armaments, and the inability and unwillingness of the rich industrial countries, prevent fashioning of new instruments to deal with the crisis and avert a repetition of the 1930s. The factors that pulled &he world out of that crisis - the war and postwar instruments - are not viable now. War will destroy everything, and armaments divert resources from restructuring and harm the economy. The US hegemony that enforced a post-war order of sorts is no longer there. With the North determined to block restructuring, the Nonaligned and the Third World can either drift down helplessly or adopt alternative policies of collective self-reliance to meet the crisis and save their peoples and newly won independence.

LA CRISE MONDIALE ET LE DEFI AUX NON-ALIGN~S

Resume: Le 7 h e sommet des pays non-align6s se reunit 5 Delhi alors que la crise mondiale affectetous les domaines: l'economie, la soci6t6, la politique, la securite. La crise economique, qui atteint dej2 les niveaux de la depression de 1929 dans Ie Tiers Monde, Ie niveau actuel dqint6gration (et de transnationalisation) de l'economie mondiale et l1interd6pendance asyme- trique des pays et des secteurs, la tension Est-Ouest et l'armement, notamment nucleaire, de meme que l'incapacite et l'absence de volonte des pays industrialises, tout cela empzche la mise au point de nouveaux instruments pour faire face 5 la crise et eviter la repetition de ce qui s'est passe dans les annees 30. Les facteurs qui ont alors tire Ie monde hors de la crise - la guerre et la reconstruction qui 1'a suivie - ne sont pas une reponse. La guerre detruirait tout tandis que les armements detournent les ressourcesdela restructuration et nuisent 2 l'economie. LVh6g6monie des USA, garante de l'ordre d'apriis 1945, a disparu. Le Nord etant determine 2 eviter une restructuration, les Non-alignes et Ie Tiers Monde peuvent soit se laisser aller 2 la derive soit adopter d'autres politiques tendant 5 leur autonomie collective de manisre 5 faire face 5 la crise et sauver leurs peuples et leur independance.

(Resumen en Espanol pag. 16).

Chakravar th i Raghavan

THE UORLD C R I S I S AND THE CHALLENGE FOR THE MONALIGNED

The seventh summit o f t he Nonal igned coun t r i es , a t D e l h i i n March, comes a t a t ime o f profound wor ld c r i s i s - p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l . Each o f i t s elements, viewed i n i s o l a t i o n , may l ead t o complacency: t h i n g s have been worse be fo re ! But cumu la t i ve l y - and each feed upon and i n t e r a c t w i t h the o t h e r s - t h e wor ld has perhaps never been worse o f f be fo re i n r e c e n t h i s t o r y . East/West p01 i t i c a l tens ions show no abatement. The armaments race, and nuc lea r armaments more p a r t i c u l a r l y , i s on a new th resho ld of es- c a l a t i o n , i f t h i s has n o t a l ready begun, and t h e dangers o f a nuc lea r war have increased. And i f t h e r e be one, i t w i l l n o t be l i m i t e d b u t t o t a l , and w i l l des t roy much o f East and West, and t h e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s o f much o f modern i n d u s t r i a l c i v i l i s a t i o n . Only the poor i n the coun t r ys ide o f t h e T h i r d World, whom development has passed by and who a r e ek ing o u t subs is- tence l i v i n g , may su rv i ve . But even t h a t may be doub t fu l , as severa l o f these coun t r i es , pu rpo r ted l y nonal igned, a r e themselves becoming nuc l ear t a r g e t s because o f t h e f a c i l i t i e s they p rov ide one s i d e o r another .

The wor ld economy i s i n c r i s i s . I t has been i n v i r t u a l s tagna t i on s i n c e 1975, and under prolonged recess ion s ince 1980. Every group o f c o u n t r y has been a f fec ted , and even t h e s o c i a l i s t s who once boasted they were i n s u l a t e d from the c r i s i s of cap i ta l i sm, f i n d themselves bu f fe ted .

For two years now, w o r l d ou tpu t and t rade have stagnated and/or f a l l e n , and no recovery i s i n s i g h t . I n f l a t i o n has been brought down, b u t o n l y a t h i g h s o c i a l costs , f a l l i n o u t p u t and soa r ing unemployment - now p r o j e c t e d t o reach 35 m i l l i o n s i n t h e OECD area by 1984. I t i s n o t expected t o move downward even i f - and i t i s a b i g ' I F ' - growth p i c k s up i n 1983. The counter - p a r t o f i t i n the s o c i a l i s t wo r ld i s s c a r c i t y of consumer goods. Unemployment and pove r t y i s so endemic t o the T h i r d World t h a t l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n i s p a i d t o i t . But w i t h the p resen t f a l l i n pe r c a p i t a incomes i n r e a l terms over t h e l a s t two years i n t he T h i r d World ( w i t h ve ry few except ions) , t h e r e i s every danger o f p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l breakdowns.

The s t r u c t u r a l na tu re of t he c r i s i s i s now accepted on a l l hands. I t i s such t h a t no recovery i s p o s s i b l e o r f e a s i b l e w i t h o u t concer ted and s imu l - taneous n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l a c t i o n s t o b r i n g about s t r u c t u r a l reforms - w i t h i n n a t i o n s and i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic r e l a t i o n s . The s ta lemate and deadlock n o t o n l y i n t he North/South d ia logue, b u t even i n Nor th /Nor th r e l a t i o n s - as witnessed by the d i s a r r a y a t t h e GATT M i n i s t e r i a l meet ing and the r i s i n g p r o t e c t i o n i s m and recourse t o pre-war B i l a t e r a l ism - i s now so complete t h a t t h e r e a re no immediate prospects o f concer ted i n t e r n a t i o n a l ac t i ons .

Dur ing t h e i r golden years of p r o s p e r i t y , t he i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o t h e needs o f t he T h i r d World - a few crumbs i n t he shape o f inadequate ' o f f i c i a l development a i d ' , general i z e d scheme o f pre ferences and t h e l i k e were s c a t t e r e d around, b u t nowhere nea r ing t h e massive needs

t o suppo r t development. I n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s a r e even l e s s w i l l i n g t o do so now, and a r e c a l l i n g f o r pa t i ence w h i l e t h e y combat t h e i r own economic c r i s i s and resume growth. Even if t h i s be poss ib le , and they resume growth, t h e t r i c k l e - d o w n b e n e f i t s would be no more e f f e c t i v e i n t h e f u t u r e , as t hey were n o t i n t h e pas t . G loba l n e g o t i a t i o n s and North-South d ia logue f o r NIEO, envisaged i n t h e 70s, appear t o be w a i t i n g a decent b u r i a l , hav ing been abo r ted f rom t h e s t a r t .

Th i s leaves t h e T h i r d World w i t h no o t h e r o p t i o n than s e l f - r e l i a n c e and mutual he lp . T h e i r masses have been so l o n g a t o r below subs i s tence l e v e l s t h a t n o t h i n g worse c o u l d b e f a l l then. Bu t t h e i r e l i t i s t l eade rs , c l i n g i n g t o t h e i r l i n k a g e s w i t h t h e N o r t h w i l l be t h e ones who w i l l l o s e most, un less t hey change course.

From t h e beg inn ing t h e Nonal igned movement and t h e Group o f 77 have func- t i o n e d i n tandem. A l l t h e nona l i gned a r e members o f t h e G-77. Many o t h e r s i n t h e G-77, e s p e c i a l l y f rom t h e L a t i n American reg ion , a r e observers w i t h i n t h e Nonal igned movement. 'On ly a few o f t h e G-77 a r e f o r m a l 1 1 connected w i t h t h e East/West a l l i a n c e s . A t f i r s t t h e G-77 were concerned w i t h d e t a i l s o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic i ssues i n t h e Nor th /South area, and t h e Nonal igned p rov ided t h e p o l i t i c a l t h r u s t and suppo r t ! Bu t t h e Nonal igned, o r a t l e a s t t h e p r i n c i p a l ones among them, a l s o t a l k e d o f s e l f - r e 1 i ance and mutual coope ra t i on . I n c r e a s i n g l y , s i n c e t h e m i d 70s, t h e y have p rov ided t h e p o l i t i - c a l t h r u s t f o r T h i r d World C o l l e c t i v e S e l f - r e l i a n c e through Economic Co- o p e r a t i o n among Nonal igned and o t h e r Deve lop ing Coun t r i es . The G-77 have pursued t h i s th rough Mexico, Arusha and Caracas d e c i s i o n s and programmes. Whi le some among t h e Nonaligned, a t l e a s t i n theory , have l ooked upon s e l f - r e l i a n c e as an o b j e c t i v e i n i t s e l f , t h e movement as a whole, and t h e G-77 more so, have seen c o l l e c t i v e s e l f - r e l i a n c e m a i n l y as a l eve rage f o r nego- t i a t i o n s w i t h t h e N o r t h t o b r i n g about d e s i r e d changes i n w o r l d economic r e l a t i o n s . A t Havana t h e r e was a q u a l i t a t i v e change o f s o r t s when t h e Non- a l i g n e d c a l l f o r G loba l N e g o t i a t i o n s became p o s s i b l e o n l y i n t h e c o n t e x t o f d e c i s i o n s f o r ECDC and f u r t h e r a n c e o f c o l l e c t i v e s e l f - r e l i a n c e . S ince Havana, t h e G-77 have been v a i n l y t r y i n g a t t h e UN t o launch Globa l Nego- t i a t i o n s . If ever these a r e launched, i t would be on terms t h a t l e a v e i n t a c t t h e power and h o l d o f t h e i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e U n i t e d S ta tes , over t he B r e t t o n Woods system, i f i t s t i l l i s one.

I f t h e D e l h i summit c o u l d r e s u l t i n more emphasis t o and a c t i o n s on ECDC and C o l l e c t i v e Se l f -Re l i ance and l e s s t o ' p l e a s ' t o t h e N o r t h f o r G loba l Nego t i a t i ons , i t would be a s t e p fo rward . T h i s would n o t mean abandoning t h e i dea of a r e s t r u c t u r e d wor ld , o r f r u i t l e s s s e c t o r a l n e g o t i a t i o n s o f t h e 70s, o r acquiesence w i t h t h e v iew ' recovery f i r s t and r e s t r u c t u r i n g l a te r ' . I t would j u s t be a r e s o l v e t o r e s t r u c t u r e themselves th rough ECDC, however d i f f i c u l t , and make t h e Nor th r e a l i s e t h a t changes would t a k e p l a c e anyway and i t i s b e t t e r t o do so th rough Nor th /South n e g o t i a t i o n s .

When t h e Nonal igned c o u n t r i e s met f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e i n 1961 a t Be lgrade t o launch t h e movement, t h e r e were 25 c o u n t r i e s p resen t . S ince then t h e i r ranks have swel led , and t h e r e a r e 98 f u l l p a r t i c i p a n t s , i n c l u d i n g t h e two l i b e r a t i o n movements - t h e PLO and SWAPO. Bu t w h i l e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y

broaden ing t h e area o f nonal ignment, t h e movement has a l s o been d i f f u s e d .

Nonal ignment began as a p o l i t i c a l movement w i t h t h e major c r i t e r i a o f n o t be ing a l i g n e d i n Great Power a l l i a n c e s and East/West c o n f l i c t s , and aimed a t e n l a r g i n g t h e area o f n o n - c o n f l i c t . Whi le t h e o r e t i c a l l y s t i l l so, today t h e movement r e f l e c t s w i t h i n i t s e l f t h e e n t i r e spectrum o f East/West con- f l i c t s , w i t h seve ra l members f u n c t i o n i n g i n s i d e as p rox ies o f t h e Great Powers and Super-powers o u t s i d e . The Nonal igned, o r i g i n a l l y i n tended t o be an area o f peace and n o n - c o n f l i c t , i n c o n t r a s t t o t h e NATO/Warsaw Pact area o f c o l d war t h r e a t e n i n g t o become ho t , i s i t s e l f now t h e arena o f c o n f l i c t s and wars, many i n s t i g a t e d and f u r t h e r e d f rom ou ts ide .

A t Havana i n 1979, when t h e admission o f a few members/observers was an issue, a f t e r t h e p r e p a r a t o r y meet ing o f t h e Fo re ign M i n i s t e r s , a p a r t i c i p a n t was asked by newsmen about t h e outcome. "Oh, we admi t t ed everyone", he r e p l i e d . "We were i n such a mood t h a t i f t h e U n i t e d S ta tes had a p p l i e d , we m igh t have admi t t ed them as w e l l ! ' '

The o r i g i n a l f i v e c r i t e r i a l a i d down f o r membership were: ( 1 ) independent ( f o r e i g n ) p o l i c y based on co-ex is tence o f s t a t e s w i t h d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l systems and on nonal ignment, o r showing a t r e n d i n f avou r o f such a p o l i c y ; .(2) c o n s i s t e n t suppo r t t o movements f o r n a t i o n a l independence; (3 ) non-membership i n a mu1 t i l a t e r a l m i l i t a r y a l l i a n c e concluded i n t h e con- t e x t o f Great Power c o n f l i c t s ; (4 ) any b i l a t e r a l m i l i t a r y agreement w i t h a Great Power o r membership i n a r e g i o n a l defence p a c t shou ld n o t be i n t h e c o n t e x t o f Great Power c o n f l i c t s ; and, ( 5 ) any m i l i t a r y base t o a f o r e i g n power shou ld n o t be i n t h e c o n t e x t o f Great Power c o n f l i c t s . l / -

These c r i t e r i a have n o t changed, b u t t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and a p p l i c a t i o n have, so t h a t perhaps a q u a r t e r o f t h e membership now have one k i n d o r o t h e r o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e Great Powers and p r o v i d e m i l i t a r y - r e l a t e d f a c i l i t i e s o f one s o r t o r another t o t h e Great Powers. Whether avowed o r no t , these a r e p a r t o f t h e East-West c o n f l i c t s . The i n t e n t i o n s o f t h e coun t r y concerned may n o t be an arrangement ' i n t h e c o n t e x t o f Great Power c o n f l i c t s ' , and more an a t t emp t t o f o r t i f y o n e s e l f i n terms o f r e g i o n a l c o n f l i c t s o r d i spu tes ( w i t h o t h e r nona l igned members), o r an even more mundane a t t emp t t o g e t economic a i d f o r onese l f . Bu t t h e Grea t Powers i n v o l v e d - whether t h e two Superpowers o r t h e m ino r western Great Powers, UK and France - a r e u s i n g t h e f a c i l i t i e s no more and no l e s s than i n terms o f t h e East/West c o n f l i c t and t h e i r g l o b a l s t r a t e g i e s .

I n t h e l a t e 50s and e a r l y 60s, when NATO t a l k e d o f ex tend ing i t s r o l e t o areas beyond Europe and t h e N o r t h A t l a n t i c , v i a SEATO and CENTO, t o o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e wo r ld , t h e r e was an o u t c r y f rom t h e e n t i r e nona l igned w o r l d t h a t p u t a s t o p t o it. Over t h e l a s t few years , ex tens ion o f NATO and i t s a l l i a n c e p l a n n i n g - whether t o South A t l an t i c ,Wes t As ia andMedi ter ranean, o r t h e G u l f and I n d i a n Ocean/Pac i f i c - have aroused no such ou tc ry , b u t i s p roceed ing w i t h t h e acquiesence o f seve ra l o f t h e nona l igned.

The o r i g i n a l concepts o f nonal ignment have been d i l u t e d t o ' n e u t r a l i t y ' , and n e u t r a l i t y l e a n i n g t o one s i d e o r another . Th i s was perhaps i n a sense i n e v i t a b l e . Whi le some o f t h e o r i g i n a t o r s o f t h e movement saw t h e nonal ignment p o l i c y o f t h e i r c o u n t r i e s as p a r t o f a t t emp ts a t autonomous

development f o r s o c i a l and economic independence through use o f i ns t rumen ts o f p o l i t i c a l independence, o t h e r s who j o i n e d over t h e 60s and 70s - seve ra l w i t h a weak s i n g l e commodity economy o r , worse, dependent on s e r v i c e s e c t o r s l i k e t ou r i sm o r p r o v i d i n g a haven f o r TNCs escaping r i g o u r s o f t h e i r domes- t i c laws - saw i n nonal ignment a way o f p l a y i n g East a g a i n s t West o r v i c e versa t o g e t a i d and economic b e n e f i t s .

There was n o t h i n g immoral o r i n h e r e n t l y wrong i n such an approach. Bu t w i t h t h e change i n East/West equat ions and i n t h e w o r l d economic scene, t h e leeway t h a t these c o u n t r i e s saw has been g r a d u a l l y reduced, f o r themselves and f o r t h e movement as a whole. To be e f f e c t i v e aga in i n t h e p resen t w o r l d s i t u a t i o n , t h e movement and i t s f r i e n d s shou ld ana lyse t h e b a s i c r o o t s o f nonal ignment, and t r y t o app l y some o f t h e concepts t o t h e p resen t .

The found ing f a t h e r s o f nonal ignment a r e g e n e r a l l y acknowledged t o be: I n d i a ' s Nehru, Egyp t ' s Nasser, Ghana's Nkrumah, I n d o n e s i a ' s Soekarno, and Yugos lav ia ' s T i t o . Each had chosen nonal ignment i n terms o f t h e i r c o u n t r y ' s needs. Nkrumah and Soekarno had perhaps a more r e g i o n a l approach, w h i l e Nehru, Nasser and T i t o had a more g l o b a l approach, p a r t l y because o f t h e i r pe rcep t i ons o f t h e s t r a t e g i c l o c a t i o n s o f t h e i r c o u n t r i e s i n terms o f g l o b a l g o e p o l i t i c s .

C h r o n o l o g i c a l l y , I n d i a under Nehru was t h e f i r s t t o choose and p r o c l a i m an independent f o r e i g n p o l i c y . 2/ Bu t t h e r o o t s o f t h e p o l i c y o r i g i n a t e d i n t h e I n d i a n Independence movement t h a t began under Mahatma Gandhi f rom 1919. From i n c e p t i o n i t was a s t r u g g l e t h a t went f a r beyond one f o r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l independence and over throw o f f o r e i g n r u l e . I t had a b a s i c s o c i a l and economic con ten t . I t was t h e g r i n d i n g p o v e r t y o f t h e I n d i a n masses, and t h e cause seen t o be B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l r u l e over I n d i a , t h a t b rought Gandhi t o t h e l e a d e r s h i p o f t h e I n d i a n Na t i ona l Congress and t h e freedom s t r u g g l e . Gandhi and Nehru worked as a team, and t h e former, though t h e unequest ioned l eade r , o f t e n bowed t o t h e wisdom o f t h e younger man i n h i s pe rcep t i ons o f t h e o u t s i d e wor ld . Gandh i 's H ind Swaraj was n o t mere ly a p o l i t i c a l mani- f e s t o f o r mass non -v io len t non-cooperat ion. H i s economic and s o c i a l ph i l osophy and i dea o f v i l l a g e autonomy and l o c a l resource-based development predated by seve ra l decades ideas now evocated i n movements f o r deve l - opment a1 t e r n a t i v e s . - 3/

Nehru brought t o bear i n t o t h e con ten t o f Congress i deo logy bo th h i s S o c i a l i s t ( pa r t -Marx ian i n ana l ys i s , b u t more l e a n i n g t o Fab ian s o c i a l i s m ) , and o v e r a l l g l o b a l pe rcep t i ons . As e a r l y as 1927, Nehru had fo rmu la ted t h e i dea o f ' Independent Fo re ign P o l i c y ' f o r f r e e I n d i a , unencumbered by any a l l i a n c e w i t h B r i t a i n ( t h e n c e n t r e o f w o r l d c a p i t a l i s m and imper ia l i sm) . 4/ A t t h a t t i m e i t s e l f , he foresaw t h e r i s e o f US imper ia l i sm, t h e a l l i a n c e between B r i t i s h and American i m p e r i a l i s m t o dominate t h e w o r l d (Note 4, p.281), t h e Chinese Communist r e v o l u t i o n (bu t n o t wholly on l i n e s l a i d down by Marx), t h e Danger o f World War, and England becoming a s a t e l l i t e o f t h e US and i n c i t i n g US I m p e r i a l i s m and c a p i t a l i s m t o f i g h t by h e r s i d e (pp.291- 292). He saw B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l r u l e ove r I n d i a as p a r t o f andeven neces- s i t a t i n g B r i t i s h I m p e r i a l i s m over A f r i c a and As ia , and t h e I n d i a n freedom

s t r u g g l e as p a r t o f freedom s t r u g g l e o f a l l c o l o n i a l peoples (pp.271-275). Whi le sympathet ic t o t h e S o v i e t Union and i t s s o c i a l i s t pa th , he a l s o viewed bo lshev ism and fasc i sm (Musso l i n i was a l ready i n power) as 'ways o f t he West t oday ' and r e p r e s e n t i n g ' d i f f e r e n t ways of i nsensa te v i o l e n c e and i n t o l e r a n c e ' , w i t h t h e cho i ce f o r I n d i a be ing between ' L e n i n and M u s s o l i n i on one s i d e and Gandhi on t h e o t h e r ' (p. 210). He saw t h e Russian t h r e a t t o I n d i a as caused o n l y by t h e presence o f t h e B r i t i s h i n I n d i a , and hence viewed n o n - a l l i a n c e w i t h B r i t a i n as i n I n d i a ' s i n t e r e s t (p.360). w h i l e Nehru 's post- independence p01 i c y was shaped by events too , t h e b a s i c p h i l o - soph i ca l r o o t s l a y i n pre-independence days, and h i s o v e r a l l o u t l o o k i n f l u e n c e d much o f c o l o n i a l peoples and t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p as t hey emerged i n t o independence and nonal ignment i n those e a r l y yea rs .

Yugoslavia, under T i t o , began as p a r t o f t h e Moscow-led Cominform, b u t broke away f rom Moscow on an independent path . I r o n i c a l l y , i n t h e l i g h t o f l a t e r c l ose r e l a t i o n s h i p s between I n d i a and Yugoslavia, when t h e l a t t e r was s t i l l a member o f t h e Cominform, i t was a Yugoslav member o f t h e Cominform secre- t a r i a t 51 who conveyed t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and a p p l i c a t i o n t o I n d i a n c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e Zhdanov t h e s i s t h a t l e d (soon a f t e r independence) t o t h e Communist P a r t y o f I n d i a (CPI) denouncing Nehru as an i m p e r a l i s t agent and l aunch ing an i n s u r r e c t i o n i s t movement - l e a d i n g Nehru perhaps t o l ean more towards t h e West i n t h e e a r l y days o f I n d i a n Independence. $1 It was o n l y i n 1951152 b e f o r e h i s death t h a t S t a l i n changed h i s v iews about I n d i a , and t h e CPI p o l i c y l i n e was changed. When T i t o b roke w i t h Cominform, and a l l i a n c e w i t h t h e West was n o t v i a b l e , he saw m e r i t i n nonal ignment and q u i c k l y embraced t h a t concept and pushed i t fo rward v i g o r o u s l y abroad.

Egyp t ' s nonal ignment under Nasser was a r e a c t i o n t o t h e feuda l regime o f K ing Faruq and t h e A r a b - I s r a e l i c o n f l i c t and t h e US r o l e i n suppo r t o f I s r a e l . And, when i n 1956 D u l l e s a b r u p t l y w i thdrew o f f e r o f a i d t o Aswan, and t h e Sov ie tscame i n w i t h a i d , Nasser looked w i t h g r e a t e r goodw i l l t o Moscow.

Each o f these l e a d e r ' s l ean ings i n EastIWest i ssues o f t h a t day c o u l d be unders tood o n l y i n terms of compulsions o f t h e i r c o u n t r y ' s n a t i o n a l i n t e r - e s t s . Bu t a l l t h r e e were i n t e n s e l y n a t i o n a l i s t and s t e a d f a s t i n t h e i r d e s i r e f o r and d e t e r m i n a t i o n t o pursue p o l i c i e s t h a t would ensure autonomy o f a c t i o n f o r t h e i r c o u n t r i e s - and t h e impera t i ves o f w o r l d peace i n t h i s r e - gard u n i t e d a l l o f them.

T i t o ' s Yugos lav ia was a m a r x i s t s t a t e , b u t moving away f rom S t a l i n i s t r i g i d i t y t o l i b e r a l i s a t i o n and s e l e c t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n o f market p h i l o s o p h i e s . Nehru as a s t r o n g b e l i e v e r i n s o c i a l i s m had s t a r t e d as e a r l y as 1937 ( b e f o r e independence) a N a t i o n a l P lann ing Committee t h a t l e d t o planned development a f t e r independenccwhich e s s e n t i a l l y p u t t h e c o u n t r y on t h e pa th o f bour - geo ise c a p i t a l i s t development, b u t autonomous c a p i t a l i s m . Egypt under Nasser moved a g r e a t dea l more towards c e n t r a l p l ann ing . Bu t i n t o t a l i t y , a l l t h r e e c o u n t r i e s f o l l o w e d what has now come t o be known as 'mixed economics' , w i t h i m p o r t a n t s t a t e and p u b l i c s e c t o r r o l e s . The newly indepen den t c o u n t r i e s of t h e 50s and 60s chose nonal ignment abroad, and domest ic p o l i c i e s of mixed economies, d i c t a t e d by t h e i r own i n d i v i d u a l c i rcumstances

and, sometimes p r e d i l i c t i o n s o f t h e i r leaders . The ph i l osophy of t h e movement as a whole was guided by these sent iments , and sought f a s t development o f t h e i r peoples, ca t ch ing up w i t h i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s , and i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e i r c o u n t r i e s i n t o t h e w o r l d economy.

The development models, whatever t h e e x t e n t and r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n t h e i r n a t i o n a l economies, were the l i n e a r growth models o f t he West. Whi le p o l i t i - c a l l y a l o o f f rom East/West a1 l iances, t hey were a11 members o f t h e Washing- t o n - l e d B r e t t o n Woods/GATT systems.

They saw the e x t e r n a l environment as c o n s t r i c t i n g and a f f e c t i n g t h e i r n a t i o n a l development e f f o r t s , and t o t h a t e x t e n t sought re forms i n t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l system. It was o n l y a t A l g i e r s i n 1973 t h a t t h e nona l igned moved beyond t h i s t o f o rmu la te a broader approach: t hey viewed t h e B r e t t o n Woods system (which had by then broken down anyway) i t s e l f as s e r v i n g t h e i n t e r e s t s o f 'some developed c o u n t r i e s ' , asse r ted sove re ign ty over t h e i r n a t u r a l resources, denounced t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e T ransna t i ona l co rpo ra t i ons , and c a l l e d f o r e l a b o r a t i o n by t he UN o f t h e 'Charter o f Economic R igh ts and Du t i es o f S t a t e s ' .

But what has been l a c k i n g perhaps i n a l l t h e e f f o r t s i s a fundamental a n a l y s i s o f t h e postwar f a c t o r s i n t h e w o r l d economy: t h e process o f t r a n s - n a t i o n a l i s a t i o n o f t h e w o r l d economy t h a t has l e d t o t h e p resen t s t a t e o f wo r l d c a p i t a l accumula t ion and t h e c r i s i s o f c a p i t a l i s m . For, t h e t r a n s - n a t i o n a l i s a t i o n o f c a p i t a l , l abou r , consumption, and o f c u l t u r e and i n f o r - ma t i on t o f u r t h e r these, has been t h e pa th th rough which t h e i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e fo rmer c o l o n i a l economies i n t o t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c a p i t a l i s t system has been sought t o be achieved, and i s a t t h e r o o t o f t h e c u r r e n t c r i s i s . As a r e s u l t o f t h i s process, governments, even o f t h e v e r y power fu l c o u n t r i e s , have v i r t u a l l y l o s t t h e power - and have themselves weakened t h e ins t ruments f o rged i n t h e wake o f t he exper ience o f t h e 30s - t o i n f l u e n c e events. The TNCs and t h e i r cong lomerat ion - i n t e r l i n k e d i n commerce, i n d u s t r y , t ech - nology, and bank ing and f i n a n c e ( e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r t h e breakdown o f t h e B r e t t o n Woods system i n 1971 and t h e emergence o f t h e predominant r o l e o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r i v a t e l i q u i d i t y ) - a re a b l e t o t h w a r t a c t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l governments t o p r o t e c t t h e i r peoples and t h e i r economies. - 7 /

This i s a t t h e h e a r t o f t he s t r u c t u r a l c r i s i s i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy and i s s p i l l i n g over and feed ing on t h e p o l i t i c a l and s e c u r i t y problems o f t h e wo r ld .

On t h e f a c e o f it, t h e c u r r e n t recess ion i n w o r l d economy appears t o be l e s s severe t han t h a t d u r i n g t h e Great Depression. Unemployment now runn ing a t t e n pe rcen t ( though r i s i n g s h a r p l y ) i s l e s s t han i n t h e 30s when i t was about 30 pe rcen t . The f a l l i n i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t i s about t e n pe rcen t compared t o t h e 30-40 percent i n t h e 30s. Real i n t e r e s t r a t e s however a r e about as h i g h as i n t h e e a r l y 30s, and bus iness f a i l u r e s i n r e c e n t months have r i s e n t o about t h e l e v e l s o f t h e 30s, b u t a r e perhaps sma l l e r as a p ro - p o r t i o n o f t o t a l business p o p u l a t i o n now.

Bu t these i n d i c a t o r s a r e decept ive , and based on s u p e r f i c i a l comparisons of t h e OECD economies a lone.

There a r e no r e a l e s t i m a t i o n s o f t h e poor and unemployed i n t h e T h i r d World i n t h e 30s, and no accu ra te f i g u r e s o r e s t i m a t i o n s even now. Bu t t h e ILO pu ts t h e f i g u r e o f persons w i t h o u t r e g u l a r j obs o r income i n t h e T h i r d World a t 500 m i l l i o n , w h i l e t h e World Bank es t ima tes o f number i n a b s o l u t e pove r t y i s p u t a t 800 m i l l i o n and r i s i n g .

Other i n d i c a t o r s suggest t h a t t h e T h i r d World i s now i n as bad a shape as d u r i n g t h e Great Depre;>;>iun. I n red1 Leniis (nominal pr ii-es i-or re i - ted for u n i t va lue changes o f manufactured impor t s o f T h i r d World f rom t h e i ndus - t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s ) , e x p o r t comnodity p r i c e s a r e a t o r c l o s e t o t h e a11- t ime lows o f 1932, and t h e f a l l from peak t o t r ough (1925 t o 1932 and 1970 t o 1980) a r e t h e same. The r e a l i n t e r e s t burden o f t h e T h i r d World ( r e a l i n t e r e s t c o s t s combined w i t h f a l l i n g p r i c e s f o r e x p o r t s ) a t 33 pe rcen t i n 1982 i s about t h e same as i n 1932. The sharp f a l l and then s t o p t o c a p i t a l f l ows i n t h e 30s, coup led w i t h r i s i n g deb t s e r v i c e r a t i o s , l e d t o deb t r e p u d i a t i o n s ( i n L a t i n America wh ich was f ree and d i d so, as a l s o i n Europe) and t h e l i q u i d i t y c r i s i s . C a p i t a l f l o w s now have n o t y e t stopped, b u t t h e r e i s a sharp f a l l now, and-suspens ion o f deb t payments a r e i n c r e a s i n g i n f r e - quency, though t o t a l debt r e p u d i a t i o n s o f t h e 30s a r e y e t t o occu r . I n t h e 30s, much o f A f r o a s i a was under c o l o n i a l r u l e , w h i l e L a t i n America was t h e o r e t i c a l l y f r e e . Bu t a l l o f them su f fe red . Bu t t h e i r r e l a t i v e non- i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e w o r l d economy spared them t o o perhaps, and i t s impact on t h e i n d u s t r i a l c o u n t r i e s was l e s s , t h e i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s f e e l i n g t h e e f f e c t s more o f t h e i r own i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s . Bu t t h e Great Depress ion a l s o enab led L a t i n America, and even c o l o n i a l I n d i a and t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , t o embark on some amount o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Now t h e r e l a t i v e l y g r e a t e r , though h i g h l y assymet r ic , i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e T h i r d World i n t o t h e i n t e r - n a t i o n a l economy through t h e t r a d e n e g o t i a t i o n s system, has meant a q u i c k e r t r ansm iss ion o f i l l s t h roughou t t h e w o r l d economy. The p resen t cu tbacks i n impor t s by t h e T h i r d World due t o l i q u i d i t y c r i s i s has a d i r e c t impact on t h e i n d u s t r i a l o u t p u t and employment i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , and t h e debt problems of t h e T h i r d World and suspension o f payments a r e send ing s h i v e r s th rough t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l ( p r i v a t e ) bank ing system.

An i d e a l s o l u t i o n t o t h e c u r r e n t c r i s i s would be a r e s t r u c t u r i n g o f t h e w o r l d economy, and i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic r e l a t i o n s based on t h e NIEO - b u t w i t h a c l e a r unders tand ing t h a t an i n t e r n a t i o n a l new o r d e r i s i ncompa t i b l e w i t h o l d o rde rs i n t e r n a l l y i n a11 c o u n t r i e s , and t h a t democra t i sa t i on and r e s t r u c - t u r i n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y r e q u i r e s i m i l a r a c t i o n s n a t i o n a l l y . Bu t t h e indus- t r i a l i z e d coun t r i es , . a f t e r a somewhat lukewarm acquiesance o f t h e NIEO dec- l a r a t i o n s o f t h e mid-70s, and s p e c i a l l y t h e major economies among them, have been ' n e g o t i a t i n g ' w i t h t h e T h i r d World i n bad f a i t h , and s i n c e 1979 have b locked a l l such e f f o r t s and n e g o t i a t i o n s f o r r e s t r u c t u r i n g .

The response o f these c o u n t r i e s , d o m e s t i c a l l y and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y , have been such t h a t t h e w o r l d has been p u t on a d e f l a t i o n a r y path . Du r i ng t h e reces- s i o n o f 1975/76, t h e T h i r d World by a n d l a r g e borrowed abroad t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r l e v e l s o f impo r t s and growth , and thus o f f s e t somewhat t h e reces- s i o n a r y tendenc ies w i t h t h e OECD. Bu t w i t h t h e advent o f t h e Reagan admin- i s t r a t i o n and i t s Neanderthal economics, and t h e p o l i c i e s o f t h e IMF under US pressures , has f o r c e d t h e T h i r d World i n t o a d e f l a t i o n a r y s p i r a l . T h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e w o r l d economy i s such t h a t w h i l e t h e y do n o t b e n e f i t from it, t h e US/IMF induced d e f l a t i o n o f t h e i r economies i s hav ing i t s

impact on t h e i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , and i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy t o o i s on a downward s p i r a l .

There i s now emerging a b e t t e r unders tand ing o f t h i s i n t h e i n d u s t r i a l wo r l d , and i n c r e a s i n g t a l k o f need t o t r a n s f e r resources t o t h e T h i r d World t o r e v e r s e t h i s process. But t h e responses o f t h e power fu l governments a r e nowhere near t h e minimum needs o f t h e s i t u a t i o n . Even a massive i n j e c t i o n o f resources - through issuance o f SDRs o f t h e o rde r o f 35 b i l l i o n s annual- l y f o r two o r t h r e e years , be ing advocated byBrandtCommiss ion members - would n o t b r i n g about a fundamental change, b u t would p rov ide mere l y a r e s p i t e . Mere resource t r a n s f e r s w i t h o u t r e s t r u c t u r i n g w i l l l e a d nowhere.

Fo r t h e T h i r d World t o ach ieve t h e minimum growth o f 7 pe rcen t o f g ross domest ic p roduc t a n n u a l l y - t h e minimum s e t by t h e UN I n t e r n a t i o n a l Develop- ment S t r a t e g y f o r t h e 80s t o ensure s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l needs - t h e p resen t dependency development ( o f resumed growth i n OECD and i t s p u l l o r t r i c k l e - down e f f e c t s on t h e T h i r d World) would n o t be poss ib le . The p resen t i n t e r - n a t i o n a l economic system can n e i t h e r accomnodate n o r absorb t h e t r a d e su r - p l uses and expo r t s o f t h e T h i r d World ( f o r a seven pe rcen t growth) no r can i t p r o v i d e t h e necessary t r a n s f e r o f resources. g/ I f t h e OECD c o u n t r i e s were f a r s i g h t e d , t hey c o u l d promote ECDC, and, th rough concer ted a c t i o n s and meaningfu l No r th ISou th d ia logue , b r i n g about a r e s t r u c t u r i n g t o accommodate t h i s T h i r d World growth and thus h e l p themselves i n t h e process. Bu t t h e r e i s a p a r a l y s i s o f t hough t and a c t i o n i n these c o u n t r i e s , and i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s and s t r u c t u r e s c o n t r o l l e d by them. I n t h i s s i t u a t i o n , t h e T h i r d World c o u l d e i t h e r con t i nue i t s p resen t h e l p l e s s d r i f t t o d i s a s t e r o r t a k e some c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n s t o h e l p i t s e l f .

Th i s i s t h e cha l l enge b e f o r e t h e Nonal igned. I t r e q u i r e s i n t e n s i f i e d and meaningfu l a c t i o n s t o f u r t h e r ECDC i n a s p i r i t o f n a t i o n a l and c o l l e c t i v e s e l f - r e l i a n c e - i n a l l sec to rs , and e s p e c i a l l y i n t r ade , techno logy, money and f i n a n c e and i n f o r m a t i o n . The l a s t i s p r e - r e q u i s i t e f o r s e l f - r e l i a n t c u l t u r e i n a l l f i e s e c o u n t r i e s .

Though e s s e n t i a l l y a p01 i t i c a l movement, a t Be lgrade i t s e l f t h e Nonal igned d i d make re fe rences t o development and autonomous decis ion-making. The l 9 6 2 Ca i ro Conference on problems of economic development l ed ' t o t h e f o r - ma t i on o f UNCTAD and t h e G-77. The nona l igned l e f t t h e d e t a i l s o f economic i ssues t o t h e G-77, b u t p rov ided an o v e r a l l p o l i t i c a l t h r u s t a t t h e Ca i ro summit. A t Lusaka, t h e y moved beyond North/South i ssues and t a l k e d o f t he concept o f s e l f - r e l i a n c e and mutual coopera t ion . Th i s was f u r t h e r developed a t Georgetown Fo re ign M i n i s t e r s meet ing i n t o an A c t i o n Programme f o r Economic Cooperat ion. Based on t h i s and fo l l ow-up r e p o r t s on t rade , i n d u s t r y and t r a n s p o r t (by Guyana), on money and f inance ( I n d i a ) , and Science and Tech- no logy ( A l g e r i a and Yugos lav ia) , t h e A l g i e r s summit adopted a D e c l a r a t i o n on Economic Issues and an A c t i o n Programme f o r Economic Cooperat ion. The Dakar Spec ia l Meet ing on Raw M a t e r i a l s ( n o t pursued through f u l l y ) and t h e Colombo summit c a l l f o r Economic Cooperat ion, l e d t o t h e fo rmu la t i on by t h e G-77 o f t h e Mexico ECDC programme 91, t h e Arusha Programme f o r C o l l e c t i v e S e l f - r e1 iance, and t h e Caracas Programme o f Ac t i on . But w h i l e a1 l these add up t o a g r e a t deal o f t a l k , and some conceptual i s a t i o n , t h e r e has been l i t t l e a c t i o n . What i s needed now i s p01 i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p and commitment f o r c o l l e c t i o n a c t i o n s i n t h i s c r i s i s .

A t t h e h e a r t o f t he c r i s i s i n t h e T h i r d World i s t h e c o l l a p s e of t h e com- mod i t y s e c t o r s . I f t h e UNCTAD I n t e g r a t e d Programme f o r Commodities had been f u l l y implemented, t h e p resen t c r i s i s cou ld perhaps have been m i t i g a t e d . But t h e OECD c o u n t r i e s , and e s p e c i a l l y t h e USA, UK and FRG, abo r ted and sabotaged t h e programme, and t h e Common Fund Agreement, n e g o t i a t e d b u t y e t t o become o p e r a t i o n a l , i s such a p a l e shadow o f t h e Dakar i d e a and t h e N a i r o b i d e c i s i o n s , t h a t l i t t l e can be expected o f i t . Only ECDC measures aimed a t p roducer coope ra t i on f o r supp ly management - and t h i s shou ld go beyond e x p o r t quotas and c o n t r o l s , b u t i n v o l v e o r g a n i s a t i o n o f T h i r d World commodity markets and us ing these mechanisms t o b o l s t e r minimum p r i c e s t o t h w a r t s p e c u l a t i o n and t r a d e n e g o t i a t i o n c a r t e l a c t i v i t i e s - and f u r t h e r i n g commodity consumption, and through increased p rocess ing ( t o i nc rease domes- t i c va lue added), i n t he T h i r d World. These have t o bypass t h e t r a d e nego- t i a t i o n c a r t e l s . Th i s a lone c o u l d perhaps i nc rease bo th t h e volume o f ex- p o r t s and ea rn ings and h e l p s t a b i l i s e p r i c e s a t remunerat ive l e v e l s .

The new t r a d e arrangements f o r t h i s , and t h e money and f i n a n c e , and techno- l o g y ( a v a i l a b l e w i t h i n t h e T h i r d World and/or capable o f f u r t h e r development) have t o be p u t t o g e t h e r i n i m a g i n a t i v e and i n t e g r a t e d ECDC programmes - conc re te and n o t conceptua l . Too much t i m e has been l o s t s i n c e Mexico on c o n c e p t u a l i s a t i o n s and w r i t i n g lengthy, t r e a t i s e s .

The o n l y f o rwa rd move so f a r has been i n t h e agreement o f t h e G-77 t o nego- t i a t e a GSTP. But i t has t o be pursued i n such a way t h a t i t i s n o t a rep- l i c a o f t h e GATT Nor th /South o r No r th /No r th t r a d e models and r u l e s . I t has t o go beyond t h e t r a d i t i o n a l e lement o f r e d u c t i o n o f t a r i f f and n o n - t a r i f f b a r r i e r s , l e a v i n g i t t o market f o r c e s t o respond. I n t h a t event , o n l y t h e TNCs a l r e a d y dominat ing t h e commodity s e c t o r s o f t h e T h i r d World w i l l t h r i v e and w i l l con t i nue t o use t h e i r g l o b a l dec is ion-mak ing power and systems, t o s iphon away through t r a n s f e r - p r i c i n g t h e b e n e f i t s o f t h e c a p i t a l accumu- l a t i o n t o t h e Nor th , l e a v i n g t h e South as impover ished as be fo re . P o s i t i v e measures t o promote p r o d u c t i o n and t r a d e , th rough d e l i b e r a t e s t a t e a c t i o n s o f c o u n t r i e s , and b u i l d i n g e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f b e n e f i t s i n t o t h e p ro - d u c t i v e system i t s e l f , have t o be worked ou t .

These have t o be b u t t r e s s e d by i m a g i n a t i v e techno logy t r a n s f e r arrangements w i t h i n t h e T h i r d World, and a new pa ten ts and t r a d e marks system ( o u t s i d e the World I n t e l l e c t u a l P rope r t y Organ i sa t i on ) w i t h i n t h e T h i r d World t h a t would encourage a p r e f e r e n t i a l system f o r T h i r d World sc ience and techno logy and resea rch and development f o r a p p r o p r i a t e t echno log ies , and a c a p i t a l goods s e c t o r t h a t would f u r t h e r T h i r d World c a p i t a l accumula t ion and i n - crease p r o d u c t i v i t y .

Such e f f o r t s need money and f i nance - a s e c t o r where t h e r e has been min imal progress - p a r t l y because o f o v e r - r e l i a n c e on t h e c a p i t a l su rp luses o f some o f t h e OPEC members, and p a r t l y t o o because o f dependency l i n k a g e s w i t h t h e No r th and r e l i a n c e on e x t e r n a l suppo r t a g a i n s t p o s s i b l e r e v o l u t i o n a r y up- surges i n some o f these c o u n t r i e s . The c u r r e n t hydrocarbon market o u t l o o k - w i t h o i l now hav ing s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t o o t h e r commodities - and dras- t i c r e d u c t i o n s i n o v e r a l l OPEC surp luses, poses a s i t u a t i o n where monetary and f i n a n c i a l coope ra t i on may be more d i f f i c u l t , b u t a t t h e same t i m e c o u l d be genuine and based on r e a l mutual i n t e r e s t s . I f o i l consumption i s t o p i c k up, t h e major growth markets f o r o i l (as f o r o t h e r commodit ies) and i t s

downstream products l i e in t h e Third World, and the producers must f o s t e r these markets and the economies ( a t l e a s t a s much as they now do through investments and o f f i c i a l loans t o indus t r ia l c o u n t r i e s ) .

A t the time of the negotiat ions f o r the f i r s t sugar agreement, i t was Raul Prebisch who suggested a two t i e r - p r i c e system f o r sugar (and pr ices were not h i g h ) , t o f o s t e r consumption of sugar in the Third World, and thus absorb excess supplies overhanging world markets and pushing prices down. I t was not taken u p b u t i s s t i l l a good idea. During the 1979/80 price hike period, the O P E C scorned such ideas - par t ly because i t would negate i t s object ive of OPEC-fixed price and p a r t l y because leakages and diversions would weaken O P E C overal l control over the market. Now O P E C has l o s t c o n t r o l , and several of them are forced t o 'd i scount ' t o export . A scheme t o f o s t e r addi t ional consumption of o i l in the Third World - t i l l turn of century, i t would have t o be major commercial energy source f o r development in Third World - through a two-t ier system operating on the addi t ional imports and use of these funds t o f o s t e r overall E C D C schemes - food s e c u r i t y , technology, t rade e t c . - would t ighten o i l markets, help d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f economies of the O P E C members, and of the non-OPEC, Other measures, whether O P E C and i t s cap i ta l surplus members come forward or no t , could be under- taken - l i k e Payments Unions, a Third World Monetary Fund t o supplement and build up a Third World monetary system, use of non-convertible currencies f o r expansion o f addit ional t rade ( a s was successful ly done by India with the Soviet Union) perhaps with l imited c o n v e r t i b i l i t y within the Third World.

Sucb an overal l approach wil l provide the l e s s indus t r ia l i sed Third World countr ies new markets f o r t h e i r commodities and t h e i r processed products, and a pathway t o non-dependency technological and indus t r ia l development. The more i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , in return f o r technology t r a n s f e r arrangements and opening t h e i r own markets (no t only through reduction of t a r i f f and non- t a r i f f b a r r i e r s , but posi t ive long-term purchase committments and coopera- t ion through s t a t e t rading and production e n t e r p r i s e s ) would have pre- f e r e n t i a l en t ry i n t o other Third World markets f o r cap i ta l and producer goods. The cap i ta l surplus O P E C members too wil l benef i t - both in b e t t e r f inancial re turns than they get now f o r t h e i r cap i ta l surplus investments, d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r economies t o a non-oil resource base, and wider p o l i t i c a l and secur i ty benef i t s ( t h a t no Gulf deployment force could ever provide) .

Information i s a key area t o build u p t h i s s p i r i t of cooperation and con- fidence in c o l l e c t i v e s e l f - r e l i a n c e . The nonaligned have recognised t h i s f o r long, and have attempted cooperation e f f o r t s ( s ince Algiers) in the areas of mass media - the nonaligned news pool, radio and TV, and film exchange e t c . B u t a l l these remain a t o f f i c i a l and bureaucrat ic l eve l s and a t best have created i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s . The idea of Alternat ive Information f o r Development Alternat ives i s y e t t o permeate t h e i r mass media s t r u c t u r e s , and the i n t e l l e c t u a l and academic interchanges. The Development Communi- cat ion Network i d e a , and the pro jec t submitted by C O D E V , though endorsed by the G - 7 7 , a re languishing in the U N D P , and everyone knows i t i s because of US object ions t o safeguard the i n t e r e s t s of i t s t ransnat ional information industry and the power t h a t goes with i t . Genuine information ex- changes t o promote cooperation and s e l f - r e l i a n c e - encompassing and i n t e r -

f a c i n g w i t h commerce, i n d u s t r y , Science & Technology and Research & Develop- ment cen t res , government and non-government p l a n n i n g and development personnel - has t o be l i b e r a t e d from s t i f l i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c and o f f i c i a l s t r u c t u r e s . The Nonal igned can move forward, and i t does n o t c o s t ( i n o f f i c i a l terms) much.

The Nor th would undoubted ly r e s i s t and t r y t o t h w a r t a l l t h i s . The US and USSR - t h e two who have the l e a s t t o l o s e i n economic terms - w i l l r e s i s t i t f o r power reasons (as they do even now w i t h i n t h e UN system t o b l o c k any ECDC t h a t does n o t g i v e them d e c i s i v e dec is ion-mak ing v o i c e ) . F o r t h e two cannot env isage a wo r l d , even a t t u r n o f cen tu ry perhaps, t h a t would i n v o l v e d i l u t i o n of t h e i r p resen t dominance and share o f power w i t h o the rs . T h e i r r e a c t i o n s t o ECDC and C o l l e c t i v e S e l f - r e l i a n c e w i l l be t he same as t h e i r responses t o non-al ignment i n t h e 50s.

Europe and Japan t o o would r e s i s t i t - because o f t h e immediate t r a d e d i v e r - s i o n e f f e c t s on t h e i r expo r t s a t a t ime o f r ecess ion . But t hey a re a l s o dependent on t h e T h i r d World - f o r commodities and raw m a t e r i a l s , and f o r markets . They cou ld be. 'persuaded l (and pressured) t o see t h a t t he t r a d e d i v e r s i o n would be a sho r t - t e rm d isadvantage. Renewed growth i n T h i r d World would i nc rease i t s c a p a c i t y t o buy more f rom t h e Nor th i n t h e medium t o l o n g term and t h i s would b .enef i t Europe and japan - p rov ided they undergo domest ic s t r u c t u r a l changes, and a r e w i l l i n g t o r e s t r u c t u r e t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e T h i r d World on some o f t he NIEO concepts.

J u s t as nonal ignment became i r r e s i s t i b l e as more and more c o u n t r i e s opted f o r it, so w i l l ECDC and T h i r d World C o l l e c t i v e S e l f - r e l i a n c e be i r r e s i s - t i b l e , and the Nor th (East and West) w i l l u l t i m a t e l y accommodate i t s e l f t o i t , p rov ided t h e T h i r d World goes fo rward i n a determined way. I t does n o t r e q u i r e unan im i t y . Nonalignment became a f o r c e b e f o r e i t f o r m a l i s e d i t s e l f i n t o a movement i n 1961. ECOC has t o f o l l o w a s i m i l a r oa th . None o f t h e ideas f o r ECDC a r e new, and t h e Nonal igned summit cannot be expecte dec ide o n d e t a i l s e i t h e r .

Not a l l t h e measures can be g l o b a l e i t h e r - many w i l l be subregiona g i o n a l and i n t e r - r e g i o n a l i n v o l v i n g l i m i t e d numbers o f c o u n t r i e s .

Bu t two t h i n g s must come o u t o f t h e Nonal igned Summit.

1, r e -

F i r s t l y , t h e p resen t dependence and o v e r - r e l i a n c e on t h e UN system and i t s bureaucracy t o work o u t and p l a n d e t a i l s o f ECDC and implementa t ion shou ld end. Even t h e most p rog ress i ve T h i r d World p e r s o n a l i t i e s i n such i n s t i t u - t i o n s a r e c o n s t r i c t e d by t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l needs. The p resen t nona l igned s t r u c t u r e s - summit coun t r y p r o v i d i n g s e c r e t a r i a t s e r v i c e s t i l l n e x t conference, and o f c o o r d i n a t i n g c o u n t r i e s and s p e c i a l groups - have been use fu l , b u t must evo l ve f u r t h e r . A t t h e same t ime, a f u l l f l edged s e c r e t a r i a t , a l a OECD, w i l l a l s o k i l l ECDC b e f o r e i t s t a r t s . A group o f n o t more than f i v e o r s i x persons ded i ca ted and commit ted t o p r i n c i p l e s o f s e l f - r e l i a n c e , and p r a c t i s i n g i t i n t h e i r persona l l i v e s - t o serve as a t e c h n i c a l core group t h a t c o u l d draw upon t h e v a s t r e s e r v o i r o f knowledge and a b i l i t y w i t h i n t h e T h i r d World, i s needed. As head o f t h e nona l igned movement f o r n e x t t h r e e o r four years , I n d i a has enough leeway t o s e t t h i s up i n f o r m a l l y .

Secondly, an ove ra l l p01 i t i c a l commi t t m e n t and d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e Seventh Conference, backed by a key group o f 10 o r 12 major c o u n t r i e s among them t o pursue ECDC, w i t h t h e i r Heads o f Governments/States determined t o p ro - pagate and p r a c t i c e t h i s ph i l osophy i n s i d e and o u t s i d e t h e i r c o u n t r i e s . Gandh i 's words, some decades ago, about S o c i a l i s m a r e o f re levance. Gandlii d i d n o t b e l i e v e t h a t one had t o w a i t f o r S t a t e Power t o p r a c t i c e p o l i c i e s and p r i n c i p l e s . He s a i d " s o c i a l i s m beg ins w i t h t h e f i r s t conve r t . I f t h e r e

i s one such you can add zeroes t o t he one, and t h e f i r s t zero w i l l account f o r ten , and eve ry a d d i t i o n w i l l account f o r t e n t imes t h a t o f the p rev ious number. If, however, t h e beg inner i s a zero, i n o t h e r words no one makes t h e beg inn ing, m u l t i p l i c i t y o f zeroes w i l l a l s o produce zero va lue . Time and paper occupied i n w r i t i n g zeroes w i l l be so much was teU .10 /

idonalignment began i n 1946 w i t h I n d i a b u t every new adherent p rov ided a m u l t i p l i e r e f f e c t i n geometr ic p r o p o r t i o n t o make i t a ma jo r f o r c e , d e s p i t e many weaknesses. S e l f - r e l i a n c e and c o l l e c t i v e s e l f - r e l i a n c e t o o w a i t s f o r those p ionee rs .

l/ Odette Jankowitsch and Karl Sauvant (ed.), The Third World without Superpowers, The Collected Papers of the Non-Aligned Countries (New York: Oceana Publications, 1978), 4 vol. (vol. I,, pag. 38).

2/ Dorothy Norman, Nehru, The First Sixty Years (London: Bodley Head) - Vol.11, pag. 249.

3/ India, Gandhi's and Janata's, Mainstream (New Delhi 18.06.1977)

41 Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru (New Delhi: Orient Longman) Vol.11, pp. 348-364.

5/ Based on talks withthen Indian CP leaders and Yugoslav sources. - 61 S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru (Madras: Oxford University Press) Vol.11, - pp.44-46.

71 Fibres et Textiles, UN Sales No E.81.II.DI, pp.3-27; UNCTAD, Trade S. - -- development Report, 1981, UN Sales No E. 81.II.D9, pp. 64-82; Clairmonte &

Cavanagh, Development Forum, Nov. 1982; J. Pronk, interview with IPS, IFDA Special United Nations Service NO 517,28.4.1982.

9/ Karl Sauvant (ed.), The Collected Documents of the Group of 77 (New - York: Oceana Publications, 1982) 6 vol., cf. vol.VI, pp.345-365.

1U/ Mainstream (New Delhi 18.06.1977).

(Viene de la pag. 3).

LA C R I S I S MUNDIAL Y EL DESAFIO A LOS NO-ALINEADOS

Resumen: La 7a conferencia cumbre de 10s parses no-alineados se reunira en Nueva Delhi,en losmomentos en que la crisis mundial afecta todos 10s campos de la actividad: la economfa, la sociedad, la politics, la seguridad. La crisiseronomicaque ya llega a 10s niveles de la gran crisis de 1929 en el Tercer Mundo, el actual nivel de integraci6n (y de transnacionalizaci6n) de la economca mundial y la interdependencia asimetrica de paises y sectores, la tension Este-Oeste y el. armamentismo, en especial nuclear, a1 mismo tiem- bo que la incapacidad y la ausencia de voluntad de 10s parses industrializa- dos todo esto impide la elaboration de nuevos instrumentos para hacer frente a la crisis y evitar la repetition de 10 que pas6 en 10s aEos 30. Los fac- tores que entonces sacaron a1 mundo de la crisis - la guerra y la recons- truccion que siguih - no son una respuesta. La guerra destruira todo y las armas consumen 10s recursos de la restructuraci6n y perjudica la economi'a. La hegemon<a de 10s Estados Unidos, garantes del orden despues de 1945, ha desa~arecido. El Norte tiene la detenninacion de evitar una restructura- ci6n, 10s no-alineados y el Tercer Mundo pueden dejarse ir a la deriva o adoptar politicas tendientes a su autonomi'a colectiva de manera de hacer frente a la crisis y salvar sus pueblos y su independencia.

MISSING ISSUES OF THE IFDA DOSSIER?

To judge from the number o f l e t t e r s we receive d a i l y , i t would appear t h a t q u i t e a few people and associa- t i o n s on our m a i l i n g l i s t may no t have received a1 l issues o f the Dossier from No, 29, t h a t i s s ince m a i l i n g began i n Rome. There i s n o t much we can do but replace missing copies. So please w r i t e us and, un- t i l they a re out o f p r i n t , we w i l l ma i l the issues you have no t received.

IFDA DOSSIER 34 , MARCH/APRIL 1983 BUILDING BLOCKS

POPULAR SONG, THE RECORDING INDUSTRY AND THE1 R ALTERNATIVE FACETS by Fernando Reyes Matta ILET Apartado 85-025 10200 Mexico DF, Mexico

Original language: English

Abstract; Since the end of the 60s, a wave of committed and innovative song has emerged in Latin America as a result of a growing awareness of the contradictions and conflicts of underdevelopment and economic and cultural dependency. Capitalist expansionism, particularly that embodied by the transnationals, is characterized by the tendency to make music an exclusively commercial product and the radio a part of the system that makes culture an industry and the public a market. Against this, the young Latin American songsters and poets compose their political awareness and their rejection of consumerism, and explore alternative ways of producing and marketing their music. In response to the mass importation of the Western artificial and alienating 'disco' music., alternative fora include solidarity festivals, student, church-organized and workers' meetings or cultural happenings, which create the framework in which popular song finds its ratification and orientation.

LA CHANSON POPULAI RE, L' I NDUSTRI E DE L'ENREG I STREMENT ET QUELQUES ALTERNATIVES

Depuis la fin des annees 60, une vague de chansons engagees et novatrices a surgi en Am6rique latine, a la suite d'une prise de conscience croissante des contradictions du sous-d6veloppement et de la dependance economique et culturelle. Le capitalisme, notamment celui des transnationales, se carac- terise par la tendance 5 faire de la musique un produit exclusivement commercial et de la radio un element d'un systSme qui fait de la culture une industrie et des gens un march&. A l'oppose, les jeunes chanteurs et postes drAm6rique latine non seulement chantent leur conscience politique et leur refus du 'consomationisme', mais explorent egalement des moyens differents de produire et de diffuser leur musique. En reponse 5 l'importation massive de musique occidentale disco, artificielle et alienante, ils se produisent dans des festivals de solidarite, les reunions organisees par lesetudiants, les travailleurs, les Gglises etc. et saisissent chaque occasion de se mani- fester la 02 leur art trouve sa justification et puise son inspiration.

Fernando Reyes Matta

POPULAR SONG, THE RECORD IN5 INDUSTRY AND THE I R ALTERNATIVE FACETS

There is a song that the Cuban; Pablo Milanes, often sings in his country. The song is a synthesis of realism, of understanding the world as it is, and of the challenge to move ahead constructively: I don't live in a perfect society / NO^ do I ask that it be given that name / If I have learned anything about that / It is that women and men create it.

This frankness might surprise some politicians or diplomats; it might also surprise those who have wanted to see in the Cuban revolution the height of perfection. Milan6s places things in their correct place: that society, his own, for which he would give his life, as the song also says, is not perfect: this comprises the challenge of constant creation.

This is the transcendent contribution song can make. Guitar and verse can create mobilising sy??bols, clarities of a moment. For the same reason, song can become a dangerous enemy of those who defend the established order. In times of repression, an important politician or functionary is allowed to live but a Victor Jara is not.

Since the end of the sixties, a wave of committed and reno- vative song has grown in Latin America. Groups of young people and new solo voices have taken the road opened by the pioneers Violeta Parra and Atahualpa Yupanqui, in different circum- stances and with different styles. The reality of the continent challenges and creates obligations. The imagination of the song composers was shaken by internal social conflicts; by the progressive and overflowing migration from country to city; by youth, born at the end of the Second World War, which was searching for its own values; by the Church which could not avoid committing itself more and more deeply to the necessities of the "people of God"; by the dramatic emergence of the guerrilla army which left to history the witness and symbol of Che Guevara. All this involves a generation, which made of song more than an object of transitory entertainment or of massive trade.

In Chile, this process came together in the movement that took the name "Nueva ~anci6n Chilena". The movement's members broke with so-called "neo folksong", which misrepresents the conflicts in the countryside in descriptions of landscapes and of the aboriginal world viewed through the eyes of the land- owners. The songs of Victor Jara, Angel and Isabel Parra, Rolando ~larcon, Patricio Manns, along with those of groups Intillimani, ~ u i l a ~ a ~ u n and others, all form part of the

current Nueva ~anci6n. They redeem forms and words to create a song that comes from the people and flows back towards them. They interweave musical instruments, thereby fulfilling the dream of Latin American intearation that neither political nor economic decisions achieve. The charango (a kind of flute) and the cuatro (small four-string Mexican guitar) are united to the Andean quena (a sort of Indian flute), to the bomb0 leguero: maracas open a space for the yuiro (gourd used as an instrument in Cuba) and the claves. The guitars m a i ~ t a i ~ their presence9 but in a music world that is more and more Latin American. This is a new kind of song and lyrics. It is because of this difference that the Nueva Canci6n Chilena was very influential in the rest of Latin America.

But though the Chilean song became a pole of cultural radiation which increased in strength during the three years of Popular Unity government, there was,at the same time, movement in other places, especially with the emergence of a new kind of song in the'very expressive Cuban context, called the Nueva Trova (trova has the same root as troubadour). Its most famous pro- ponents - Silvio ~odr<guez, Pablo Milan6s and Noel Nicola - made their first tour outside the country in 1978, in Chile. Three years before, in the Festival of Varadero, it became evident that their music was breaking new and fertile ground. At the beginning, it was not always understood or accepted in all of the sectors of Cuban society. By its richness it sur- vived, and came to constitute a current of influence at the beginning of the 80s as it began to be echoed in various parts of the world, especially among Latin American youth.

The period in which the Nueva canci6n Chilena and the Nueva Trova were first becoming known was also an epoch in which people took consciousness of the contradictions and conflicts inherent in thier national situations and to recognize them as features of a larger phenomenon; underdevelopnent and economicand cultural dependency are pressing realities in all of Latin America.

This continent has been one of the primary zones of expansion for capitalism in its transnational phase. The phenomenon cuts across the whole of society, affects its political, social, economic and cultural dimensions. It invades the manner in which societies conceive of their development and define their history.

The sensibilities of the singers are not alien to this reality. "Yes, we are Americans", sings Rolando ~larcdn; "Song for Latin American Unity" is the contribution of Pablo Milan&; the Uruguayan, Daniel Viglietti, creates "A Song to My America"; from repressed Brazil emerges Milton Nasciemento with "American Heart", while the Argentine Cesar Isella in- vites the American brother to sing, from all of his geographical diversity, in his "Song with Everyone".

Exile and Roots

That wave of creativity, uniting names of pioneers and new voices, reshaped and renovated Latin American song. What Yupanqui began in Argentina is followed by the expressive force of Mercedes Sosa, Isella and many more. In Uruguay, Viglietti is joined by the ~limare%os and Alfredo Zitarrosa. In Peru, there is a Nicomedes Santa Cruz rediscovering the roots, while Tania Libertad begins to follow her own path, as does Ampdru Ochoa of Mexico. Soledad Bravo, Venezuela, erupts with the purity of her voice, which brings the songs of her fellow Latin Americans to levels of extraordinary beauty. Meanwhile, in Cuba, Silvio and Pablo, along with Noel Nicola and Vicente F'eli.6 go back to the hundred year old trova and bring it to a rebirth in the context of revolutionary history. In Brazil, Chico Buarque, Milton Nascimento and Gerardo Vandrg insist that creativity does not die even amidst the repression and authoritarianism that surrounds them.

All of them and ~thers too, in one way or another, sowed the seeds of an era that became an expression of the struggle for social transformation that was taking place in diverse parts of the continent. For this reason, for being synthesis and symbol, these people suffered the consequences of persecution and exile when the popular movements for social change from which the song was nourished were drowned or repressed. Now is the time for ruptures, of silence and exile. From it is created a Latin American song that continues to live, especially in Europe, as a continuation of the current that made its way in the midst of the struggles of the 70s. Its voices clamour for full democracy and for the right to return to sing with their people. This is the case of Mercedes Sosa, the Quilapayun, Viglietti and the Parras, to name a few. New languages, new geographies, trips and planes, distances and emotions, make a new chapter to the sense of living that song has to have in order to be itself.

Some doubt that the song of Latin American exile is the real expression of what it is to be Latin American now. Others, for their part, think they see in the emergence of new currents - what has been called in Chile "Canto Nuevo" - the characteristics of a fertile time, in which the Latin American hetero- geneity searches for convergence in direction. Neither one nor the other viewpoint is a synthesis: these are currents that interweave in a creative continuity, whose meeting creates a collective memory and a basic instinct for the people's sen- sibility.

As the young Chilean essayist, Alvaro Godoy, has said, "The Nueva Cancion, and now the Canto Nuevo, are two moments in one movement, with a present and a past, which we would call popular song, differentiating it from the song of the people

which has always existed and which is, without a doubt, its root and its countenance". This inward and outward-looking song searches for the moment of relevance, within different daily realities and a common national direction, creating more than once a dialogue of singer-composers. Some of them advanced with the people in the effort to construct new democratic realities. They lived in a time of open spaces, in which they could proclaim their commitments, their demands and their convictions. Others have had to learn to live in semi- silence, to use words calculatedly, and at the same time, para- doxically, to give poetry a greater force and suggestiveness. But some are victims of a greater phenomenon. Exile, free song far from the people, as much as creation from the inside, which is close but has a guarded voice, have the same cause: the capitalist development model, which in its most acute expressions in Latin America postulates the democracy of consumerism, individualism, atomisation and everything that tears the social fabric in which this song is nourished and defines itself. It is the same capitalism which, joined to groups of defenders of private interests, is moving now against Nicaragua and El Salvador, obstructing a process that is all to the good of the great deprived majorities. This reality does not escape the new song. The contibutions of Carlos ~ e j i a Godoy and of the Palacuagiiina, like that of the Banda Tepeuani, come from this perception. The former sang the feat of the Sandinists against the dictatorship of Somoza; the latter invoked the will to aid the struggle of the Salvadoran people. Song and action. Song, struggle and poetry. As always. But today the centres of domination have the world communications media structure in their favour; they have philosophers like Friedman to an- nounce that it is the time of "freedom to choose" with money in hand, and they have too their industrially produced symbols, like Travolta, who sing in their fibreglass environment under alienating lights, to a youth which has surrendered to an un- committed wandering in the city, understoodasthe place where personality dissolves.

The development of popular song has suffered directly from the transnational expansion. As this has its cultural aims too, radio, television and the recording industry have been prac- tically closed to the expression of commitment to structural change. Obviously, such an attitude is understandable. It is defined by the conflict of interest. And within the boundaries of that confrontation - consciously or not - radio and television stations become instruments of a kind of "transnational culture" which encourages cultural synchronisation and moves towards a model of domination of the world. Adver- tising, records, imported programmes, transnational new agencies, all interweave to create a communications framework which subscribes to order and coherence. Within this coherence, popular song is dysfunctional, or else it is only permitted the degree of presence which does not change the dominant model.

Radio is an auditory medium of comunication and its forte is music. It depends, therefore, on recorded materials available to it. The national recording companies publish almost exclusively foreign recordings and there are even some companies which only sell imported material. On the other hand, the public, as it only has that one range of possibilities, obviously only asks for those songs that are already being delivered to it", says the radio/TV announcer Mipel Davaqnino in a recent publication about Canto Nuevo.

In one way, the Mexican Gabino Palomares was saying the same thing when he announcedthe publication of his second album in five years. He recognized that that was not much, but called attention to the difficulties that big industry places before singers like him:

"Our music is dismissed by the transnational companies. This phenomenon is understandable, as our themes are in direct conflict with their interests. Fortunately, there are recording companies that, though small, allow us to record. Our work recalls that which the minstrels did in their time. There is a lack of truthfulness in the communications media, and we fill the gap. It is arduous work, above all because we do not have the materials necessary, but the people's acceptance of our work is what leads us to go forward". (El Dia, 21.12.80)

Records, pressures and crises

In turn, another element which has determining influence on the non-distribution of national music, of popular song, folk song and folk music, is the relationship between the recording companies which are linked to the transnational capitalist model of trade of songs and singers, and of disc jockeys and radio programmers on the other.

"Making records independently", says Chico Mario de Souza, the promoter of a musicians' cooperative in Brazil, "we discovered that the recording companies pay the radio stations to play their records. Radio becomes a loudspeaker for the recording companies, by means of bribery. Every month some programmers receive money to play certain records. They are told: play this piece twentytimes a day, this other one ten times, and so on. They play Brazilian music very little. Thus the radio stations keep on playing and making surveys of popularity. They put the music on the telenovelu - because there is bribery there too - and everyone begins to buy the record, which gives a lot of money to the recording companies. I/

The situation seems to be similar in the majority of Latin American countries. Mexico, the other giant music market, is

the scene of the same corruption. But in this case the most eloquent testimony, because it comes from someone who saw the murky business from the inside, comes from Jorge Alvarez, ex- artistic director of the Capitol brand.

"The big record companies have a budget, of course an overly high one, to run their public relations, their promotion campaigns. There are cases, for example, in which payola is not used, that is a cheque is not given so that a certain melody will be programmed by a station. But this is made up for by sending the broadcaster on a trip to Europe, or giving him a new car, or sending him to Acapulco ... It has been known to happen that artistic directors ask fifty thousand pesos (US$2,000) per month from new, small companies, in exchange for promoting their product on a given radio station. The big companies have specialized personnel, known in the radio world, who manage these things.. . Or else, the record company sends a programmer to a concert in Los Angeles or New York, all expenses paid. In other cases, he or she is invited to Europe on a pleasure trip, on the company's account, of course... Another way to promote records is the one CBS uses: it doesn't give a cent to the artistic directors, but from time to time it gives them a special promotion deal of records to give the public; it may be a thousand, two thousand, three thousand, five thousand records by the strongestartists: Chicago, or Earth, Wind and Fire." (Uno mas uno, 29.06.80)

At this point in the story, the amazement may already be enough. When music is seen exclusively as a commercial product and when radio becomes part of a whole system that makes culture an industry and the public a market, all this happens. But there is even more: misrepresentation of the public's taste.

"It is said that the radio programming is done according to telephone calls... But this too is fixed. I don't know if all of the companies have them but Capitol does: a few boys, girls, contracted to call in by phone and inflate the ratings. Until 1976 when I left Capitol, I never agreed with the method, but it was instituted in 1975".

Pressure, money, fixed programming. All that brings the local system to follow along with the interests of the transnational consortia of the record business. If one looks at the heart of the system, the statistics are eloquent. Five companies share 80% of the North American market. Warner has 25%, CBS 2 0 % , Polydor 158, RCA 12%, Capitol (EM11 has 8%.2/ From there, the business expands into the rest of the worTd, and its growth affects not only small local brands, open to the diffusion of popular song or so-called committed song, but the whole national recording system in countries like Argentina, Venezuela and Mexico.

The open' market policy has directly affected the local sub- sidiaries and independent business. "Records imported from the United States and Europe, which are sold in the supermarkets,

are hurting the national market in general; it is because of this that we music publishers have brought a protest to the corresponding authorities in order that they restrict imports", declared, in November 1980, Enrique ~ i r ~ u e z , a well-known Mexican music publisher, affected by the great opening of the market permitted by the government when the oil revenues increased. In another oil-producing country, the complaints were similar two months previously.

"A sharp blow has been received by the Venezuelan recording industry with the decree that permits the free importation of records from this month onwards (September 1980), as one of the hundred products approved by the Venezuelan government. Before, the only records that could be freely imported were of classical music; the new reoulations establish that any individual or company can import records, paying only five per cent of the value of the product. This is fatal for the national industry", stated a memorandum coming from Caracas, published by the Mexican press.

In Argentina, the crisis is even more acute, as a consequence of the general economic crisis in the country, but also because of the application of Friedman's free market economic model. According to information in the Variety of September 16 1981, the statistics showed a catastrophic situation: "The president of the Chamber of the Argentinian Sound Recording and Reproduction Industry stated that in the first half of 1981, 1,290,000 LPs had been sold, in comparison to the 5,970,000 sold in 1980; in turn, the sale of cassettes declined from 12,460,000 to 4,630,000". In such a situation, naturally, this association of producers said that its situation was "chaotic" and the spokesperson for the industry added: "Many of the companies have been showing a loss for a long time, and if the situation continues the same, we will all disappear in a short time".

These different examples demonstrate the contradictions 9en- erated by the application in the peripheral countries of strategic policies of transnational capitalism in expansion. At the same time, there is another factor which determines the conditions for the diffusion of music: the overflowing abun- dance of cassettes and radio-cassette recorders. A concrete example is given by the Chilean statistics.

"The size of national production and its stagnation may be compared to the absolute quantity and the rate of growth of imports. In 1978, the sales figure (of records and cassettes) of $4.5 million is somewhat higher than the $3.6 million worth of records and cassettes, both blank and prerecorded, sold during that year. The tendency observed in 1979 - a growth of 55% - reveals that already in that year the national market for recordings is supplied principally from the exterior.

"The competition is mostly from amateur recordings. The $4 million in blank cassettes imported during 1979 indicate that there is a substitute for the consumption of recorded material by the simple home-made copy of that material". 3/

In Chile, a country of 11 million inhabitants, it is estimated that there exist between 14 and 15 million radio-cassette recorders. It is one of the tools of transnational electronic manufacture that has succeeded in penetrating even the sectors of the population with the least income. Is this good or bad, from the perspective of popular song? Ricardo ~arci'a, radio announcer and producer of records, recognized as the initial driving force behind the Canto Nuevo in Chile, as he was too for the Nueva ~anci6n Chilena, sees the problem in its two facets: industrial and social. He does so from the perspective of the brand Alerce, the company which has made known the new voices of Chilean popular song, as well as the creations of victor Jara, Violeta Parra, Silvio ~odrf~uez and Pablo Milangs. Moreover, his case testifies to the possibility of action even in restricted spaces, when there is the will and tenacity to do so.

"The world record market is in crisis, especially in Chile, where the masses' small power to consume is directed towards imported articles. To this problem is added the phenomenon of the radio- cassette, which.allows private recording of music. The case of Alerce is more critical, as its public is in general of scarce resources. However, the real public is much wider. Each Alerce record is heard by more or less large groups, which are particularly interested in folk music or Chilean music, and they re- record on a cassette, which is heard by still more people. This is good for the diffusion of the music, but bad for us!' 41

Alternatives, force and poetry

From this situation, from a work in which song must try to move in the ambit created by the culture industry as well as in its own spaces, emerges the possibility of alternative distribution for popular songs. The record brands which try to create independent distribution systems multiply: names like Pueblo, NCL (Nueva ~anci6n ~atinoamericana), ~oton, Alerce and various others. Behind them is the will to redeem those products of big electronics industry - the record and the cassette - in order to place them at the service of a cultural view of the world that inauqurates new times. Some do not make it, and some only barely do. But.they open new vistas to exploration different from those offered by the transnational capitalist model. An eloquent example was seen in Brazil, where the Musicians' Cooperative of Rio de Janeiro created a department for "Alternative records".

"The initiator of this was Antonio Adolfo", says Chico Mario de Souza. "He had made several successful recordings and had

participated in festivals. But afterwards, he began to feel mutilated, unable to produce what he liked. No one wanted to record his music. Then he did it on his own, and then he went out to sell his records from place to place all over Brazil. That way he sold more than 15 thousand records and created the consciousness that it was possible to break the boycott of the multinationals. Others followed h i m - Danilo ~ a f m i , T.uli and Lucinha. And the secrets of the work were passed to other composers: how to make the cover and credits, what studio to record in, how many records to print, where and how to sell. Thus the movement went on growing". I/

Thoughthebeginnings of the experiment were modest, they already constitute an important trend today. Groups like Barca do Sol and Boca Livre have managed to sell more than 40,000 copies in five months. De Souza's own record, "Raizes", also sold well. For that reason, the press agency EFE transmitted the following from Rio de Janeiro on 4 January 1981:

"The Brazilian record market for popular music had in 1980, as a great novelty, the explosion of independent producers and the 'discovery" of regional markets,.. 'That's enough now' was the rebellious cry of the independent musicians, who triumphed justly. If the list of the 20 best long-playing records of 1980 is analysed, it is apparent that not less than six were produced independently ... The success of the independents is not only due to their intrinsic value, but also to the discovery of the existence of an urban market that likes regional themes... Some dedicated musicians like Dori G a p i embraced, or collaborated courageously with this renovation of musical taste, which, in sum, wishes to escape from the dictates of international fashion in order to submerge itself in the rich sounds, rythms and melodies that are closest to the earth and to what is Brazilian".

What can be the force inherent in a popular song that has a mass audience? On the one hand, the vitality and support granted to it by its links to social organizations.

Even in very authoritarian situations, as in the Southern Cone, the relationship between song and the social fabric is made. Festivals of solidarity, meetings of students, meetings organized by churches, unions and other workers' meetings, festivals organized by cultural organizations, create the framework in which popular song finds its ratification and orientation. On the other hand, the inherent force of popular song emerges from its call for commitment to the history of which it is a part, and to the destiny of the great deprived majorities.

"Today my song is in solidarity with El Salvador and the struggle of its people", said the Mexican, Gabino Palomares, on presenting his second LP. Eduardo Peralta, a young Chilean musician, 21 years old, when he returned from Europe and met his friends of the Nueva ~ a n c h n again, commented: "I

think about the liberty that clearly shows the human inward- ness, that always goes beyond systems and schemes. In my songs I want to emphasize the creative potential of the human being". In Uruguay, while talking about the task of almost a hundred artists who perform in theatres-and on stages of sports facilities, the magazine La Democracia, said last September: "We cannot push aside this cultural manifestation of the historical moment in which we live... Our people need to participate, to find paths, and to do so saying that it is the people who are searching. That is what has given our people the Canto Popular: this is the path of their search". Litto Nebbia appears from Argentina with her LP "Creer" saying: "I believe that in spite of so much melancholy, so much grief and so many wounds, it's only a question of trying to live".

That mix of new words, new poetry, of another spirit which brings song closer to the people, is present too among the exiles. In the last analysis, distance does not seem enormous when one is speaking of song. Eduardo Carrasco, director of the Quilapayun and constant creator of songs, summarises it as follows: "We never left Chile. What has happened is that we no longer tread the Chilean earth because we are not allowed to. But for that evil we have found a provisional solution: when we can, we construct a Chilean earth in exile and when we can't we stop living with our feet on the ground". 4 / Perhaps it is in those moments that song takes other directions and dares to say, living in the northern hemisphere, that it is necessary "to slam the window on the autumn, so that summer is prolonged into December".

Maybe the Quilapay;n would not have sung thus in 1970. All of us have learned. Commitment and subtle poetry are not,nor can they be,opposites. Maybe a sign of these new times is the enormous popularity of the latest works of Silvio Rodriguez and Pablo Milan& among Chilean youth. Maybe there is no Nueva Canci6n nor a Canto Nuevo, but only an attitude, a kind of courage to face life with a view to renewal. The destiny of popular song among its present challenges appears to be synthesised in what Silvio ~odr-fguez said to Channel 11 in Mexico last November: "The person who sees in life pamphlets will only sing pamphlets. But the person who sees poetry in life will make and sing poetry".

FOOTNOTES

l/ Cadernos do Terceiro Mundo, No. 24, Rio de Janeiro, June 1980.

21 M. Moskowitz et al. Everybody's Business, (New York: Harper and Row, - 1980).

31 Diego Portales C., Poder ~con6mico y Libertad de ~xpresion, (Mexico: Editorial Nueva ImAgenlILET, 1981).

41 Desiderio Arenas, "Entrevista a Quilapayh", mimeo. -

I don't want your money or your food !

I want fair treatment There is enough food for everyone. But not everyone has enough food. Too much food

produced by the poor feeds the animals eaten by the rich. Too much land in

developing countries produces cash crops for the industrialised world. When some people go hungry, it is not food that's in

short supply - it's justice.

MATER I AUX

IRAiJ: MYTHES E T REALITES D'UNE REVOLUTION

par Chahrokh Vaziri 2, Avenue du Tribunal Federal 1005 Lausanne, Suisse

Original: francais

Resume: Le puissant mouvement qui ebranla 1'Iran en 1978 suscita beaucoup d'espoirs, non seulement en Iran meme mais egalement dans un certain nombre de pays du Tiers Monde, dont les peuples luttent pour les libertes d6mocra- tiques et la justice so'ciale. C'est pourquoi la deception et la dgsillu- sion provoquees par la prise du pouvoir par des religieux rgactionnaires furent ressenties avec autant dfampleur par les populations du Tiers Monde. C'est aussi pour cette raison que llexperience iranienne peut servir de lecon 2 d'autres peuples et mouvements dans le Tiers Monde.

Pour repondre 2 la question 'qu'est-ce-qui a change en Iran?', l'auteur procede 5 une comparaison syst6matique des mecanismes de fonctionnement des systSmes pre- et post-r6volutionnaires; il examine Ie pouvoir etatique, les droits de l'homme, les structures economiques et conclut que les deux systsmes, se voulant opposes mais ayant egalement i?chou&, relevant de la meme logique despotique. Une troisiSme voie reste 5 trouver.

I R A N : MYTHS AND R E A L I T I E S OF A R E V O L U T I O N

Abstract: The powerful movement which rocked Iran in 1978 aroused a lot of hope, not only in Iran itself but also in a number of Third World countries where the people struggle for democratic liberties and social justice. This is why the deception and disillusionment provoked by the take-over of power by religious reactionaries has been so widely resented within the Third World. It is also for this reason that the Iranian experience constitutes a lesson for other peoples and movements in the Third World.

To answer the question 'what has really changed in Iran?', the author com- pares systematically the mechanisms of the functioning of the pre- and post- revolutionary systems: power of the state, democracy, economic structures. He concludes that both systems, apparently antagonistic, have equally failed, based as they are on the same logic of despotism. A third way remains to be explored.

Chahrokh Vaziri

I RAN: MYTHES ET REALITES D ' UIIE REVOLUTION

Le puissant mouvement qui 6branla 1'1ran en 1978 suscita beaucoup d'espoirs, non seuiement en Iran heme, mais egaiement dans un certain nombre de pays du Tiers Monde, dont les peuples lutfcenfc pour i'es libertes democrafciques et la justice sociale. C'est pourquoi la deception et la desillusion provoquees par la prise du pouvoir par des religieux reactionnaires furent ressenties avec autant d'ampleur par les populations du Tiers Monde. C'est aussi pour cette raison que l'experience iranienne peut servir de leyon a d'autres peuples et mouvements dans le Tiers Monde.

Qu'est-ce qui a veritablement change en Iran? Et en quoi 1'Iran d'aujourd'hui peut-il representer un exemple 3 suivre pour d'autres pays du Tiers Monde? Afin de repondre 2 ces questions et a bien d'autres, il serait utile de proceder 2 une comparaison des mecanismes de fonctionnement des systemes pre- et post-revolutionnaires. Bien entendu, les deux systemes ne sont pas identiques. Toutefois, le systeme clerical etant en partie le produit du systeme imperial, il y a des similitudes frappantes entre les fondements des deux systemes. Certes, les aspects negatifs du systeme imperial ont et@ accentues par le systeme clerical, et ont et6 aggraves par la terreur noire.

On pourrait done presque dire que le systeme de pouvoir mis en place par Khomeyni est un despotisme imperial authentique, tandis que celui du Chah n'en etait qu'une pale imitation.

Avant de proceder 5 l'analyse comparative des fondements des deux systemes, il convient de fixer quelques points de repere:

1. Contrairement a beaucoup de pays du Tiers Monde, 1'Iran est depuis le debut du siecle un pays tres riche en experiences politiques de tous ordres. Ces experiences debuterent par la grande Revolution Constitutionnelle de 1906-1911, dont l'ampleur et les repercussions pour son epoque ne furent pas moin- dres que celles de 1978. Par cette revolution, la nation iranienne tenta pour la premiere fois de mettre un terme au despotisme imperial millenaire en Iran. La loi constitutionnelle obtenue 3 la suite de la revolution de 1906-1911 fut ins- piree de celle de la Belgique, mais ne fut que tres rarement appliquee. Avec la fondation de la dynastie Pahlevi en 1925, et Ie retour au despotisme d'avant 1906, toute la vie politique de 1'Iran fut dominee par la lutte entre les constitutionnalistes partisans de l'application de la Constitution, et 1'Etat despotique represents par le Roi. Parmi les anti- constitutionnalistes d'avant la revolution de 1978 se trou- vaient entre autres l'ayatollah Khomeyni et ses adeptes, se reclamant d'une tendance religieuse minoritaire qui s'etait

opposes a la r6volution de 1906-1911 et a sa Constitution. Ainsi, avant les fevenements de 1978, la tendance dirigee par le Chah et celle diriqee par Khomeyni etaient d'accord sur un point: le refus de la Constitution de 1906-1911 et de ses libertfes democratiques. Tandis que le Chah rejetait l'application de la Constitution au nom de la tradition despotique imperials, Khomeyni la rejetait au nom du despotisme clerical.

2. Le mouvement de 1978 fut la synthese violente de toutes les contestations et oppositions 2 l'illegitimite constitutionnelle du pouvoir despotique du Chah. Les principales referen- ces de ce mouvement furent celles de la Revolution de 1906- 1911 et du gouvernement social-democrate du Dr. Mossadegh de 1951-1953.

3. Le coup de force khomeyniste dans la revolution de 1978 fut un moyen de mettre un terme 3 l'experience d'un Etat fonde sur le principe de la souverainete populaire. En effet, dans la republique islamique instauree par Khomeyni, le pouvoir de legiferer n'appar-fient pas aux elus de la nation, mais a Dieu. Et ce sont les "tuteurs" de la nation, c'est-a-dire les auto- rites religieuses, qui determinent quelles sont les lois divines. Conune 1'a ecrit Khomeynidans son ouvrage sur Ie gouvernement islamique: "la difference essentielle entre un qouver- nement islamique et une monarchie ou une republique consiste dans le fait que dans cesdernigr-5,c'est le monarque ou le peuple qui etablit les lois, tandis que dans le regime islamique, le pouvoir legislatif n'appartient qu'a Dieu... Nu1 n'a le droit de legiferer, et aucune loi, a l'exception des lois divines, ne peut etre appliqu6e1'. Ainsi, pour Khomeyni, la raison du rejet du despotisme du Chah n'est pas l'absence de legitimitfe populaire, mais l'absence de legitimite divine.

Ces quelques points pr6cis6s1 nous pouvons revenir a la comparaison des deux systemes de pouvoir.

1. Le pouvoir fitatique

A. Avant la Revolution

1. L'Etat imperial fut l'expression du despotisme des classes dominantes, dont la creation, ou au moins le developpement, avait et6 largement encouragfee, sinon impuls6e, par cet Etat lui-mSme (le Roi etant le representant symbolique de ce dernier). L'Etat-classe dominait le pays et en contrslait directement ou indirectement tous les secteurs politico-6conomiques. Le Roi-despote avait un role bonapartiste d'arbitrage entre les differentes fractions du pouvoir despotique. I1 prenait personnellement toutes les decisions fondamentales concernant la vie du pays. C'est ainsi que 1'Etat devint de plus en plus un Etat-manager, s'occupant de toute la vie socio-economique de 1' Iran.

2. Sur Ie plan politique, non seulement 1'Etat imperial ne tolerait aucune opposition, mais encore aucune organisation politique ou syndicate independante de son autorite. Le parti unique et obligatoire, cr66 par Ie Chah, etait destine 2 enca- drer la population afin de faciliter le fonctionnement de 1'Etat. Les syndicats ouvriers et patronaux, ainsi que les differentes corporations, Gtaient des emanations de l'appareil etatique. Les differentes instiLutioiis sociales (armee du savoir, de llhyqiGne, de la construction, de la religion, etc. . . ) furent egalement creees par 1'Etat despotique lui-meme.

1. L'Etat clerical a conserve les caracteristiques principales du rgqime precedent. Tout d'abord, cet Etat est un appareil repressif oppose a la Nation. I1 est au service d'une classe-Etat, avec toutefois cette difference que les privilegies qui constituent la couche dominante ont change. Cet Etat- classe est incarne par le "guide de la Revolution", qui joue le meme role bonapartiste que le Chah. De la meme facon qu'auparavant Ie Chah, le guide prend personneliement les decisions importantes S tous les niveaux.

Le nouvel Etat-classe monopolise le pouvoir au moyen d'un parti unique (Parti de la Republique islamique) et pretend assurer la gestion economique et politique du pays. Certes, les fonctionnaires et employes de cet Etat ne sont pas tous les msmes qu'auparavant; toutefois, le nombre de personnes servant directement ou indirect-ement 1'Etat est rest6 S peu prSs identi- que, ou 2 meme auqmente.

Les differentes institutions sociales creees par Ie nouveau regime (gardiens de la Revolution, comites, croisade de la reconstruction, fondation des desherites, etc. . .) sont directement controles et payes par 1'Etat clerical.

Sur le plan economique egalement, 1'Etat contr6le les richesses du pays et les distribue 2 son gre. Car non seulement les re- Venus du petrole constituent toujours la base financiere du pouvoir despotique clerical, mais encore la dependance vis-a- vis des ressources petroli6res ne cesse d'augmenter.

2 . Sur Ie plan politique, 1'Etat clerical reprend a son compte la tradition precedente, tout en l'amplifiant. Si, au debut de la Revolution, quelques organisations politiques 6taient tol6- rees, tres tot les dirigeants religieux ont pris l'initiative de supprimer toutes les organisations qui n'6taient pas soumi- ses 2 leur autorite. Des partis politiques et des organisations syndicales sont di'ssous, et leurs dirigeants sont emprisonnes ou executes. Des organisations et des mouvements a base ethnique, reqionaliste (Kurdes, Turkmenes, etc...) ou religieuse sont egalement dissoutes, et leurs dirigeants sont pourchasses. En effet, a la difference de 1'Etat despotique imp6- rial, qui reconnaissait implicitement les difffirentes composan-

tes ethniques, religieuses et culturelles de la Nation iranienne, 1'Etat clerical ne reconnait au sein de "1'Ommat" (com- munaute islamique des croyants) aucun droit a la difference, ni au pluralisme. Son ideologie "Towhidi" (unicitaire) ne tolere aucune contradiction ni difference. Et puisque cette difference et ce pluralisme existent de fait, il s'efforce de les supprimer par la force.

11. L'anti-intellectualisme A. Avant

1. Le regime imperial 6tait oppose aux classes moyennes et recrutait l'essentiel de ses activistes et partisans au sein des couches privilegiees d'une part, et parmi les "desh6rit6sr' d'autre part. L'opposition au regime provenait essentiellement des intellectuels, des cadres et fonctionnaires, des mem- bres des professions liberates et des commerqants, appartenant tous aux classes moyennes.

2. La societe imperiale etait anti-intellectuelle, populiste et anti-nationaliste. Le Chah considerait les intellectuels c o m e ses ennemis. L'exode des cerveaux, la fuite des cadres, constituaient egalement l'un des problemes importants de la societe imperidle. Sur le plan de l'alphabetisation, l'echec du systeme etait patent, avec quelque 60% d'analphabetes aprgs 30 annees de pouvoir absolu.

1. Les premieres victimes du regime clerical sont des mem- bres des classes moyennes. Des milliers d'employes, de fonctionnaires d'Etat, d'instituteurs et de professeurs sont ren- voyes par le regime des mollahs. Des juristes, des avocats, des medecins, des marchands et commercants, des petits pro- prietaires sont arr6tesr emprisonnes ou executes, et leurs biens sont saisis au profit des privilegies du nouveau pouvoir. Les partisans et activistes du regime clerical se recrutent principalement parmi les couches "desh6ritees", ainsi que parmi les riches mollahs et les marchands de la nouvelle classe di- rigeante.

2. La societe clericale pratique le meme anti-intellectualisme que le regime precedent. Les intellectuels sent consid6res comme les allies du "Grand Satan" et de 1'Occident en general. Des centaines de milliers de cadres et d'intellectuels ont fui le pays, et se trouvent 2 l'etranger, dans des conditions pour le moins precaires. Des poetes, des ecrivains et des cineastes sont pourchasses, persecutes, emprisonnes ou executes.

I I I , Democrat ie et l ibert6s A. Avant

1. Sur le plan des libertes democratiques, le regime imperial combattait d'une part l'idee meme de la democratic, et d'autre part les partisans du mouvement national et d6mocratique 2

l'interieur du pays. Le Chah etait oppose 2 la tradition du Front National du Dr. Mossadeqh (qui nationalisa le petrole iranien en 1951 et fut renverse par la CIA et la Cour en 1953). I1 etait pr6t a composer avec tout le monde, sauf avec ceux qui se reclamaient de Mossadegh et du Front National. Car la voie de ilossadegh etait celle d'une dhocratie parlementaire populaire. Quand le Chah crea son parti unique et obligatoire en 1975, 11 dec1ara:"Tous seront pareils, tous auront la meme organisation ... tous avec la meme philosophic...". Et au sujet de la democratie, le Chah rypondait 2 Oriana Fallaci, qui lui parlait du pluralisme: "Mais cette democratic-12, je n'en veux pas... Je n'ai que faire d'une telle democratic. Je vous la donne, vous pouvez la garder toute entiere, vous comprenez, votre belle d6mocratie".

1. Pour le regime clerical, la democratie et les libertes democratiques ne constituent que des produits de la corruption occidentale, et des methodes anti-islamiques. Pour Khomeyni, le pouvoir legislatif n'appartient pas au peuple, mais a Dieu, et les notions de majorit6 et de minority electorates n'ont aucun sens. Ce n'est pas le peuple qui peut savoir ce qui est bon ou mauvais pour lui, mais leur "tuteur", qui est le chef religieux. Khomeyni exprimait sa pensee le 17 aoGt 1979 en ces termes: "Si nous avions brise les plumes empoisonnees de la presse corrompue, ferme toutes les publications conspiratrices et pourries, traduit devant la justice islamique leurs respon- sables; si nous avions encore interdit des le debut tous les partis politiques qui complotent contre la Revolution, pendu leurs dirigeants a des potences dressees sur les places publiques, nous n'aurions pas connu les difficulties auxquelles nous faisons face aujourd'hui". On salt que ces idees furent largement mises en pratique depuis lors.

rV Les s t r u c t u r e s 6conomiques

A. Avant

1. Du point de vue financier, la society imperials dependait des revenus du petrole (qui constituaient plus de 80% des rentrees de devises). Toute l'economie iranienne "moderne" etait depuis ces 20 dernieres ann6es basee sur l'exploitation et l'exportation du petrole. L'accumulation des revenus du petrole permit la formation d'une masse imposante de capital financier . 2. La desarticulation entre la capacity financiers et l'incapacite de l'appareil productif a repondre a l'accroissement de la demande populaire, provoqua en partie la crise qui pr6c6- da la Revolution. Toutefois, au lieu de satisfaire la demande de biens d'equipement destines 3. rendre autonomes des industries de substitution a l'importation (produisant certains

biens de premigre n6ces~it6~ et des gquipements industriels 1 6 g e r ~ ) ~ le regime imp6rial eut recours 2 une politique d'importation massive de biens et d'articles de consommation courante (et de luxe). Ces importations sont passges en 4 ans (1973-1977) de 3 2 15 milliards de dollars, et 2 18 milliards en 197B1 atteignant prcs de 30% du PNB. Ainsil la dependance de ltIran par rapport a 116tranger slaccrut consid6rablement.

D'autre partl le capital financier accumul6 ne trouvait pas suffisamment de possibilit6s d'investissement dans les branches productives et s'orientait de plus en plus vers la sp6culation forrcisre. La cons6quence en fut une augmentation vertigineuse du loyer des logements populaires.

3. La politique de montage a profit6 aussi bien aux soci6t6s transnationales qu'2 ceux qui Gtaient en rapport 6troit avec la famille des Pahl6vis. 11 s'agissait, au d6butl de rendre ces industries de montage autonomes. C'est pourquoi llEtat en a favoris6 la cr6ation.par l'octroi de prEts 2 faibles taux d1int6r6t et par un protectionnisme douanier. Mais la d6pen- dance vis-2-vis de 116tranger ne fut pas diminu6e pour autant.

4. Le Bazarl en tant quSunit6 6coAomique traditi~nnelle~ re- groupant les activit6s bancairesl commerciales et industrielle~~ permettait une bourgeoisie dite "nationale" de contr6ler llaccumulation d'un capital "nati~nal"~ 116 avec les secteurs charges de satisfaire les besoins internes du pays. Par ses r6seauxl le Bazar reliait les villes aux zones ruralesl les puissants homes d'affaires aux petits commerqants et marchands sans oublier les petits artisans. Ce Bazarl qui constituait une puissance financisre et socio-culturelle permettant aux id6es nationales et dgmocratiques de slaffirmer face l1Etat1 assurait 60 2 70% de l'import-export du pays. D'oa sa force 6conomique. Orl llEtat imp6riall qui ne pouvait supporter llexistence dlune telle puissance autonome face 2 lull avait entrepris une politique visant 2 saper les fondements socio- 6conomiques du Bazarl et 2 diminuer et 2 restreindre par 1s- meme son influence politlque et culturelle.

5. Le secteur agricole fut le plus durement touch6 sous le regime imperial. La reforme agraire de lmAncien R6gime non seulement n'avait pas resolu les probl&nes des paysansl mais elle avait de plus detruit toute l'agriculture traditionnelle et vivrisre du paysl provoquant dlune part llexode des paysans vers les centres urbainsl et d'autre part une p6nurie alimentaire. Des unites agro-industrielles (dominees par les capitaux etrangers1 ayant remplacg les comunaut6s paySannest le type de cultures pratiquGes par ces unit6s ne correspondait plus aux besoins de la population. Tous ces problsmes etaient aggravgs par une difficult6 "classique" de l'agriculture ira- nlennel a savolr la sgcheresse naturelle et la n6cessite de llirrlgation artificielle au moyen de canaux souterrains d1ir- rigation (les ghanats). Tout cela conduisait 2 une d6pendance

alimentaire de plus en plus marquee de l11ran envers ltetran- ger. LIAncien Regime etait oblige de recourir l'importation de plus en plus massive de produits alimentaires Etrangers. En 1975-1976f 1'Etat imperial importa l16quiva1ent de lf4 mil- liard de dollars de produits alimentaire~~ tandis que la part du secteur agricole dans le PNB tombait lO%, contre 19,9% en 1970-1971.

6. L16tatisation de 1'6conomie etait deja trSs engag6e a lt6poque de llAncien Regime. L'ex-Chah avait envisage au debut que seules quelques branches principales de 1'6conomie soient contr616es par ltEtat, et que la majeure partie des diii6rents secteurs 6conomiques demeurent aux mains des int6rEts prives. Toutefoisf .3 partir des ann6es l97Of avec llaugmentation des revenus petroliers de l1Iranf 1'Etat se mit S intervenir de fa~on de plus en plus r6guliSre dans les activites economiques. Jusqulen 1970, 1'Etat iranien avait particip6 aux ~ 6 t h des investisseurs etrangers 5 la mise sur pied de quelques usines importantes, notamment dans la pgtrochimie. A partir des ann6es l97Of avec l'apparition d'un capital financier (resul- tant de l'augmentation consid6rable des revenus petroliers), llEtatf par 11interm6diaire de la S.N.I.P. (Soci6t6 Nationale Iranienne du Petrole) de quelques banques dlaÂ£iaires et avec l'appui de la Banque Mondialef realisa une veritable etatisation de 116conomie iranienne.

Sous 1'Ancien Rggime., les secteurs suivants etaient deja eta- tisgs (c'est-S-dire qu'ils ressortaient -du monopole de llEtat):

le petrole, le gazf la ~Gtrochimie; les aci6riesf ionderiesf usines produisant des tuyauxf cons- truisant des machines et des tracteurs 2 Tabriz et Arar, produisant de l'aluminiumf etc. ..; toutes les mines (cuivref charbonf . . .); la construction des routes, les chemins de ierf les installations portuaires et les Gquipements maritimesf les installations et le materiel aeriens; les transports publics; la production d'6lectricite et les gquipements correspon- dants (barragesf centralesf etc...); les postes et t616communications (y compris la Radio et la T616vision) ; les installations fournissant l'eau potable; les pecheries du Nord et du Sud; la Rggie des Tabacs; les compagnies agro-industrielles; la Societe nationale des viandes! tous les abattoirs (achats de viande et betail); le commerce exterieur (par le moyen de la compagnie des transactions avec l'etranger); le Centre de d6veloppement des exportations; toutes les compagnies d'assurance; les plus importantes banques (Banque Centraler Banque

nationalet Banque du Credit industrielt Banque du Credit agricole, etc...).

l. Les dirigeants religieux ont 2 maintes occasions affirm6 qu'ils n'attachaient pas une grande importance au d6veloppement 6conomiquet la R6volution ayant come but de realiser la soci6- t6 islamique et non le bien-6tre 6conomique. Cette conception a contribue 2 justifier l'incapacite du r6gime proceder a des reformes 6conomiques urgentes. Au lendemain de la Revolu- tion# la situation 6conomique etait catastrophiq~e~ notanunent en raison des grGves et des sabotages qui avaient pr6c6d6 le renversement de la monarchie.

Le premier gouvernement Bazargan s'effor~a de maintenirt dans la masure du possiblet les structures 6conomiques existantes et les faire ionctionner tant bien que malt pour satisfaire les besoins fondamentaux et imediats de la population. Toute- foisl l'absence de koute securit6 et des garanties materielles ngcessaires incita les cadrest dont beaucoup avaient regagne le pays apres la R6volution pour participer 2 la reconstruction nationale# 2 choisir l'exil et &,quitter de nouveau 1'1ran. Par la suitet les campagnes men6es contre les "lib6ra~x"~ les "d6- viationni~tes"~ les "occidentalis6s", les "hypocrites", les "socio-d6mocrates" et les "nationali~tes"~ frappgrent avant tout les cadrest les intellectuels et les petits industriels qui avaient eu la t6m6rit6 de rester au pays malgre tout.

La situation 6conomique empirat ce qui apparaTt clairement a travers 1'6volution du taux de croissance du PNB. Ce taux est tomb6 de 13#75% en 1976-1977 2#8% pour 1977-1978t puis a chute 2 -9% pour l97Bt -3% pour 1979 et -10% pour 1980.

Cette situation obligea le gouvernement des mollahs 2 importer toute une serie de biens que l'industrie du pays produisait pour le march6 interieur avant la R6volution. Ainsil la d6- pendance par rapport aux produits etrangers fut encore accen- tu6e.

2. Le budget pour 1981-1982 constitue un autre signe de la situation catastrophique de 1'6conomie post-r6volutionnaire. Ce budget est caract6ris6 par un deficit sans precedent. Le montant total du budget 81-82 6quivaut 2 39 milliards de dollarst avec un deficit de pr&s de l0 milliards de dollars: Ce deficit s'61evaitt pour les exercices 78-79 et 79-80 respectivement a environ 5 - 6 milliards de dollars. I1 est clair que les revenus du petrole ne peuvent plus couvrir les depenses qu'il a 6tG prevu de consacrer au d6veloppement. Par ailleurs, les dcpenses courantes constituent plus de 60% des depenses budgetaires (a cause notamment des gtatisations).

3 . Quelques mois aprgs la R6volution~ le Bazar! qui avait jou6 un r61e d6cisif dans le renversement de 1'Ancien R6gimel commenGa 2 Etre contr616 de plus en plus pres par le pouvoir clerical. Au cours d'une premisre phase! il s'agissait pour les religieux de contr6ler les activit6s 6conomiques et politiques du Bazar. Dans une seconde phase! comenc6e depuis environ une ann6el les religieux ont d6cid6 de tout faire pour supprimer le Bazar en tant qu'unitg economique, sociale et culturelle, qui risquerait de redevenir le fer de lance daun nouveau mouvement de contestation. Ce projet est actuellement en cours d'ex6cutionl et la reprise en mains des activit6s commerciales traditionnelles du Bazar par 1'Etat en est une illustra- tion. La suppression, ou tout au moins la relegation au second plan du Bazar, si elle se r6alisaitf constituerait un pas important vers la collectivisation et la bureaucratisation com- pletes de la vie 6conomique, sociale et culturelle du pays par 1'Etat cl6rical.

4. Apres la R6volutionf l'accent fut officiellement mis sur la n6cessit6 de 11ind6pendance alimentaire et du d6veloppement de l'agriculture traditionnelle. Le discours officiel insis- tait sur le caractsre religieux et sacr6 du devoir des paysans de cultiver toutes les terres cultivables. C'est ainsi que la production agricole enregistra en 1978-79 une hausse de 6% par rapport 2 ltann6e pr6c6dente. Cependant! la d6terioration de la situation se fit sentir 2 partir de 1979-80 avec une baisse de 3 . 5 % . Cette baisse se poursuivit en 1981 et en 198z1 obli- geant le gouvernement 2 recourir Zi l'importation des denr6es alimentaires de premiere n6cessit6. La dgpendance alimentaire envers 1'Europe et les Etats-Unis ne cesse donc pas d'augmenter depuis la R6volution. Avant la R6volutionl 1'Etat achetait en moyenne quelque 1.150.000 tonnes de produits aux paysans. Aprss la R6volution (plus pr6cis6ment en 1981)! 1'Etat n'a pu acqu6- rir que 804.000 tonnes. Et le prix d'un kilo de rizl qui etait d'environ$l avant la R6volutionl est pass6 aujourd'hui Zi au moins $5.

5. Non seulement les secteurs les plus importants de 1'6cono- mie restent! come ladis! sous le contr61e de l1Etat1 mais encore l'etatisation de 116conomie a 6t6 renforc6e aprss la R6vo- lution! de sorte qu'actuellement plus de 80% de lt6conomie iranienne est contr616e par l'appareil 6tatiquel c'est-a-dire en fait par la minorit6 clericale au pouvoir. Cette 6tatisa- tion! qui pourrait Gtre positive (s'il s'agissait de dgfendre les int6rEts de l'ensemble de la population au moyen de vraies nationalisations) constitue en l'occurence un frein au developpement 6conomique dss lors qu'elle est mise en oeuvre par un Etat oppos6 2 la Nation et non par l'exercice de la volontg d'une majorit6 d6mocratique. Dans ce dernier cast il ne s'agi- rait pas tant d'etatiser que de "nationaliser", dans le sens de "rendre 2 la Nation" (ctest-Zi-dire aux personnes priv6es aussi bien quaaux collectivit6s) les secteurs qui servaient tradi- tionnellement au renforcement du despotisme de 1'Etat sur la

Nation. La "nationalisation-etatisation" du commerce ext6rieur est 2 cet egard revelatrice et fort instructive. En effetf le monopole du commerce exterieur ayant toujours 6t6 un instrument de domination de 1'Etat despotique sur la Nationf la veritable "nationalisation" ne serait-elle pas de rendre le contr6le (sous une forme democratique) de ce secteur a la Nationf c'est- 2-dire 2 l'ensemble des citoyensf en brisant precis6ment le monopole de lqEtat despotique (11 ne faut pas oublier ce point essentiel qu'il s'aqit 1.3 d'un Etat despotique existant et,dlun Etat democratique qui reste 5 construire 5 travers un processus politique complexe) ?

Pour en revenir au processus da6tatisationf on peut rappeler que la valeur brute totale des qrandes unitss de production industrielles "6tatis6es1' en 1979 fut estimee ?i quelque 600 milliards de rials. Ainsif plus de 70% du capital du secteur in- dustriel passsrent aux mains de l'Etat, contre environ 50% avant la R6volution. Depuisf des centaines d'autres usinesf grandes, moyennes et petites entreprises sont devenues propriGt6 de 1'Etat par l1interm6diaire notammentde ia "Fondation des desherites" . Le 22 novembre 1980, le journal gouvernemental Keyhan annonGa 1'arrSt des activites de plus de 1000 des plus grandes unitgs industrielles. Ce chiffre doit Stre probablement ioub16. Quant aux autres qrandes unites de productionf elles ne fonctionne- raient semble-t-il qu12 10% de leur capacit6 de production.

Par ailleursf 1'Etat iranien s'est place juridiquement dans la position d'un debiteur vis-a-vis des banques 6tranqSres. En effetf quelque temps aprss cette vague dS6tatisationf toutes les autres industries importantes furent egalement "nationali- sees" (en faitf acquises par expropriation). LtEtat a donc dii 6galement prendre en charqe les industries dgbitrices et defi- citaires. Ces "nationalisations" ont 6t6 essentiellement r6a- lisees au moyen d'expropriations et par le canal de la "Fonda- tion des d e ~ h ~ r i t ~ s " ~ institution creee dans ce but. Mais la fuite des cadresf l'expropriation des patronsf dont tous n'etaient pas incomp6tentsf loin de laf la prise en mains hsti- ve des usines et des banquesf empgchaient la remise en route efficace de ces industries. Le gouvernement etait dans l'impos- sibilit6 de gerer ces industries et en a donc octroye la gestion a des "comit6s islamiques d'entreprises". Avant toute autre chosef ces "conseils'~ compos6s d'ouvriers et de quelques cadres "islamiques" se sont octroye les salaires et les avantages dont bgngficiaient nagusre leurs directeurs. Toutefoisf manquant d'exp6riencef ne disposant d'aucun programme 6conomi- que d'ensemble ni des cadres indispen~ables~ ces "conseils" n'ont pas 6tt5 en mesure de faire fonctionner les usines; le resultat ne se fit pas attendre: ce fut la faillite pure et simple de la plupart de ces entreprises.

J'ai d6ja par16 du problsme du commerce exterieur. C'est un secteur qui est en rapport etroit avec les banques et les industries et qui a subi le mSme sort que ces dernigres. En 1980, le commerce ext6rieur a et6 egalement "nationalise", c'est-2-dire 6tatise. Ainsi, les importateurs sont-ils obli- ges de s'adresser a l'Etat, ou a des religieux jouant le role d1interm6diairesr afin de pouvoir importer les produits que 1'Etat juqe "utiles" ou "indispensables" pour Ie pays. Cette politique a eu les resultats suivants (parmi d'autres):

. la disparition de la concurrence (d'oii baisse de la qualite et hausse des prix) ;

. Ie d6veloppement d'une couche dependante de ltEtat, tou- chant des "commissions" importantes de tous les cotes;

. l'augmentation des prix des produits importes, 2 cause de la meconnaissance des mecanismes du commerce international, et du fait que les transnationales fixent le plus souvent des prix egaux aux prix de detail lorsqu'elles traitent avec des Etats.

6. La Fondation Pahlevi fut l'une des institutions les plus riches et les plus puissantes de ce genre, et pas seulement pour 1'Iran. Son but 6tait de donner au Chah, sa famllle et 2 ses proches, un contr6le et des possibilit6s de pr6lSvement sur les differentes activites economiques. Elle etait 2 la fois le lieu d'un enrichissement spectaculaire et d'un pouvoir tentaculaire sur les activitgs economiques et commerciales. La "Fondation des desh6rit6s" (comme on 1'a d6j5 vu) joue le meme role et remplit les mSmes fonctions, servant de couverture aux pr616vements, pillages et dilapidations par les religieux de la caste clericale au pouvoir.

V Conclusion Pour conclure, on pourrait dire qu'en l'espace d'une dizaine d'annees, les Iraniens ont pu cornparer deux syst6mes se presen- tant comme farouchement opposes: le systsme moderne et occi- dentalise voulant integrer 1'Iran au march6 mondial, et Ie systsme "r~v~lutionnaire"~ anti-occidental voulant rompre avec ce meme march6 mondial.

Sur le plan des valeurs fondamentales, le regime imperial se reclamait de la defense de 1'Occident et de ses valeurs, mais en realit6 (on 1'a vu) il n'acceptait ces valeurs que d'une manisre superficielle, ou pas du tout. Le regime imperial, tout comme le regime clerical aujourd'hui, rejetait tous les acquis positifs, materiels et spirituels de la civilisation occidentale. Le regime clerical se reclame de l'Islam, mais en realit6, tout comme son pred6cesseur1 il n'utilise 1'Islam que comme une ideologie au service du pouvoir despotique. En ce qui concerne les vraies valeurs de la civilisation islamique (tol6rance, pardon, humanity, bont6, humilit6, justice

et paix), elles sont absentes du regime clerical conune elles 1' gtaient du regime imperial.

L'echec de ces deux voles, antagoniques seulement en apparence mais relevant fondamentalement de la meme logique despotique, constitue une leqon historique non seulement pour les Iraniens, mais egalement pour d'autres peuples du Tiers Monde.

Entre un developpement dans la dependance directe et sans liberte politique et le mythe "revolutionnaire" debouchant sur la dictature et la dgpendance indirecte, il doit exister une troisigme voie: celle qui combine les reformes economiques et sociales radicales avec la democratic politique.

CONTRIBUTIONS to the cost of the Dossier are welcome. May we suggest a minimum of US$30 (or Swiss francs 48) a year for those in the North, and half that amount for those in the Third World and students? Those who can afford it are of course invited to contribute more (there is no upper limit).

Kindly send cheque to IFDA, 1260 Nyon, Switzerland. Residents of Switzerland may use CCP 10-23459 FIPAD Nyon.

1 STUDIES IN RURAL PARTICIPATION l EDITED BY AMIT BHADURI AND MD. ANISUR RAHMAN

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Preface v

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

1. Peasant Organisation and Participation in Tanzania -Justin H.]. Maeda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

2. Agricultural Cooperatives and Peasant ParticipationintheSociaIist Republic of Vietnam-Amit Bhaduri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

3. Land Reform and Peasant Associations in Ethiopia: A Case Study of Two Widely Differing Regions-Alula Abate and Tesfaye Teklu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

4. "Participatory" Development Efforts in Rural Bangladesh: A Case Study of Experiences in Three Areas-Mahabub Hossain, Raisul Awal Mahmood, and Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmad . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90

5. State, Law and Participatory Institutions: The Papua New Guinea Experience-Yash P. Ghai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . :. . . . 121

6. Bhoomi Sena: A "Land Army" in India-G. V.S. de Silva, ..... Niranjan Mehta, Md. Anisur Rahman, and Ponna Wignaraja 151

7. Sind Hari Committee, 1930-1970: A Peasant Movement? -Mahrnood Hasan Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

8. The Formation and Development of a Rural Proletarian Stratum: .......... The Case of the Chilean Torrante-Gonzalo Falabella 194

Annex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214

(Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing Co., 1982)

B U I L D I NG BLOCKS

NE! AGE !iORLD GOVERNANCE

by Wi l l i am N. E l l i s E x e c u t i v e S e c r e t a r y TRANET P.O.Box 567 Rangeley, Me 0 4 9 7 0 , U . S . A .

O r i g i n a l l anguage : E n g l i s h

Abstract: It seems to be the time to take development alternatives to their next logical conclusion: the impossibility of moving in creative directions under the current nation-state/United Nations system of World Governance. But more than that: to look for the steps we can take today in our own lives to move toward a more humanistic world governance controlled by transnational people-to-people networks.

Resume: Le moment semble venu de tirer la conclusion logique de la quete d'un autre dgveloppement: 11impossibilit6 d'avancer crgativement sous le systsme actuel de gouvernement mondial des nations-Etats. Plus: Ie moment est aussi venu de considerer les pas que nous pouvons faire dans nos propres vies pour avancer vers un systsme de gouvernement mondial plus humain sous la direction de reseaux populaires transnationaux.

L A NUEVA ERA Y E L GOBIERNO D E L MUNDO

Resumen: El momento parece haver elegido de sacar la conclusion logica de la busqueda de otro desarrollo: la imposibilidad de avanzar creativamente en el actual sistema de gobierno mundial de Estados-naciones. Mas aiin, el momento ha tambien elegido para plantearnos, cuales son 10s pasos que nosotros podemos dar en relacion a nuestras propi'as vidas para avanzar haci'a un sistema de gobierno mundial mas humano y en la direcion de la red popular transnacional.

William N. Ellis

;El,' AGE WORLD GOVERNANCE

We are, today, in the midst of an era of radical reformulation of the role of humans in the universe. It is a transition which spans all aspects of human life from the inner soul of the individual to the political organization of the planet. It involves transformations in our religions, our technologies, our education, our family relationships, our industries and our communities. The transformation we are going through is a fact of history, not a utopian dream, not an academic study, not a plan of government, not a promise of politicians. The transformation is not fully, if at all, under our control. We may be recognizing only portions of it. It may be the result of man's heedless destruction of the planet's resources. Or, it may be the next step in the universe's creation.

This paper will not explore in-depth the indicators which point to the conclusion that the world is on the threshold of a bright new age. The paper will only explore some of the implications this New Age will have for World Government. It is, however, necessary to set the framework and the context into which the discussion of government must fit.

The renewal happening around us has many roots and many names. The "Environmental Movement" in the USA was initiated by books such as Rachel Carson's "Silent Spring" in 1957. The common ownership movement in Britain was given impetus with the trans- fer of ownership of the Bader works to the workers; in France Jacques Ellul's "The Technological Society" brought on a re- evaluation of technology; Eric Daman's "The Future in our Hands", in Norway, initiated a major reexamination of North/ South relationships. The Consumer Association of Penang in Malaysia, CO-cop in Bolivia, the Gandhi Peace Foundation in India, the Tasor Women's Group in Ghana and the Eco-development Centre in Paris are only a few of the independent actions which indicate a deep-seated and global desire for change.

The theories of quantum mechanics and relativity have laid a philosophical base for this global transformation. As physi- cist David Bohm demonstrates in "Wholeness and the Implicate Order" the shift from Newtonian to modern physics necessitates a change in our mode of thought from one of atomism and fragmentation to one of wholeness and continuum. The notion that individuals and parts of the universe have separate existences is an illusion. It is to some extent necessary for humans to divide things up, and to separate them, $0 as to reduce certain problems to manageable size. But, Bohm argues, we have let fragmentation become our dominant approach to life. We separate our thinking into disparate disciplines. Religion, art,

science, work, leisure are all put into separate unrelated categories. This proclivity to divide and subdivide leads ultimately to negative, destructive and unreal results. In modern physics it is recognized that the Newtonian, mechanistic and fragmentary view of the universe is valid only within certain limited domains. Once we go beyond reality each particle or individual reaching to infinity. It is Bohm's the unity of the universe is affect is affecting modern science and our

those domains closer to becomes part of a continuum belief that the new view of ng world culture just as it general mode of thought.

on of fragmented lives was The search for wholeness and reject i marked in the 1960's by billowsof smoke rising from the riot rocked cities of Amsterdam, Newark, London, Washington, Tokyo, San Francisco and Paris. During the 1970's the concerns of the counter-culture moved into the mainstream of acceptable society. Studies such as the Club of Rome's "Limits to Growth" made even the most academic scholars look out of the windows of their ivory towers; stagflation sent shivers of fear through all ruling capitols of the world; the energy crunch forced every household to recognize the need to reappraise our social forms. Now, in the 19801s, the many small beginnings and the many independent actions in all parts of the world are beginning to coalesce into a single network for transformation.

The current situation is well described in a recent best selling book, "The Aquarian Conspiracy" by Marilyn Ferguson. The Aquarian Conspiracy, according to Ferguson, is a conspiracy among people who seldom know one another. They are nonetheless conspiring in that each recognizes the turnabout in consciousness which is bringing about the radical change in our culture. She notes that the unspoken beliefs of people change long before they publicly concede the transformation. We are, thus, still mouthing conviction in bygone mores and paradigms while we already live by different principles.

James Robertson in "The Sane Alternative", delineates some of the paradigm shifts needed and taking place. "Wealth", for example, can no longer be counted in stocks and bonds, mansions and limousines. The wealthy person is coming to be the one least dependent on the fragile economic-social system for his livelihood and welfare. "Work" can no longer be defined only in terms of hours away from home and financial income. More and more people are mixing recreation with employment to combine self-sufficiency with self-realization. Dogmatic "Religion" is giving way to personal spiritual transformation. "Professional" services are being replaced by personal relationships and estab- lihed "government" is being bypassed as communities and individuals dominate social innovation.

Chilean,Gustavo Lagos,ties this age of transition and wholeness to World Government in "The Revolution of Being", one of a number of articles with decentralist themes from the World Order

Models Project. He contends that "the revolution of having" has failed to bring either justice or happiness. The future world system must be based on a cultural and spiritual transition from "having" to "being". It is his belief that the world culture based on fragmentation and accumulation is being replaced by one of unity and faith in human beings.

It would be illusory and hypocrit-ical LU L a l k uf a major cultural and spiritual revolution without recognizing that it will be neither sustained nor effective without a major structural change in the formal social, economic and political system by which we are governed and by which we govern. It would be equally illusory to speak of a future world government without recognizing the unalterable transformation in human thought and in human being now in progress. To speak sensibly of World Government we must recognize that formal "government" is merely one part of a complex of informal and formal "governance".

Each of us is governed and governs by many forces. Physical forces hold us to the earth; biological forces dictate what we need to physically survive; inner spiritual forces determine our requirements for meaningful life; and, social forces govern our associations with other people. Families, churches, employers, schools and technologies are all parts of the system of governance. Each influences what we can do and how we can influence the behavior of others. Govern- is only one element in this system of govern-. Government is only necessary, and only effective, when some other element of governance is ineffective.

Current discussions of world order are premised on the omni- potence of the nation-state. They seldom recognize the full range of forces that are part of the system of governance. In fact, the nation-state system of World Governance is an inven- tion of a few European rulers made within the last 200 years. It was spread from a small sector of the earth to the rest of the world by the force of arms, the dogma of a religion shaped to do its bidding, and an economic-industrial system which relied on it for control and protection.

World order based on the nation-state assumes that the resources and the people within a political boundary are the inalienable property of that nation-state. Leaders within each nation-state gain control through some competition that elimin- ates opposition. Once in power, and in order to maintain power, they must strive to maximize their nation's share of the world's resources. They are entrapped in a competitive world system. Though recognizing a degree of economic interdependence, no nation dares recognize its political interdependence. The fact that all persons have a stake in programs and policies which distribute the world's resources is given no voice.

Nor is the selection of national/world leaders open to all those affected by the choice. Each nation-state is accepted to be politically supreme, autonomous and independent regard- less of the effect its government's actions have on people outside, or even within, its borders.

There is nothing inalienable or permanent in this European in- vented form of government. The st-udy of history, even European history, reveals many alternative political systems. In fact, history shows that the societies with the least bureaucratic and hierarchical structures have had the greatest stability over time. Many of these societies are based on precepts that are much more in line with the emerging new age than the precepts of the nation-states. Consider, for example, the native American system of governance.

For native Americans the whole culture - religious, economic, social, technological and political - was based on the concept of a community of beings, or more correctly a community of Being. Each individual - human, animal, plant and even the forces of nature - were parts of a single living cosmos. Each has its purpose and its proper niche as part of the whole. The individual, the person, was not bent on mastering nature, controlling others or competing to win respect or property. Each strove to perfect his being in harmony with and as part of the whole. Human rights were not a matter of law bestowed by government. They were parts of onet.s duty, and his obligation to Being. Each being, human and non-human, was responsible for developing not only his own creative powers but those of all others of the universe of which he was part.

The native American economic-political system designed itself from this metaphysical understanding. One could not own property, for property had its own being. Even tools, clothes and utensils had a being and purpose to be fulfilled. One's future and the welfare of his family were not assured by an accumulation of material wealth but by one's service to Being. Elaborate ceremonies were developed to provide for the broad distribution of food, shelter and the other necessities of life, particularly to the aged and weak. The dignity of the individual was gained not by what he owned but by what he was able to give away - his contribution to society. The great hunter, or craftsman had no concept of selling the product of his work. His duty to being was to create for the benefit of the community. The natural political system was one of cooperation, consensus and confederation rather than one of competition, confrontation and struggle for power.

Variations on this theme were well known in Africa and Asia as well as the Americas. They were the rule rather than the exception before the advent of European expansion. They are perhaps too idyllic to be copied without change in the over popul- ated, under resourced and stressful world we know today. But

by envisioning ourselves in the framework of alternative qov- ernmental systems we may be able to break the bonds which tie us to the dying paradigms of the passing age.

Governance for the New Age cannot be based on the narrow concepts of government through bureaucratic nation-state hierarchies. The current transformation is wholistic and multidimensional. In keeping with this transformation, world government should be wholistic and multidimensional. We must recognize the many forces of human governance and construct a world order which reflects, promotes and takes advantage of the emerging spiritual and ethical affirmation of human rights and human dignity. A future world government can be pictured as a multidimensional network or networks which provides each individual with many optional paths through with he can provide for his own well-being and can participate in controlling world affairs.

A multidimensional system of world governance is, in fact, nothing new. World religions have never completely surrendered their power of governance to the nation-states. New systems of supranational control have been created by multinational corporations which have not only been able to avoid the meddle- some interferences of national governments but have probably been a positive force in avoiding destructive wars between nations in which their financial interests were involved. The oil producing countries, through OPEC, added another dimension to world governance which goes well beyond the boundaries of nation-states. And, increased travel and communications have helped other sectors of the global society to ameliorate the power of nation-state governments to sow dissensions. Such examples prove the world order has many dimensions; they also show that grass-roots participation has not yet been provided for in global decision making.

These beginnings must be extended to provide a system of optional ways in which each planetary citizen can express his preferences for the world of the future. A World Council of Ethnic Groups could provide a channel for each individual to reach up from his local village to the highest echelons of World government. A World Council of craftsmen could be another. A World Council of Communities; a World Council of Laborers; a World Council of Homeowners; a World Council of Religions; a World Council of Nations; a World Council of Businesses and other world councils would provide other equal voices for expressing the needs of the grass roots. A Council of World Councils could assure coordination, guarantee balanced representation, and provide over-all direction in world affairs.

such a world government representing more than the territorial rights of nation-states could reduce the tensions which lead to wars and could give people new agents to which to declare

their loyalties and allegiances. But, merely substituting many parallel hierarchies for one would not necessarily assure human rights, equity, democracy, peace or self realization. Each verticalhierarchymight still remain open to dominance and elitism. New Age governance calls for a more fundamental reordering of our channels of communication and governance. It calls for horizontal linking at the level of the individual and their communities as well as multiple vertical linking to the seats of world direction.

~t is not even necessary to destroy or replace the current world government system in order to put into effect a system of governance which gives more voice and more power to the people. As has been stressed throughout this article formal government is only one element of world order. Non-formal, informal, non-governmental and voluntary agencies already play significant roles even within the very hazardous and faulty U.N./nation-state system. The existing, or any, governmental form could provide a more stable, humane and equitable future for all if the people's values replaced those of the competitive ruling elites.

The primary need is for transnational people-to-people networks in which the grass roots can build solidarity based on an understanding of one another's desires. The strategy for this is to build horizontal networks as complementary alternatives to the existing order. This "second level of world governance" could grow to take over many, if not all, of the functions now performed by the association of nation-states.

The embryos for such a New Age governance are slowly taking shape. Sister Cities International is a transnational twinning of cities which provide technical assistance to one another to solve urban problems. Action Aid from London has helped small communities and small industries provide mutual assistance. The Experiment in International Living helps students learn about one another's culture by living in one another's homes; TRANET promotes bilateral links between groups developing appropriate technologies; the International Communities Exchange provides information for groups wishing to exchange experiences in new lifestyles; and, many other transnational networks are helping to promote a non-governmental world system of cooperative self-reliance.

To date,few of these non-governmental networks have given serious attention to their potential participation in world governance. Those which have, the official NGOs associated with the U.N. agencies, have spent many fruitless days reacting to empty proposals and hackneyed propositions advanced by U.N. committees and bureaucracies. They have spent little effort in creating their own initiatives to bring peace and understanding among people or among nations.

Notable exceptions to this general rule have been the Pugwash Conferences. Initiated by Albert Einstein, Bertrand Russel and other leading scientists at the height of the Cold War, the FugwashConferencesbring together leading scientists from all parts of the world, irrespective of the relationships of their respective nations, to discuss world problems without the hin- drance of official national positions. Although elitist and confined to the problems of science and society Pugwash provides a model on which other people-to-people networks might be built as the harbingers for a New Age world governance.

As transnational networks mature and converge there is a growing realization that self renewal, local community action, alternative technology, human rights, ecological concern and other transformational activities must be linked with developing concepts for a just world order. It is not enough to "rearrange the chairs on the Titanic". A just world order can only be built by recognizing the radical reformation of human thought now taking place throughout the planet.

There are many New Age networks. Some have their heads in the esoteric clouds. Others keep their hands and feet mired in the too real land of development aid. Others have locked themselves in their academic ivory towers. The 1980s is a time of coming out and coming together. New Age governance must have many elements; the spiritual, the technical, the social, the economic and the political. They must be harmonious and uni- fied, and they must be rooted in the minds, hearts and souls of all people. As stronger transnational people-to-people networks are built, and as bridges between the many new age movements grow stronger,a New Age Governance will emerge for the fuller development of the human potential.

MARK1 NGS

WHO CAN STOP THE APOCALYPSE? OR THE TASK, SUBSTANCE AND STRATEGY OF THE S O C I A L MOVEMENTS

By Rudo l f Bahro*

So as n o t t o cause any misunders tand ing, I must confess r i g h t away t h a t t h i s cannot be, and i s n o t supposed t o be, a t a l k by an o b j e c t i v e observer . I t i s more o f an appeal than an a n a l y s i s , and i n i t s fo rm i t i s more o f an o u t l i n e ske tch than a s c i e n t i f i c l e c t u r e .

The f i r s t reason f o r t h i s i s a p r a c t i c a l one - b o t h t r i v i a l and welcome. I n t h e l a s t two yea rs I have n o t been a b l e t o under take s c i e n t i f i c work i n t h e s t r i c t sense, as t o o much has been go ing on o u t s i d e t h e l i b r a r i e s . Th i s a l r e a d y bears on t h e s u b j e c t o f my t a l k . A movement i s under way i n v a r i o u s c o u n t r i e s o f P r o t e s t a n t c e n t r a l and n o r t h e r n Europe, a movement which I l i k e t o c a l l t h e eco logy and peace movement, b u t which by v i r t u e o f i t s i n h e r e n t dynamic i s a movement f o r convers ion i n t h e me t ropo l i ses , f o r a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t goes r i g h t th rough t o t h e m a t e r i a l and mental f ounda t i ons o f ou r c u l t u r e . Th i s movement i s a t a f o rma t i ve stage, and n a t u r a l l y corresponds w i t h s i m i l a r tendenc ies i n a l l o t h e r p a r t s of t h e wor ld . My i n t e r e s t i n t h i s s u b j e c t i s n o t academic, b u t e x i s t e n t i a l , so I s h a l l dea l w i t h i t i n a q u i t e one-sided and a b s o l u t i s t manner. I n t h i s case, too, t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s a r e n o t t h e ma jo r source f rom which t h e movement proceeds. The p resen t t ime i s one b f a p p l i e d t heo ry , o r t o be more accura te , a p p l i e d i deo logy .

B a s i c a l l y , t h e ques t i on a t i s sue i s s t i l l more e lementary . For many people t he e x t e r m i n i s t and s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e tendency t h a t seems t o have taken h o l d o f o u r e n t i r e s o c i a l body presents i t s e l f i n so fundamental and necessary a way t h a t t h e ev idence f o r i t i s as g r e a t as was t h e evidence f o r t h e com- p e l l i n g myths o f a r c h a i c t imes. Even though the o u t l i n e s o f t h e goa l a r e q u i t e unc lea r , n o t h i n g needs t o be demonstrated o r proved. For t h e plagues o f a n c i e n t Egypt a r e upon us, t h e horsemen o f t h e apocalypse can be heard, t h e seven dead l y s i n s a r e v i s i b l e a l l around us i n t h e c i t i e s of today, where Babe1 i s mu1 t i p 1 i e d a thousand f o l d .

I n 1968 t h e promised Canaan o f genera l emanc ipat ion appeared on t h e h o r i - zon, and t h i s t ime a t l a s t f o r women as w e l l . B u t a lmost a11 o f those who b e l i e v e i n t h i s have t a c i t l y come t o r e a l i s e t h a t f i r s t o f a l l w i l l come t h e yea rs i n t h e w i l de rness . A l l t h a t i s l a c k i n g now i s t h e p i l l a r o f f i r e t o show us t h e r o u t e o f our exodus. T h i s i s a l l t o say t h a t a mood i s spread ing which i s more t o be grasped i n t h e language o f these o l d pa rab les t han by s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s o f behav iour , and which i s g r a d u a l l y

* Wollinstrasse 5 , 2820 Bremen 7 7 , Federal Republic of Germany.

Paper presented a t the V11 World Conference on Futures Studies, Stockholm, June 6-8 1982.

making i t s way across a l l t h e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s t h a t p o l i t i c a l economy, soc io logy , p o l i t i c a l sc ience and s o c i a l psychology l i k e t o m a i n t a i n . And t h i s mood has more reason than ever b e f o r e t o be a p o c a l y p t i c , t h i s t i m e n o t j u s t f o r one p a r t i c u l a r t r i b e , one o r o t h e r p a r t i c u l a r s t a t e o r even one p a r t i c u l a r c i v i l i s a t i o n , b u t r a t h e r f o r t h e one c i v i l i s a t i o n t h a t i s f i n a l l y d e c i s i v e . Th i s I assume i s s e l f - e v i d e n t . I d o n ' t i n t e n d t o prove anyth ing, t o p resen t t h e evidence f o r those who d o n ' t want t o read t h e w r i t i n g on t h e w a l l , as I b e l i e v e t h a t f a c t s and arguments a r e n o t what such people l a c k .

Th i s w i l l make c l e a r my bas i c a t t i t u d e towards t h e s u b j e c t o f t h i s congress, and t h e counterpos ing o f 'governments ' and 'movements' - something t h a t I f i n d ve ry app rop r i a te , as by t h i s complementar i ty b o t h concepts a t t a i n a ve ry g l o b a l and comprehensive cha rac te r . So t h a t i t i s exper ience r a t h e r than l o g i c a l l y presented arguments t h a t l e a d me t o ask what i s meant by t h e ' f u t u r e o f p o l i t i c s ' . Shou ldn ' t f u t u r o l o g i s t s assume t h a t p o l i t i c s has t o be p u t i n c o l d s torage? You can o f course say t h a t movements a r e a l s o p o l i t i c a l . What I want t o s t r e s s though i s t h a t p r o f e s s i o n a l p o l i t i c s i s n o t go ing t o save anyth ing, b u t can o n l y make e v e r y t h i n g worse. Hopeful i n i t i a t i v e s cannot come f rom t h i s d i r e c t i o n , u l e s s t hey a r e spu r i ous . I t wasn ' t r e a l l y t h e German c h a n c e l l o r who b rough t t h e USA and t h e S o v i e t Union t o t h e conference t a b l e i n Geneva. And besides, what a r e we t o expect o f t h i s ? On any ques t i on o f s u r v i v a l , i t always comes down t o f o r c i n g t h e p01 i t i c i a n s t o r e a c t by i r r e s i s t i b l e pressure . Thus e v e r y t h i n g depends on convoking ' n o n - p o l i t i c a l ' o r ' e x t r a - p o l i t i c a l ' f o r ces , p r e c i s e l y on an overwhelming movement o f convers ion, which d i s r u p t s t h e normal a c t i v i t y o f t h e o f f i c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , f o r example t h e a c t i v i t y o f t h e defence m i n i s t r i e s i n ' s e c u r i n g peace' . L e t us assume t h a t a peace research team was t o observe t h e p resen t scene i n Western Europe, Japan and t h e USA i n o r d e r t o make a prognos is . They would n a t u r a l l y recogn ise a d i a l e c t i c , an i n t e r a c t i o n , between t h e grass- r o o t s movements and t h e fo rces t h a t speak f o r these i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s . And i f they were o p t i m i s t i c , t hey would conc lude t h a t what u l t i m a t e l y ma t te rs i s t h a t pa r l i amen ts and governments shou ld make new dec i s i ons , g i ven t h a t a new s e c u r i t y p o l i c y i s a m a t t e r f o r t h e s t a t e , i t has t h e s t a t e as i t s sub jec t . I would n o t cha l l enge any o f t h i s . Th is i s a t l e a s t one aspect o f t h e process. I t i s c l e a r t h e o r e t i c a l l y t h a t movements and i n s t i t u t i o n s do somehow o r o t h e r i n t e r a c t , t h a t i f a movement i s successfu l i t w i l l t r ans fo rm t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i n some way o r o t h e r w i l l be i t- s e l f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d , e t c . Th i s i s j u s t common sense.

Yet f o r reasons t h a t have n o t h i n g t o do w i t h any genera l t heo ry , as i s sometimes p u t f o rwa rd t o r e l a t e movements and i n s t i t u t i o n s , I would say t h a t o n l y t h e peace movement can save o u r c i v i l i s a t i o n . And by t h e peace movement here I am p u t t i n g t h e p a r t f o r t h e whole. Given t h i s v e r y pa r - t i c u l a r extreme s i t u a t i o n i n which we f i n d ourse lves , I mean t h a t a g a i n s t a l l t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t have been programmed f o r whole epochs t o pursue e v e r y t h i n g i n t h e accustomed d i r e c t i o n , o r a t l e a s t t o m a i n t a i n e v e r y t h i n g as i t i s , o n l y t h e most bas i c s o c i a l movements can b r i n g about t h a t b reak i n c u l t u r a l c o n t i n u i t y w i t h o u t which we s h a l l be unab le t o save o u r v e r y ex i s tence . The more t h i s movement proceeds f rom t h e grass r o o t s , t h e more

d e c i s e v e l y i t r a i s e s t h e q u e s t i o n o f power. Not i n t h e sense of p r e p a r i n g t o s torm t h e Winter Palace. I t s main subve rs i ve p o t e n t i a l i s t h a t of des- t r o y i n g t h e t r a d i t i o n a l consensus t h a t suppor ts t h e s t a t e and c o n s t r u c t i n g a new consensus and i n t h a t connec t i on t h e f r o n t l i n e g e n e r a l l y runs r i g h t th rough t h e i n d i v i d u a l s concerned. B u t as t h i s movement c r i t i c i s e s t h e o l d w o r l d o r d e r i n i t s t o t a l i t y , i t n a t u r a l l y negates f o r a s t a r t i t s whole i n s t i t u t i o n a l heaven. Here i t p o l a r i s e s a g a i n s t a11 those i ns tances t h a t make up t h i s o l d heaven, and thus a l s o a g a i n s t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l op- p o s i t i o n .

We a l r e a d y f a l l back i n t o t h e system i f we a c t as i f p o l i t i c s c o u l d be cha l l enged by p o l i t i c s ( o f t h e same t y p e ) . What can we ach ieve by immer- s i n g ou rse l ves i n t h e s tudy o f how t h e dominant p o l i t i c s f u n c t i o n , even w i t h a v i ew t o b r i n g i n g about improvements? The t i m e always comes when t h e t h i n k e r s o f a new e r a r e f u s e t o g e t drawn i n t o t h e d i s t i n c t i o n s o f scho las t i c i sm. We s t i l l r u n t h e danger o f g e t t i n g absorbed by t he 'com- p u l s i o n o f t h i n g s ' wh ich i s admin i s te red and reproduced on a expanded sca le , j u s t l i k e a c e r t a i n Green p a r l i a m e n t a r i a n i n t h e Federa l Repub l ic . Th i s person used t o r a d i c a l l y oppose nuc lea r power s t a t i o n s . Then he g o t e l e c t e d t o t h e Landtag, He soon r e a l i s e d t h a t a n u c l e a r power s t a t i o n cou ld be b u i l t even a g a i n s t h i s o p p o s i t i o n . So he transformed h i m s e l f i n t o a r e a l i s t and began d i scuss ing whether an underground power s t a t i o n - i f such c o u l d be b u i l d ! - w o u l d n ' t be b e t t e r than an above-ground one. As i f t h e r e w e r e n ' t a l r e a d y enough r e f o r m i s t s t o t ake on t h a t r o l e . So t h e system e a s i l y gobbled him up.

Th i s s t r i k e s me as an example o f t h e prob lemrof t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between sc ience and t h e system on t h e one hand, sc ience and t h e movement on t h e o t h e r . Should we n o t say goodbye t o t h i s con temp la t i ve a n a l y s i s o f t h e d e c i s i v e o b j e c t s ? You can e i t h e r be a s e r v a n t and a d v i s e r o f v a r i o u s governments and o t h e r sys tem-main ta in ing i n s t i t u t i o n s , o r be m i l i t a n t l y f o r t h e movement and i n t h e movement. I am n o t advoca t i ng f a n a t i c i s m , o r even a break i n communication. Yet debate w i l l be more honest i f i t i s con- ducted between i n t e l l i g e n t peop le on e i t h e r s ide , and n o t th rough so- c a l l e d ' i n t e r m e d i a r i e s ' who express themselves i n non -pa r t i san t r a n s l a t i o n . The p o i n t i s t o see t h e p r a x i s t h a t a lone can save us as runn ing comp le te l y across t h e t r a d t i o n a l bus iness o f p o l i t i c s and science, a l s o across t h e p o l i t i c a l a d v i s e r s o f t h e l e f t , who g e n e r a l l y produce o n l y a few i n i t i a - t i v e s t h a t do n o t c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e p r o l o n g i n g o f e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s .

We cannot expect any escape f rom t h e v i c i o u s c i r c l e i n which ou r c i v i l i - s a t i o n i s t e r m i n a l l y t rapped f rom t h e k i n d o f science, a iming t o master i t s ob jec t , t h a t w e havehad s i n c e E u c l i d , Socrates, A r i s t o t l e and Archimedes, s imp ly because t h i s i s fundamental ly bound up w i t h t h i s c i v i l i s a t i o n ' s mo t i ve f o r ces . As f a r as t h e s o c i a l process i s concerned, i t s o b j e c t i v i t y stands f o r t h e s u b j u g a t i o n t o laws which can o n l y wreck o u r e v o l u t i o n i f we do n o t manage t o overcome them.

L e t us assume we were l i v i n g a t t h e t i m e when one o f t h e many Cen t ra l American c i v i l i s a t i o n s t h a t produced growing pyramids was i n i t s death- th roes. Would I t be s e n s i b l e t o expec t h e l p f rom those v e r y p r i e s t s who represented t h e l aw by wh ich t h a t c u l t u r e was bo rn and grew up, then

blossommed, d e c l i n e d and d ied? The sc ience bus iness i s l a r g e l y t h e p r i e s t l y c o r p o r a t i o n o f our p resen t c i v i l i s a t i o n . Most l i k e l y , every means i t h i t s upon, eve ry adv i ce i t g i ves , w i l l o n l y mean add ing a f u r t h e r s tone t o ou r tower o f Babel, f o r example i n t h e shape of a new i n d u s t r y f o r env i ronmenta l p r o t e c t i o n . O f course I am speaking o f those s c i e n t i s t s who p l a y t h e i r r o l e and upho ld t h e r u l e s t h a t have t o be over thrown i f any th ing i s t o be l e f t o f ou r c i v i l i s a t i o n except - i n t h e b e s t o f cases - pyramids o f r e i n f o r c e d con- c r e t e , wh ich d o n ' t even keep t h e i r shape as l o n g as s tone ones do.

Even t h a t supposedly p rog ress i ve economic a n a l y s i s which uses M a r x i s t c a t e g o r i e s f u n c t i o n s today i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h t h e system. I t goes on f e e l i n g t h e pu l se o f a s t i l l c o n t i n u i n g accumula t ion o f c a p i t a l , c a l u c l a t e s p r o f i t r a t e s and f o r e c a s t s sho r t - t e rm - and r e c e n t l y a l s o l ong - te rm - c y c l i c a l c r i s e s . But i t has n o t h i n g more t o say on t h e q u e s t i o n o f how t h i s pu l se i s t o be stopped, how t h e accumula t ion o f c a p i t a l can be n o t j u s t measured b u t a c t u a l l y b rough t t o an end. A l l t h a t i s l e f t i s t h e l a t e s t economis t ic reformism, wh ich a l ready assumes t h e n e x t l o n g wave, t h e breakthrough i n t o eco- and b i o - i n d u s t r i e s , t o t a l cab le communication, e t c . , as an i n a d v e r t i b l e g i ven which we have t o sur render and adapt ou rse l ves t o . They d o n ' t even ask whether t h e r e i s a chance o f h a l t i n g accumula t ion i n i t s p resen t t rough.

I n p r a c t i c e as w e l l as i n t heo ry , t h e o l d l e f t forms p a r t o f t h e i n s t i t u - t i o n a l o r d e r t h a t has t o be overcome, and f o r t h i s reason t h e movement o f convers ion i s a l s o d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t its mental s t r u c t u r e .

Though M a r x i s t t heo ry d i d n o t o r i g i n a l l y r a i s e t h e task o f s topp ing accumula t ion , i t suggests t h a t c a p i t a l i s t accumula t ion w i l l come t o a h a l t f o r i n t r i n s i c reasons, as a consequence o f t h e i n t e r n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f t h e bourgeo is mode o f p roduc t i on , whereas i t i s becoming even more pro- bab le t h a t t h e avalanche o f accumula t ion i s c a t a s t r o p h i c a l l y reach ing e x t e r n a l l i m i t s - and w i t h o u t encounter ing fundamental r e s i s t a n c e f rom t h e s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s o f t h e subo rd ina te c l asses . Q u i t e t h e c o n t r a r y . Yet f o r t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a n a l y s i s t h e new s o c i a l movements serve o n l y as a p re - l i m i n a r y s u b s t i t u t e , beh ind whose a c t i o n t h e r e a l p r o t a g o n i s t s w i l l aga in reappear.

Th i s i s f a i l i n g t o see t h e wood f o r t h e t r e e s . Today t h e p r o v o c a t i o n p ro - ceeds from t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n process as a whole, o r r a t h e r f rom i t s ever l e s s c o n t r o l l a b l e dys func t i ons . I t i s t h e a l l - p e r v a s i v e ou tpu t , harmfu l i n t h e most v a r i e d ways, a g a i n s t which r e s i s t a n c e i s deve lop ing. The ex- t e r m i n i s t consequence t h a t i s i n h e r e n t i n t h e e n t i r e mode o f p r o d u c t i o n a c t s a g a i n s t human n a t u r e on t h e whole s c a l e o f va lues f rom t h e h i g h e s t i d e a l s o f s e l f - r e a l i s a t i o n down t o mere s e l f - p r e s e r v a t i o n . I t i s n o t a b s t r a c t causes, b u t conc re te s u f f e r i n g s , t h a t produce t h e counter - m o b i l i s a t i o n . No m a t t e r wh ich way t h e i n d i v i d u a l exper iences t h i s i n j u r y , t h e psyche r e a c t s as a whole, and t h e movement p rov ides a syn thes i s f o r t h e impress ion t h a t no t rea tmen t f o r t h e symptom i s any l o n g e r o f use.

Th is l eads t o a new, o r r a t h e r a ve ry o ld , answer t o t h e ques t i on o f t h e mode of assoc ia t i on . Should t h e o p p o s i t i o n f o r c e s base t h e i r u n i t y on a compromise between t h e i r d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l i n t e r e s t s , o r shou ld t hey l o c a t e t h i s u n i t y above o r below t h e l e v e l o f d i f f e r e n c e s of economic i n t e r e s t ,

i . e . a t t h e l e v e l of fundamental and long- term i n t e r e s t s ? I f we b e l i e v e t h e l a t t e r , however, we d e p a r t f rom what i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i ew i s t h e most impor tan t t h i n g : c l a s s i n t e r e s t s i n t h e s t r i c t e r sense. We com- p l e t e l y cease t o cons ide r t h e a n a l y s i s o f t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e as t h e main key t o a t r ans fo rm ing p r a c t i c e . We g i v e p r imary s t a t u s t o d i f f e r e n - t i a t i o n s ( i n p a r t i c u l a r soc ia l -psycho log i ca l ones) w i t h i n t h e s o c i a l con- t inuum o f i n t e r e s t s .

The d i s t i n c t i o n between fundamental and long- term i n t e r e s t s on t h e one hand, and immediate and sho r t - t e rm i n t e r e s t s on t h e o t h e r , becomes more impor tan t than t h e d i s t i n c t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . W i t h i n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s , wh i chhaveas a whole an e x p l o i t i n g p o s i t i o n , t h e c l a s s con t ra - d i c t i o n has o n l y a r e l a t i v e importance, and i s always based on immediate and s h o r t - t e r m i n t e r e s t s ; as a genera l r u l e i t f u e l s t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c dynamic o f m a t e r i a l expansion. I n t h e movement, on t h e o t h e r hand, those f o r c e s come t o g e t h e r which want t o a b o l i s h t h e o v e r a l l system o f regu la - t i on ' by wh ich a l l phenomena o f c r i s i s a r e mediated. It goes w i t h o u t say ing t h a t we expect these f o r c e s t o develop a p l a n t h a t takes i n t o account, among o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e c o n t i n u i n g c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , and p reven ts r e d i s t r i b u t i o n a g a i n s t t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e wage earners f rom r a i s i n g s t i l l f u r t h e r t h e t h r e s h o l d f o r t h e l e a p i n t o a d i f f e r e n t l o g i c . I t i s s imp ly a ques t i on here o f a change i n t h e key p o s i t i o n g i v e n t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l ques t i on .

T h i s has a l l been p r e l i m i n a r y - perhaps i n t o o g r e a t d e t a i l - so as t o make my premises c l e a r . I admi t t h a t I am u s i n g an ex t reme ly g l o b a l cons t ruc - t i o n . I s t a r t e d - i n t h e t i t l e - by speak ing o f a number o f s o c i a l movements (and I d o n ' t deny t h e i r p l u r a l i t y ) . Then I went on t o speak o f t h e eco logy and peace movement as a s i n g l e movement. And t h i s phenomenon does e x i s t , 0 3 s beg inn ing t o e x i s t , i n Ho l l and and Germany f o r example (even a l i t t l e i n t h e GDR), w i t h s i g n s appear ing a l s o i n Scandinavia. I n a c t u a l f a c t , however, even i n these c o u n t r i e s we f i n d a d i v e r s i t y o f movements, and t h e women's movement o r t h e s q u a t t e r s ' movement - j u s t t o t a k e two examples - would i n many cases p o l i t e l y d e c l i n e i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s genera l concept. T h i s i s why I t o o k r e f u g e i n a y e t w i d e r f i e l d , and spoke o f a movement f o r conve rs ion i n ' t h e me t ropo l i ses .

T h i s n a t u r a l l y c o n t a i n s r i g h t away a whole number o f i m p l i c i t and venture- some assumptions. L e t us t a k e two o f t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s , France and Germany. I t would be hard t o f i n d two European c o u n t r i e s w i t h more d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e s . Bu t I would m a i n t a i n t h a t i n t h e German r e s i s t a n c e t o t h e n u c l e a r power s t a t i o n a t Why1 and t h e r e s i s t a n c e i n France t o t h e new m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g ground a t Larzac, t h e two peoples a r e c l o s e r i n s p i r i t t han i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s , as c l o s e i n f a c t as t h e French j a c q u e r i e was t o t h e German peasant war, even though t h e two were separa ted by 200 years . I be1 i e v e t h e r e i s a subter ranean c u r r e n t a t work here.

To g i v e another example, why has t h i s peace movement r i s e n up w i t h i n one year , f i r s t i n Europe then i n Japan, t hen i n N o r t h America? And t h e up- r i s i n g i n Poland, wh ich d i d n ' t t a l k e s p e c i a l l y about peace, b u t l i k e eve ry popu la r r e v o l u t i o n d e a l t w i t h eve ry th ing , d i d even more than our West European demonst ra t ions towards t h e cause o f peace, by f o r c i n g one o f t h e

two m i l i t a r y b l o c s i n t o a p o l i t i c a l impasse. Real movements a r e converg ing i n t h i s way, even though t h e i r o r i g i n and t h e i r s p e c i f i c goa l s l i e wide a p a r t - so t h a t i n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s i t i s perhaps n o t so a r b i t r a r y f o r me t o cons ide r them toge the r .

As f a r as my c o n s t r u c t i o n goes, i t i s g l o b a l n o t o n l y i n t h e f i g u r a t i v e sense b u t a l s o l i t e r a l l y - j u s t l i k e t h e cha l lenge. Conversion i n t h e me t ropo l i ses : where a r e these me t ropo l i ses? F i r s t l y , o f course, t h e European c o u n t r i e s , as w e l l as those f rom Nor th America t o A u s t r a l i a where t h e Europeans wiped o u t t he ind igenous i n h a b i t a n t s . And then o f course Japan, wh ich was so s t r i k i n g l y w e l l d isposed t o a s s i m i l a t e t h e aggress ive s p i r i t o f European i n d u s t r i a l i s m . But where i n t h e T h i r d World today a r e t h e r e n o t b i g c i t i e s t h a t a r e br idgeheads o f t h e c a p i t a l accumula t ion t h a t proceeds f rom t h e c e n t r e ? I n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n i n t h e East a l s o obeys t h e same impera t i ves , n o t o n l y s i nce i t ' s g o t i n deb t t o f i n a n c e c a p i t a l . The g l o b a l m e t r o p o l i s has no geograph ica l l i m i t s , i t i s t h i s so f a r unstoppab le process o f i n d u s t r i a l expansion d r i v e n and guided by c a p i t a l , which i s d r i v i n g us ove r t h e edge o f t h e abyss a t a hundred p o i n t s s imul taneous ly .

I t i s t h i s cha l l enge - Edward Thompson has termed i t extermin ism, r e f e r r i n g i n i t i a l l y t o i t s m i l i t a r y s i de , b u t t h i s can e a s i l y be gene ra l i sed - which g i v e s t h e d i v e r s i t y o f movements a tendence t o u n i t e i n a s i n g l e movement o f convers ion. I n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s - b u t I d o n ' t mean t h i s i n t h e ab- s t r a c t sense, i t w i l l show i t s e l f i n p r a c t i c e ! - t h e marg ina l i s e d masses i n t h e c o u n t r i e s o f t h e T h i r d World who p l u g into t h e e l e c t r i c power supp ly w i t h o u t pay ing w i l l p rove t o be convergent w i t h t h e movement a g a i n s t nuc lea r power s t a t i o n s even though i n f u n c t i o n a l terms they seem t o t a l l y i n con t ra - d i c t i o n . The ques t i on i s s imply t h a t t h e c a p i t a l i s t i n d u s t r i a l system can o n l y be d r i v e n back and dest royed by an ungraspable and m a n i f o l d movement o f humanity, w i t h o u t fo rmal coo rd ina t i on , n o t by an i n d u s t r i a l work ing c l a s s t h a t i s de f i ned i n p u r e l y economic terms and c e n t r a l l y organ ised.

As human be ings we a r e a l l marg ina l i sed , i t i s j u s t t h a t many o f us a r e n o t y e t aware o f i t . Many people s t i l l say, i n p a c i f y i n g terms, t h a t t h e mega- machine i s u l t i m a t e l y made up o f human beings. Sure! B u t here t h e r e v e r s a l o f t h e r e l a t i o n o f master and s l a v e has been achieved on t h e grandest sca le . Does anyone s t i l l s e r i o u s l y imagine t h a t t h e o l d a c t o r Ronald Reagan i s o n l y t h e master o f t h e Doomsday machine which h e ' s been t r a n s p o r t e d i n t o ? Bu t t h e m a r g i n a l i s e d and excluded, those w i t h t h e i r backs a g a i n s t t h e w a l l , now have an unbeatab le a l l y i n t h i s v e r y w a l l t h a t they have t h e i r backs aga ins t . Th i s w a l l i s formed by t h e l i m i t s o f t h e e a r t h i t s e l f , a g a i n s t which we r e a l l y s h a l l be crushed t o death i f we do n o t manage t o brake and b r i n g t o a h a l t t he g r e a t machine t h a t we have c rea ted b e f o r e t h i s f i n a l l y bumps a g a i n s t it. Every a c t i o n t h a t somehow o r o t h e r o b s t r u c t s i t s progress forms p a r t o f t h e movement, a progress wh ich i s above a l l t h e p ro - gress o f i t s investments and t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f c a p i t a l f o r these. I n t h e r i c h c o u n t r i e s i n p a r t i c u l a r , we a r e a l l i n t he s i t u a t i o n o f t h e b u i l d i n g worker who l i v e s n e x t t o t h e planned new a i r p o r t runway and i s o f f e r e d work on i t . He has t o make a new d e c i s i o n !

How can we b r i n g t o an end t h e i n d u s t r i a l e ra , an e r a t h a t cannot endure i n t h e l o n g run as i t i s consuming i t s own foundat ions , b e f o r e such t ime as i t

d i e s from i t s own a c t i v i t y and takes us w i t h i t ? Th i s i s t he q u e s t i o n t h a t demands an answer. Th i s answer must l i e i n conc re te ac t i ons , n o t o n l y p o l i t i c a l ones. I t s tendency - a t f i r s t a symbol ic one - w i l l be t o t e a r down t h e tower o f Babe1 b e f o r e t h i s c o l l a p s e s upon us. And t h e r e s o l u t i o n f o r t h i s must be defended a g a i n s t any demand t o say f i r s t o f a l l what b e t t e r system we want t o r e p l a c e i t w i t h .

We a r e n o t y e t i n a p o s i t i o n t o t e a r down t h e tower . Inves+mpnts now i n progress a r e n o t o n l y r e i n f o r c i n g t h e f l o o r s a l r e a d y b u i l t , they a r e mas- s i v e l y a t work b u i l d i n g t h e n e x t s to rey . And ou r e f f o r t s t o h a l t t h i s growth a r e o n l y f ragmented: we demonstrate a g a i n s t a p a r t i c u l a r weapons system, we p reven t a nuc lea r power s t a t i o n here, an a i r p o r t runway t h e r e . I n most cases we o n l y d e l a y t h i n g s . We reduce t h e speed l i m i t on t h e motor - ways a l i t t l e . Bu t we have t o p e r s i s t . We need a t l e a s t t o cons ide r a g r e a t morator ium, a k i n d o f genera l s t r i k e a g a i n s t expansion, t h e b l o c k i n g of e v e r y t h i n g embraced by t h e word 'deve lopment ' , a p u l l on t h e emergency brake. Th i s i s t h e t ask t h a t t h e convers ion movement has t o f u l f i l above a l l e lse , i n a whole v a r i e t y o f forms. I t must a c t u a l l y ach ieve t h e s topp ing o f investment t h a t h o s t i l e propaganda a l r e a d y a t t r i b u t e s t o i t , by d i r e c t i n g i t s e l f even more a g a i n s t sa les expec ta t i ons than a g a i n s t t h e b u l l d o z e r s and conc re te m ixe rs .

L i b e r a t i o n f rom deadly, i n j u r i o u s and supe r f l uous l a b o u r i s t h e o t h e r s i d e o f t h i s a n t i - i n v e s t m e n t s t r a t e g y . Even though emanc ipat ion i s n o t t h e immediate s logan here, i t i s e x a c t l y a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t t h e p o s s i b l e g a i n i n freedom i s t o be found. The indust r ia .1 system and i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s oppress freedom, and n o t o n l y a t t h e cen t re . Almost a l l peoples who have submi t ted themselves t o a f o r c e i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n t h e hope o f f i n d i n g freedom a t t h e end o f t h e tunne l have remained s t u c k a t i t s d a r k e s t p o i n t . Con t ra ry t o a once c u r r e n t idea, freedom i s n o t o b t a i n a b l e th rough indus- t r i a l i z a t i o n , b u t i n f a c t o n l y th rough t h e r e j e c t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I t i s p e r t i n e n t here, o f course, t h a t t h e r e i s i n f a c t no o t h e r i n d u s t r i a l system than t h e c a p i t a l i s t one, and t h a t we c e r t a i n l y deceived ou rse l ves i n see ing t h e u l t i m a t e cause o f i t s a1 i e n a t i o n i n t h e c a p i t a l i s t E o f i n d u s t r i a l p rogress . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n has s i n c e a l r e a d y shown t h a t i t can no l o n g e r o f f e r any p e r s p e c t i v e o f emanc ipat ion s i m p l y because i t i s imposs ib le f o r a l l peop le t o ach ieve. And i t has t o be h a l t e d here i n Europe above a l l , where t h e i n d u s t r i a l system had i t s s t a r t , and where we a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y suscep t i b l e , as a l s o i s Japan, t o i t s unforeseen back- Lash. U n i l a t e r a l i n d u s t r i a l 'd isarmament ' , o r a t l e a s t t h e t r a n s i t i o n t o a q u i t e d i f f e r e n t k i n d o f equipment, i s t h e mo t to here.

Now i t i s one t h i n g t o recogn i se something l i k e t h i s as a t ask , even t o welcome i t . Bu t i s i t a t a11 p o s s i b l e f o r human be ings t o ha1 t a h i s t o r i - caldynamic i n wh ich t h e y a r e themselves so deep l y enmeshed? I s n ' t a con- v e r s i o n movement of t h i s k i n d n o t s i m p l y a mere p o s t u l a t e , cor respond ing i n r e a l i t y t o n o t h i n g more than an incommensurable sum o f i s o l a t e d f e a r s and hopes? Won' t we a l l con t i nue t o be h u r l e d a long on t h e roundabout? A f t e r a l l , I myself t r a v e l l e d here by p lane.

I n my view, t h e problem i s more s p e c i f i c . Fo r t h e r e have a l r e a d y been severa l movements o f conve rs ion i n h i s t o r y , p r e c i s e l y i n t imes o f c r i s i s

which were n o t comp le te l y d i s s i m i l a r t o ou r own. These have always worked w i t h f r e e energ ies , i . e . energ ies n o t t i e d down i n t h e g i ven i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t , and i n t h i s connect ion i t i s n o t j u s t a m a t t e r o f c o u n t i n g heads and work ing o u t f rom p e o p l e ' s occupat ions where energ ies a r e feee and where they a r e t i e d . Many peop le d i v i d e t h e i r f o r c e s . There r e a l l y a r e such f r e e energ ies ; t he substance i s t he re . That 'one-dimensional i t y ' which Marcuse warned a g a i n s t i s even now incomple te . A l t e r n a t i v e movements o f t h i s k i n d , f o r t h i s i s what t hey always were, have succeeded and f a i l e d i n d i f f e r e n t ways and t o d i f f e r e n t degrees, i . e . i t i s imposs ib le t o d e f i n i - t i v e l y conc lude f rom s tudy ing them whether t he p resen t e f f o r t w i l l be v i c - t o r i o u s o r n o t . And y e t p rev ious c r i s e s were always l o c a l i n c h a r a c t e r , and t h e conc re te b a r r i e r s t h a t such movements sought t o overcome were n o t o f so abso lu te a k i n d as today. These movements d i d n ' t r u n up a g a i n s t f ac - t o r s t h a t a r e bound up w i t h t h e v e r y e x i s t e n c e o f s o c i e t y .

Considered s u p e r f i c i a l l y , what i s now r a p i d l y crumb1 i n g i n t h e Federa l Repub l ic i s s imp ly t h e post-war consensus. G e n e r a l i s i n g a b i t beyond the edge o f t h e n a t i o n a l stage, i t i s t h e f o u r t h Kondra t iev wave t h a t i s par - t i c u l a r l y reach ing i t s end i n ou r p a r t o f t h e wo r ld , where the p o p u l a t i o n en joyed a r i s e i n w e l f a r e as a s u b s t i t u t e f o r t h e i r l o s t i d e n t i t y . B u t beneath t h i s l i e s t h e end o f t h e pe rspec t i ve o f i n d u s t r i a l p rogress i n genera l ; even i f a new wave o f i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n i s poss ib le , i t no l o n g e r promises anyth ing, b u t i s s imp ly more t h r e a t e n i n g ( f o r example, i t i s even more e s s e n t i a l t o ban g e n e t i c techno logy than n u c l e a r ) . The i n - d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , however, presupposed t h e Renaissance, and t h e Renaissance even i n name presupposed Graeco-Roman c i v i l i s a t i o n . The o l d e s t s t ra tum o f c i v i l i s a t i o n - i n v o l v e d i n t h e p resen t c r i s i s i s t h a t o f p a t r i - a rchy , w i t h t e n m i l l e n i a beh ind i t .

The v e r y comp lex i t y and r e l a t i v e i n d i r e c t n e s s o f t h e answer a l r e a d y shows t h a t a l l these superimposed fo rma t i ons a r e forms t h a t o v e r l a y a r e l a t i v e l y cons tan t substance, t h e spec ies -na tu re o f t h e human being, which i s n o t a p roduc t o f h i s t o r y , b u t o f n a t u r a l h i s t o r y . Something t h a t has g r a d u a l l y proceeded f rom t h i s i s now r e a c t i n g upon it, s t r i k i n g th rough a l l t h e superimposed h i s t o r i c a l s t r a t a down t o t h e o r i g i n a l bas i s . A l l those human energ ies i n v o l v e d i n t h e e v o l u t i o n o f c i v i l i s a t i o n f i n d themselves more o r l e s s i m p l i c a t e d i n t h e o v e r a l l e x t e r m i n i s t tendency.

S ince t h i s cannot be an a c c i d e n t a l r e s u l t , t h e c o r r e c t i o n must a l s o g e t t o t h e r o o t s . The movement o f conve rs ion today must p r e c i s e l y b r i n g about a m u t a t i o n i n t h e 'genotype ' o f s o c i e t y . The t h e o l o g i a n Johann B a p t i s t Metz c a l l e d t h i s an a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e v o l u t i o n . What does t h i s r e l a t e t o ? European c i v i l i s a t i o n has c e r t a i n l y d iscovered t h e non p l u s u l t r a o f e f f i c i e n c y (as i t s admi rers c a l l i t ) i n expanded rep roduc t i on . B u t v e r y p robab l y t h i s r e a l i s e s o n l y i n an excess ive measure something t h a t i s p resen t a l r e a d y i n o u r spec ies endowment.

Doesn ' t t h e whole progress t h a t l e d i n t o c i v i l i s a t i o n have above a l l t h e c h a r a c t e r o f m a t e r i a l expansion (more heads, more consumption pe r head)? Even i n t n e e a r l i e s t r e l i g i o n s , a r e n ' t t he i n t e l l i g i b l e , t he mental f o r c e s u l t i m a t e l y deployed f o r t h e sake o f mas te r i ng t h e e x t e r n a l wo r l d? And i s n ' t t h e c e n t r e o f g r a v i t y o f a l l human c u l t u r e t o n d i n these e x o s o m a t i c organs' f rom t h e s tone f l i n t t o t h e computer? People nowadays

speak of t h e 'exo-cent redness ' of human na tu re , q u i t e ana logous l y t o t h e unders tand ing t h a t t h e a n t has i t s essence n o t i n i t s e l f , b u t i n the a n t co lony as a whole. Whatever p rev ious movements o f conve rs ion may have changed, t h e y have n o t a f f e c t e d t h i s bas i c t e x t . The n e x t p rophe t i n l i n e has had t o beg in aga in by preach ing a g a i n s t t he normal s o c i a l l i f e o f h i s t ime.

I n my o p i n i o n , we can make c l e a r what t h e problem i s by r e f e r e n c e t o t h e ants . If human n a t u r e was so i n v o l v e d w i t h t h e s o c i a l e d i f i c e r i g h t f rom t h e s t a r t as i s t h e case w i t h t h e ants , t h e r e would be no p o s s i b i l i t y o f escape f rom t h e b l i n d a l l e y o f e v o l u t i o n . As ants , we cou ld n o t even r a i s e t h e q u e s t i o n o f p u t t i n g our c u l t u r a l e v o l u t i o n i n t o r e v e r s e o r c o r r e c t i n g it, a f t e r i t had l e d us i n t o t h e Baby lon ian c a p t i v i t y o f ou r t echnos t ruc tu re . As human beings, we a r e f a r t o o ready t o agree t h a t we a r e o n l y a n t s and as l i t t l e capab le as o t h e r spec ies o f escap ing f rom an e v o l u t i o n a r y impasse, w i t hd raw ing f rom a s p e c i a l i s a t i o n t h a t has prospects o n l y i n t h e s h o r t term.

I s t h i s r e a l l y imposs ib le? Wi th our genotype i t shou ld be p o s s i b l e . Our c u l t u r a l s p e c i a l i s a t i o n i s p r e c i s e l y n o t b i o l o g i c a l l y i n s c r i b e d . The t e n thousand yea rs o f c i v i l i s s a t i o n have n o t made us incapab le , a t l e a s t n o t y e t , o f l i v i n g w i t h o u t o u r a r t i f i c i a l environment. As opposed t o t h e an t , human i n d i v i d u a l s a r e i n a p o s i t i o n , i n c e r t a i n c i rcumstances which a t t imes a r e p resen t on a massive sca le , of w i t hd raw ing t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n o f t h e i r n a t u r a l powers f rom t h e s o c i a l e d i f i c e and engaging them i n new purposes. And t h e r e a r e h i s t o r i c examples f o r t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o r d e m o l i t i o n o f encha in ing s t r u c t u r e s , f o r t h e i r d i s i n t e g r a t i o n , even f o r an exodus f rom them.

I f t h e exosomatic e v o l u t i o n i s t o be co r rec ted , t h i s i s o n l y conce i vab le w i t h a f o r c e n o t y e t d isposed o f , o r a t l e a s t n o t y e t d e c i s i v e l y d isposed o f , by t h e c i v i l i s a t i o n stamped by t h e l a s t t e n thousand y e a r s o f h i s t o r y . Our genotype i s such a f o r c e , and i t does n o t doom us t o c a r r y round t h i s t e c h n o s t r u c t u r e l i k e a t o r t o i s e i t s s h e l l . Th i s i s a f o r c e , and t h e o n l y f o r c e , t h a t s tands o u t s i d e t h e g i ven h i s t o r i c a l un i ve rse , and y e t i s a r e a l s o c i a l f o r c e t h a t can be summoned up w i t h i n s o c i e t y . Human be ings a r e indeed a l r e a d y s o c i a l be ings when they e n t e r i n t o t h i s h i s t o r y , wh ich p resen ts i t s e l f , o r i s recorded as, a h i s t o r y o f c l a s s s t r u g g l e s . A t t h i s p o i n t i n t i m e they have a11 t h e e s s e n t i a l c a p a c i t i e s and d e s i r e s t h a t d r i v e them through t o today. And as i t appears, t hey have s i n c e t h i s p o i n t i n t i m e become a l i e n a t e d i n many respec ts f rom t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n , by f o l l o w i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e t h a t i n t h e B i b l e i s r e f e r r e d t o as Mammon.

Before go ing on, I want t o ment ion one t h i n g ; though I o n l y have an i n - t i m a t i o n here. A s I see it, t h e genotype i s t h a t s o c i a l power p resen t i n eve ry human be ing which t h e o l d prophets always evoked under t h e name o f God. God i s t h e a l t e r ego, t h e ' t h o u ' o f ou r genotype t h a t i s always aimed a t . The p l a c e o f God i s where t h e developmental needs o f ou r o r i g i n a l n a t u r e converge, above a l l o f course an i nward p lace. Th is i s why we can be c a l l e d f rom and t o t h i s p lace.

I see i n t h i s comp le te l y t h i S-s ided and i nne r -wo r l d l y connect ion t h e reasons why t h e r e l i g i o u s dimension i s now making i t s r e t u r n , and t h e fundamental

r o l e i t has t o p l a y . What r e l i g i o n s i n v a r i a b l y and t i m e l e s s l y say about God and h i s / h e r ' a c t i o n s ' and ' a t t i t u d e s ' , t he way he/she ' p roceeds ' , seems t o me t o be d i r e c t l y a p a t t e r n c o n t a i n i n g a11 those models by wh ich t h e task , substance and s t r a t e g y o f t h e convers ion movement can be desc r i bed . Here t h e r e a r e r e a d i l y t r a n s l a t a b l e ca tego r i es i n o rde r t o grasp what I have i n mind as t he e x t r a - o r s u p r a - h i s t o r i c a l sav ing power, t he substance which bears t he concre te and then o f course comp le te l y h i s t o r i c a l a c t i o n . The d e c i s i v e t h i n g w i l l be t he amount o f energy t h a t we b r i n g together ' . Th i s i s on t h e one hand t h e problem o f a s s o c i a t i n g t h e unbound energ ies , t h e i r b u n d l i n g t oge the r , f o r which the o l d p o l i t i c a l forms a r e inadequate. More p r e c i s e l y , t h e ques t i on i s r e a l l y t h a t these energ ies shou ld be a t work on a l l s i des , o r d e c e n t r a l l y , and i n t h e same d i r e c t i o n , so t h a t t h e system they a r e c o n f r o n t i n g cannot dep loy i t s f o r c e s now here , now the re , b u t i s s imp ly overburdened. Coo rd ina t i on i s above a l l e l s e communication, knowledge o f one another and a l s o f e e l i n g t h e connect ing stream. On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e r e i s t h e problem o f r e l e a s i n g as many as p o s s i b l e o f those ener- g i e s s t i l l t i e d i n t o t h e system. The genotype i s c e r t a i n l y there, b u t i t s b e s t f o r c e s may be e x p r o p r i a t e d and a l i e n a t e d . The energy i t can supp ly i n i t s own i n t e r e s t i s q u i t e o t h e r than cons tan t . Here i t i s above a11 t h e as- s o c i a t i o n a l s o exper ienced i n a c t i o n s , t h e soc ia l -psycho log i ca l suppor t , t h a t g i ves endurance t o t h e new d i s t r i b u t i o n o f mental resources.

As f a r as s t r a t e g y goes, t h e s t r a t e g y t h a t w i l l r e s u l t f rom t h i s i n t h e h i s t o r i c con tex t , I w i l l c o n f i n e myse l f here t o t h e narrower f i e l d o f t h e convers ion movement i n t h e me t ropo l i ses , where t h e secu r i ng o f human d i g - n i t y g e n e r a l l y d o e s n ' t b e g i n w i t h t h e s t r u g g l e f o r a min imal ex i s tence . I am aware t h a t we a r e work ing here i n c o n d i t i o n s o f l uxu ry , t h a t a s o c i a l network covers ou r u p r i s i n g which would have d i f f i c u l t y i n e x i s t i n g w i t h o u t c o l o n i a l i s m . What I have t o say i s a l s o much abb rev ia ted and incomple te .

The b a s i s , as a l ready mentioned, i s t h e p rog ress i ve d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f t h e s o c i a l body, as expressed i n a decay o f t h e system o f va lues and thus of a l l i n s t i t u t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s . More and more peop le a r e e i t h e r excluded, marg ina l i sed , dismissed, o r d i r e c t l y m o t i v a t e d t o drop ou t , w i t h e i t h e r a l l o r p a r t o f t h e i r ene rg ies . T h i s g i v e s r i s e by n e c e s s i t y t o a s t r a t e g y (by which I d o n ' t mean any th ing l i k e a s e c r e t l y e labo ra ted and planned p l o t ) t h a t combines two elements: a g r a d u a l l y spread ing r e f u s a l and a d e l i b e r a t e o b s t r u c t i o n . Th i s i s n o t meant as a k i n d o f new d i scove ry , I s imp ly want t o draw a t t e n t i o n t o what i s necessary and d e l i b e r a t e i n i t .

Refusa l , above a l l , means p r o t e c t i n g one ' s own energ ies from be ing absorbed, and on t o p o f t h i s i t means a c t i v e w i thdrawal of ene rg ies f rom t h e r u l i n g s t r u c t u r e s , ve ry o f t e n backed by an accusat ion . Refusal o f m i l i - t a r y s e r v i c e th rough t o t o t a l non-coopera t ion i s t h e most s t r i k i n g example o f i t . I be1 i e v e t h a t n o n - p o l i t i c a l w i thdrawal i s o n l y a temporary moment i n t h i s con tex t . One may say t h a t t h e p r o d u c t i v e apparatus i t s e l f r e j e c t s peop le ' s energ ies - unemployment - and t h a t t h e h i p p i e s , a l t e r n a t i v e people, job-sharers , e t c . , o n l y h e l p t o r e 1 i e v e i t s burden. Bu t a f a r more comprehensive t r e n d i s i nvo l ved , a l s o w i t h those who f o r t he t ime being s t i l l remain ' i n s i d e ' . I t i s a l ready a f f e c t i n g work m o t i v a t i o n as such.

A t t h e p o l i t i c a l l e v e l r e f u s a l means t h e wi thdrawal of l e g i t i m a t i o n . The F r a n k f u r t e r Rundschau o f 12 May 1982 quoted a s tudy accord ing t o which 66 per c e n t of young peop le i n North-Rhine Westphal ia, and 43 per c e n t o f a d u l t s i n t h e Federal Repub l ic as a whole, den ied t h a t p o l i t i c i a n s took d e c i s i o n s i n t h e i n t e r e s t o f t h e people. S t i l l more peop le a r e convinced t h a t t h e b i g ene rp r i ses t h i n k o n l y o f t h e i r p r o f i t s and n o t o f t h e w e l l - be ing o f s o c i e t y . 74 per c e n t o f young peop le i n North-Rhine Westphal ia and 46 p e r cen t o f a d u l t c i t i z e n s i n t h e whole coun t r y recogn ize n a t u r a l l y enough - g i v e n t h e i r assessment o f t h e causes - the i n c r e a s i n g tendency t o r e s o l v e c o n f l i c t s by v i o l ence . T h i s means t h a t t h e system i s a l ready near t o d e f e a t i d e o l o g i c a l l y .

The c r i s i s o f l e g i t i m a t i o n n a t u r a l l y f i n d s exp ress ion a l s o i n e l e c t i o n s , as t h e p r e f e r r e d r i t u a l o f l e g i t i m a t i o n . The counter-movement w i l l e i t h e r b o y c o t t e l e c t i o n s and/or g a i n a p o l i t i c a l f oo tho ld i n p a r l i a m e n t t h a t i s conceived r i g h t f rom t h e s t a r t as be ing t h e r e s imp ly t o d i s r u p t t h e normal execu t i on of t h e 'compuls ion o f t h i n g s ' , t o t e a r away t h e c u r t a i n o f j u s t i - f i c a t i o n and expand t h e space f o r e x t r a - p a r t l i a m e n t a r y f o r c e s t o p u t pressure on t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s .

O b s t r u c t i o n means r e s t r i c t i n g t h e o p e r a t i o n of t h e system by a c t i v e r e s i s - tance, s t a r t i n g w i t h t h e most dangerous o f i t s normal d i r e c t i o n s of development. The mo t to f o r t h i s i s s e l e c t i v e u n g o v e r n a b i l i t y . S p e c i f i c measure such as t h e i n s t a l l a t i o n o f new weapons systems, t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f n u c l e a r power s ta t i ons ' , more and more a i r p o r t s , motorways, new indus- t r i a l p l a n t s , e t c . , shou ld be made imposs ib le . Ac t i ons can s t r e t c h f rom blockades and demonst ra t ions v i a re fusa l o f taxes t o l e g a l o b s t r u c t i o n s , making each new investment a weary ing o b s t a c l e course. The most i m p o r t a n t t h i n g , however, i s t h e r e l a t i v i s i n g of t h e norms of an achievement s o c i e t y , t h e undermin ing o f t h e consensus f o r expansion.

The a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f t h e g r e a t machine and t h e i r a d v i s e r s s t r e s s t h e f a c t t h a t ou r super-complex s o c i e t y cannot t o l e r a t e t h e shock o f d i s o r g a n i - s a t i o n . Chaos and anarchy must be avoided. What purpose these s logans have', and how r e l a t i v e t h e i r t r u t h - c o n t e n t i s , has been shown by t h e p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s i n Poland. Those who demand t h a t t h e movement shou ld p r o v i d e d e t a i l e d r e c i p e s f o r r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i n advance can be answered w i t h t h e words o f Goeth 's e a r t h s p i r i t : ' Y o u ' r e l i k e t h e s p i r i t t h a t you g rasp /You l re n o t l i k e me' .

Enough peop le o f t a l e n t w i t h a r e f o r m i s t o r i e n t a t i o n a r e t o be found i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s and on t h e i r margins, f o r example i n t h e s c i e n t i f i c es tab l ishments , who a r e ready t o accept compe l l i ng impulses f rom o u t s i d e and then propose t o t h e es tab l i shmen t a f e a s i b l e programme o f energy con- s e r v a t i o n o r measures f o r t h e humanising o f work e t c . B u t t h i s i s n o t an a f f a i r f o r t h e movement i t s e l f . Th i s need o n l y supp ly t h e impulse, which need n o t n e c e s s a r i l y be r e f i n e d and adequate t o t h e problem. The main t h i n g i s t o produce t h e pressure : t hen i t i s always p o s s i b l e t o d i scuss how progress can be made most e f f e c t i v e l y and a v o i d i n g as f a r p o s s i b l e c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e d i v e r s i o n s .

The movement must n o t be seduced i n t o becoming ' c o n s t r u c t i v e ' and obey ing p r e - e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s , as l o n g as i t s t i l l has no i n f l u e n c e on t h e b a s i c

d i r e c t i o n . S o l i d a r i t y i n Poland has g i v e n us a good example o f t h i s , i n as much as i t re fused t o t ake r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as l ong as t h e h o s t i l e appara tus s t i l l had i t s hand on t h e wheel. The movement i n t h e West must s t i c k s t i l l more f o r c e f u l l y t o a p o s i t i o n o f fundamental o p p o s i t i o n , as he re seduc t i on by t h e p l i a b i l i t y o f t he i n s t i t u t i o n s i s f a r g r e a t e r than i n t h e East o r South.

What t h e movement o f f e r s t h a t i s p o s i t i v e and a l t e r n a t i v e i s n n t something t o be a t t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e system, b u t i n o p p o s i t i o n t o i t . Even though t h e eventua l outcome w i l l c e r t a i n l y n o t be a p u r i s t one, t h e movement must s t r i v e t o comple te ly c a s t o f f t h e r u l i n g s t r u c t u r e . I n i t s a c t u a l p rac- t i c e , t h e r e f o r e , i t s own i d e a l can be p resen t o n l y as t h e measure by wh ich a c t i o n s o f o b s t r u c t i o n a r e assessed. I t must t ake shape i n forms of behav iou r , i n methods and means, bo th i n w a r d l y and outward ly . M i l i t a n c y i s n o t t h e same as v i o l e n c e . Here i n t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n c o u n t r i e s , a t any r a t e , e v e r y t h i n g i n d i c a t e s a s t r a t e g y o f non-v io lence i n t h e sense of n o t i n j u r i n g l i f e on t h e o t h e r s i d e . I f we f o r c e them t o use tanks, then we ou rse l ves make t h e i d e o l o g i c a l b reak- through imposs ib le .

Fo r those i nvo l ved , t he convers ion movement i t s e l f becomes and adventure, a f i e l d f o r enjoyment o f l i f e and s e l f - r e a l i s a t i o n and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . The d i f f e r e n t s o c i e t y , t h e new s t a t e o f t h e w o r l d as a fi, i s n o t t h e u l - t i m a t e mo t i ve o f commitment, even though t h e u t o p i a i s very i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e d i r e c t i o n as w e l l as f o r t h e cho i ce o f means. I n v iew o f t h e provo- c a t i o n t h a t t h e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e rep resen ts f o r t h e genotype, t h e n a t u r a l human c o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e goal i s as i f newly founded by n a t u r a l r i g h t . The human be ing has a c l a i m t o t h e s a t i s f a c t i o n o f t h e b a s i c s o c i a l needs t h a t ou r n a t u r a l h i s t o r y , ou r p r e - h i s t o r i c b i o l o g i c a l e v o l u t i o n b rough t w i t h us i n t o c i v i l i sa t ' i on when t h i s began. I n t h e u top ias , whose number i s l e g i o n , a s i t u a t i o n i s o u t l i n e d t h a t p r e c i s e l y promises f u l f i l m e n t t o t h i s .

I t i s o f course imposs ib le , i n s t r i c t l y ep i s temo log i ca l terms, t o r e a l l y a b s t r a c t from t h e p resen t h i s t o r i c a l e x i s t e n c e o f t h e c i v i l i s e d human be ing, b u t t h i s does n o t p r o h i b i t t h e comp le te l y necessary concern t o d i s - t i n g u i s h between t h i n g s t h a t we can d ispense w i t h by o u r na tu re and t h i n g s wh ich we cannot dispense w i t h . Graspable u n i t s t h a t a r e t o a l a r g e degree autonomous and even a u t a r c h i c w i t h r e s p e c t t o everyday needs, a r e t h e ever r e c u r r i n g i d e a l - an i d e a l , moreover, t h a t a t l e a s t i n t h i s g e n e r a l i s a t i o n i s n o t e x c l u s i v e l y designed f o r i n d u s t r i a l i s e d c o u n t r i e s . The o p p o s i t e image i s one o f l a rge -sca le techno logy and o rgan i sa t i on ,wh i ch a r e recog- n i s e d as h o s t i l e t o i n d i v i d u a l i t y , i n i t i a t i v e and communication, and where t h e source o f m a t e r i a l waste i s a l s o t o be found. I b e l i e v e t h a t t h e r e s i s t a n c e o f these constants t o any c r i t i c a l sca th ing bears w i t ness t o an i r r e f u t a b l e con ten t .

To conclude, and t o summarise once aga in : i n East and West and South we a r e d e a l i n g w i t h t h e d i f f e r e n t consequences o f one and t h e same cha l l enge , w i t h t h e f o r m e r l y unstoppab le cha rac te r o f c a p i t a l accumula t ion , wh ich however Dears w i t h i t more than j u s t t h e dominant s o c i a l f o rma t i on o f t h e l a s t two hundred yea rs . I n t h i s connect ion , t h e economic component t h a t i s s t ressed i n t h e d e s c r i p t i o n proves t o be o n l y t h e spearhead o f an

o v e r a l l development proceed ing f rom European c i v i l i s a t i o n , which must un- ques t i onab l y be c o r r e c t e d i f we a r e t o have a f u t u r e as a spec ies .

The i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n - t o - d e a t h o f t h e w o r l d i s pursued by an i n s t i t u t i o n a l complex o f compet ing camps and s t a t e s , f i r m s and c o r p o r a t i o n s , which can do n o t h i n g e l s e b u t d r i v e forward t h e c r i m i n a l process i n i t s d i r e c t i o n . There i s an i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r i es thood , i n c l u d i n g t h e s o - c a l l e d e l i t e s o f t h e T h i r d World, wh ich d i r e c t l y serves t h e Moloch.

The employers ' assoc ia t i ons and t r a d e un ions i n t h e me t ropo l i ses a l s o pursue one and t h e same goa l e x t e r n a l l y , f o r a11 t h e i r a n t a g o n i s t i c coope ra t i on . I f a sh ipya rd i n my own c i t y o f Bremen i s t h rea tened w i t h t h e l o s s o f an o r d e r t o a Danish sh ipyard , t hen a l l t h e p o l i t i c a l and c o r p o r a t e f o r c e s u n i t e i n demanding s t a t e subs id ies so t h a t i t w i l l be t h e German s h i p - b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y t h a t i nc reases s u r p l u s c a p a c i t y f o r sea t r a n s p o r t . L e t peop le i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s go w i t h o u t work! Outs ide t h e European bo rde rs no consequences o f e x p o r t s t r a t e g i e s a re fo reseen - t h e r e t h i n g s can t a k e t h e i r own course. No one wants t h e s t a r v i n g m i l l i o n s who a r e t h e n a t u r a l r e s u l t o f t h e l o g i c o f t h e world market .

The o f f i c i a l s t r u c t u r e s occupy themselves i n c e s s a n t l y w i t h m i l i t a r y and i n d u s t r i a l compe t i t i on , w i t h t h e spread of s c i e n t i f i c p rogress and t h e s te reo typed commercial c u l t u r e across t h e whole wo r l d , and anyone who i s fo rced t o l i v e on t h i s o n l y d i e s f rom i t a b i t more each day.

There a r e v a r i o u s seemingly i r r a t i o n a l responses i n vogue: t h e New Age Movement o r t h e Acquar ian Conspiracy. One t h i n g about them i s c o r r e c t : what i s r e q u i r e d r e a l l y i s a wor ld-embracing counter-movement, and t h e r e i s no Archimedian p o i n t w i t h i n t h e e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s which c o u l d be used - t o b r i n g about even t h e s m a l l e s t change o f course. Wi thout f o r c e s t h a t a t t a c k f rom ou ts ide , t h e a tomic ho locaus t i s n o t t o be s taved o f f . I t i s n o t a q u e s t i o n o f t h e f a t e o f governments on t h e one hand, movements on t h e o t h e r , n o t a q u e s t i o n o f i m p a r t i a l prognoses o f t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e chances. What i s a t s t a k e i s t h e f a t e o f t h e wo r ld , i n c l u d i n g t h e f a t e o f these i m p a r t i a l umpires.

I would l i k e t o r e t u r n f i n a l l y t o t h e p o i n t t h a t we must d i r e c t ou rse l ves t o t h e r e a l and i n no way e t h e r e a l f u n c t i o n t h a t t h e p r o p h e t i c i n v o c a t i o n o f God always had i n a p o c a p l y p t i c s i t u a t i o n s : as t h e a u t h o r i t a t i v e and v i s i o n a r y appeal t o a r a d i c a l change o f consciousness, t o a break w i t h t h e dea th -dea l i ng h a b i t s t h a t compel us t o p l a y a long w i t h e v e r y t h i n g so t h a t tomorrow t h e r e w i l l s t i l l be power f o r t h e e l e c t r i c shaver. The q u e s t i o n i s t o g i v e t h i s appeal a con ten t , c h a r a c t e r and s t y l e t h a t i s i n keeping w i t h t h e t imes. If we have come t o v iew a c e r t a i n k i n d o f en l igh tenment and sc ience as con temp t i b le , I s t i l l b e l i e v e t h a t we shou ld a c t i n a manner t h a t i n no way r e j e c t s t h e l egacy o f reason.

El t e x t o de R. Bahro fue tradueido en espar^ol y publicado en e l no KO ( D i - ciembre 1982) de Socialisrno y Papt ic ipaei6n (Apdo.11701, Lima 11, Peru).

R. Bahro i s t h e author o f The A l t e r n a t i v e i n Eastern Europe (London: NLB, 1978 1 . E x i s t e igalement en francais: L 'A l t erna t i ve (Par i s : S tock 19791, o f . I F D A Dossier No 8.

FROM THE OUTSIDE L O O K I N G IN

EXPER I ENCES I N BAREFOOT ECONOMIES by Manfred Max-Neef I/

Manfred A Max-Neef is a Chilean economist, founder and Managing Director of the Centre for Study and Promotion of Urban, Rural and Development Alternatives-CEPAUR. This institution was created in December 1981, and is largely dedicated to the re-orientation of development in terms of stimulating forms of local self-reliance and satisfying fundamental human needs, and, more generally, to advo-

cating a return to the human scale. Max-Neef taught at the University of California (Berkeley) in the

early sixties, and later served as a Visiting Professor in a number of American and Latin American universities. H e has worked in projects in Latin America, as an expert in social development with the Pan American Union, as a general economist with F A O and as a Project Manager with ILO, and has written extensively on development alternatives. Although he has devoted most of the last 15 years

t o the promotion of development alternatives in urban and rural poverty-stricken areas, including Indian communities, he dedicates part of his time to music and to the study of medieval thought and history.

In this volume, Max-Neef relates two of his experiences in 'barefoot economics'. In his own words: 'The first is about the miseries of Indian and black peasants in the Sierra and coastal jungle of Ecuador. The second is about the miseries of craftsmen and artisans in a small region of Brazil. The former is, in a way, the story of a success that failed. The latter is, in a way, the story of a failure that succeeded. Both refer to a peoples' quest for self-reliance. Both are lessons in economics as practised at the human scale'. H e points out that the purpose of his book 'is neither to propose a general theory nor to make an academic contribution. It is simply a book about life, where human facts and feelings have replaced abstract statistics'. H e has included, however, some theoretical interludes that allow for a better understanding of his guiding philosophy.

The book was written in Uppsala, where Max-Neef stayed during the spring and summer of 1981 as a guest author of the Dag Ham- marskjold Foundation.

l/ (Uppsala: The Dag Hammarskjold Foundat ion , 1982) - 2 , O v r e s l o t t s g a t a n S75220 Uppsala, Sweden.

INTERACTIONS

L' ALTERNATIVE: CONSTATS, Q U E S T I O N ESP01 ̂ S

p a r Ahmed Ben S a l a h *

1. Quand les forces de gauche, il y a des decennies, menaient en Europe occidentale le combat centre l'ordre politique et economique etabli, elles refusaient evidemment, en attendant la victoire, de se soumettre 2 cetordre. Tout s'opposait au compromis et 2 la soumission: l'ideologie ou les programmes, le discours, la continuite et la diversit6 des batailles, les re- ponses aux aspirations des forces laborieuses. Tout, y compris les structu- rations des mouvements eux-msrnes, notamment les mouvements socialistes et syndicaux, prefigurait l'ordre voulu qui devait stre l'alternative 3 l'ordre 6tabli.

La oti ces forces de gauche accederent au pouvoir, elles reussirent 2 mettre en place les composantes de l'ordre nouveau: suffrage universel, gGnGrali- sation de l'enseignement, organisation nouvelle du travail, de ses conditions, de la production, des rapports sociaux, de la distribution, de la protection sanitaire et sociale, dgveloppement des sciences et des techni- ques, renaissance culturelle, reamenagements progressifs et parfois profonds des clivages sociaux, promotion de la femme - toutes composantes de l'ordre nouveau, ordre de justice, de sScurit6, d'enthousiasme, d1esp6rance.

Des rapports nouveaux s'etablirent progressivement au sein des societes concern6es engendrant des forces nouvelles, plus larges, moins elitistes, nourrissant de vigueur et de continuitg la dynamique de progrss et de justice. L1irr6versibilite de cette dynamique n'etait plus une illusion malgre 11agressivit6 des forces conservatrices, malgre les possibilites que la d6- mocratie nouvelle offrait 3 ces dernieres de reprendre le pouvoir - ce qui arriva souvent et parfois pour de longues periodes durant lesquelles les progres furent freines, mais les grandes realisations des forces de gauches exploit6es 2 outrance. Dans de nombreux cas, ce fut le debut de l'emiet- tement de ces dernisres, leur affaiblissement, et parfois aussi leur efface- ment devant des dictatures impitoyables au service d'un capitalisme sans mesure ou dfoligarchies sans vision et sans conscience des perils.

2. Et, c o m e on dit, ce furent de multiples 'traversees du desertf pour les forces de gauche, incarnees par des partis socialistes et des syndicats, qui semblaient ambitionner d'engendrer un modsle politique et socio-Gconomique 2 6gal degre d'antinomie ou de difference du modele conservateur et du models sovietique. Lfirr6versibilit6 de la dynamique se figea; les traversees du desert inspirerent trap souvent aux socialistes non pas une vision nouvelle pour un renouveau, mais des revisions sans remords, des compromis et, Ie rapport des forces aidant, des coalitions gouvernementales avec les forces adverses.

* Secretaire general du Mouvement d'Unit6 Populaire, Tunisie

Autant d'attitudes qui aggraverent l'impuissance des socialistes, notamment 5 relever les dgfis de leurs propres politiques, de leurs immenses realisations, de la grande espgrance dont ils avaient reussi 5 irriguer de larges et profondes couches des soci6t6s, non seulement en Europe occidentale mais aussi dans le monde des luttes de liberation.

De plus, et ce n'est pas 1'6lGment le moins decisif, ils se sent laisse pieger par le complexe des "imperatifs stratggiques", ag rG~~e~ , i .C d e 1'illusion de participer 5 un rggquilibrage planetaire qui serait le catalyseur ou meme le prolongement d'un fallacieux r66quilibrage des forces ou des conceptions politiques 2 l'interieur de leurs frontisres...

3. Et on les voit aujourd'hui, ici et 15, quand ils reaccsdent au gouvernement aprss de longues ou moyennes periodes d'opposition, on les voit tituber, pris qu'ils sont dans les pesanteurs dont le pouvoir precedent a farci les structures politiques, sociales, economiques, educatives, cultu- relies, financisres et de gestion.

Et c'est encore une traverses du desert, non plus des dirigeants mais des grandes idees du socialisme, de ses dynamiques bouillonnant des ferments d'un ordre nouveau, bien nouveau cette fois parce que, inevitablement, universel; un ordre de justice, de securit6, d'enthousiasme, desperance et de cooperation.

Les traversges du desert et leurs consequences, au-del5 de certaines appa- rences, ont contribuc? .5 engendrer le concept et la realit6 des superpuissances au niveau plangtaire, ce qui, au plan intgrieur, a consolid6 les forces qui se nourrissent de cette situation pour barrer la route 5 toute velleite de construction d'un ordre nouveau. De meme que furent engendrees de multiples forces dites marginales 06 s'entrechoquent des convictions lumineuses ou des ideologies "~om~ensatoires": ecologie, pacifisme ou violence, terrorisme organise, parfois se nourrissant de services secrets et peut-etre alimentant les marchands d'armes et d'illusions.

4. De "l'autre cote des mers", dans ce qu'on appelle le Tiers Monde, et notamment dans les pays qui subirent longtemps les ferules coloniales, souvent la demarche des forces nationalistes, de resistance et de lutte de 1ib6ration recsle des similitudes aver la demarche des socialistes en Europe, etant entendu que ces forces nationalistes etaient en th6orie por- tenses de l'alternative 5 l'ordre gtabli.

Mais l'ideal de liberation, ports par les masses populaires, a souvent et6 recuper6 en fin de course par des "elites" politiques auxquelles se sont ralliees 5 ~ o i n t nomme les categories sociales privi16gi6es tout au long des periodes coloniales. C'est qu'entretemps, ces elites 6taient 5 leur tour recuperees, sournoisement ou non, par les tenants du colonialisme qui, paternellement, les couvraient de flatteries sp6cifiques: elles 6taient realistes, moderees, sages, competentes meme ... Preparant ainsi leurs propres opinions publiques, les tenants du colonialisme voulaient, par cette recuperation, prevenir toute rupture autre que formelle avec les pays qu'ils exploitaient et dominaient. Pour eux, il fallait reussir un developpement

historique arrogant et bien lourd de consequences: la naissance du neo- colonialisme au sein des mouvements de liberation.

Cependant la vitalit6 des masses populaires, la vigueur de leurs luttes, imposerent les independances quand ce ne fut pas, pour les pouvoirs colo- niaux, l'acceptation de 1'Gvolution du monde et Ie choix du moindre mal.. . Et quand la roue de l'histoire commenca effectivement 2 tourner, et que s'engagea formellernent le processus de d6rnlonisation. les heures des choix sonnerent vite pour les nouvelles directions politiques des pays qui venaient de retrouver l'indiipendance. Celles-ci ne tardsrent pas 2 demon- trer qu'elles preferaient Ie "r6a1ismef' de leurs oppresseurs aux aspirations de leurs peuples. Tout comme les forces de gauche en Europe, ces directions politiques furent, Ie plus souvent, prises par Ie vertigo de l'heritage, par la peur des ruptures pourtant si vitales pour le long terme. Et quand, ici et 12, des redressements s'impossrent par diverses formes de luttes populaires, des combats de la jeunesse, ou parfois seulement au "hasard" d'un court changement de rapports de force 2 l'interieur des nouveaux pouvoirs, quand ces redressements slimposSrent, les renversements ne tarderent pas a etre operes souvent dans la violence, la repression, les reniements.

Des renversements voulus et realises par les pouvoirs nouveaux pris dans les filets des nouvelles classes, des classes privil6giees anciennes, par tous ceux qui n'imaginaient plus leur identite que dans les alliances avec telle ou telle grande puissance, en tout cas avec telle ou telle ancienne metropole. Des renversements voulus aussi et soutenus par ces mEmes puissances, ces mernes m6tropoles qui, allergiques 2 toute alternative 2 l'ordre etabli chez elles, acceptaient encore bins tout nouvel ordre dans les pays redevenus independants. Ces deux refus n'etaient qu'un seul, celui de la construction d'un nouvel ordre international fond6 sur la cooperation pour la justice, le progres et la paix pour tous.

5. L2 aussi, dans nombre de pays du Tiers Monde, ce fut, crest la traver- see du desert de la grande ambition n6e durant les luttes de liberation, la grande ambition d'etablir un ordre fond6 sur de nouveaux rapports sociaux, la grande ambition de contribuer avec perseverance et serieusement 2 un changement des rapports de forces dans Ie monde, c'est-2-dire 2 l'etablisse- ment d'un ordre international repondant aux exigentes evolutions des homes, des societes, des cultures, des prises de conscience.

Les tenants du pouvoir dans ces pays trouverent plus commode d'echanger cette ambition contre l'adhesion des privilegies et des candidats aux privi- leges contre aussi leur propre soumission aux strategies des grandes puissances et de celles encore considerees comme telles. Les consequences en furent, en sont, la croissance extravertie, la repression ou les ruses aussi impitoyables que grotesques. C'est ainsi que surgirent aussi des forces dites marginales OS se melent convictions religieuses, attachements ethniques ou ideologies aussi emiettees qulexacerbGes.

Ces emergences ou ces reveils donnent encore aux pouvoirs etablis Ie pre- texte de pratiquer Itamalgame au detriment des forces reelles, expressions authentiques de la culture et des aspirations populaires.

6- Le spectacle n'est pas gai. L'Europe est plus ou moins en panne; toujours et encore prise dans ses pesanteurs, sa crise, ses terrorismes et ceux des autres. Les pouvoirs socialistes titubent ou bien ont recours 5 des thgrapeutiques fatiguees. Le Tiers Monde ne compte pas moins de six guerres ou guerrias, des recuperations, des agressions sans fin; dans de nombreux cas, les pouvoirs S ~ c i b l i h bernblen~ avoir crouve refuge dans le repression, dans la dependance.

Les superpuissances, par del2 leurs escarmouches verbales ou non, inter- viennent partout, apprecient, jugent, condamnent, alimentent les guerillas ou les contre-guerillas, se promhent dans les mers et lfespace, accumulent les armements. Partout d'ailleurs, Ie seul indicateur de "developpement" demeure positif est celui relatif 2 la fabrication, 2 la commercialisation et 2 la consommation des armements.

1.e systsme des Nations Unies dans son ensemble, qui a joue un r6le si important dans la prise de conscience universelle de l'impgratif d'un nouvel ordre international, ce systeme accumule les impuissances come il accumule les resolutions, les chartes, les declarations tellement dedaignees qu'il semble transformer la prise de conscience en angoisse et meme, la demesure des superpuissances et de leurs satellites aidant, en desespoir.

7. Ceux qui, un peu partout dans Ie monde, voulaient et veulent encore croire que les ordres interieurs et l'ordre international devaient changer dans la convergence et sous les pressions morales, economiques, culturelles des pouvoirs nouveaux dans le Tiers Monde, des luttes et des pouvoirs socialistes en Europe, du systsme des Nations Unies, ceux-l5 subissent toutes les tentations du pessimisme et de l'abandon. Et ni la survivance de lfInternationale socialiste, ni celle du mouvement des non-alignss ne reussissent 2 alleger Ie poids de cette tentation.

LIInternationale socialiste incarne les vell6ites, les compromis, les pesanteurs, les pisges strategiques, tous elements qui nourrissent la para- lysie des mouvements socialistes; pour plus de confort, elle proclame qu'elle n'est, aprSs tout, qu'un club ... concept noble... qui inhibe l'exi- gence si vitale d'une reflexion revolutionnaire sur des fondements nouveaux 2 trouver au socialisme, 2 la democratic, aux moyens d'action. Le mouvement des non-alignes compte nombre d'etats plus marques par leurs alliances que par leur indgpendance; pour certains meme, le non-alignement devient le refus de s'aligner sur les aspirations de leurs peuples. On dirait que le mouvement se contente de survivre, impuissant qu'il semble demeurer de devenir un instrument politique de premiere grandeur dans la lutte pour un nouvel ordre politique et economique, une force vitale pour la defense et la consolidation du d6veloppement, de la cooperation et de la paix.

Ainsi sT6vapore lentement mais plutot surement le rGve de ceux qui voyaient dans la conjugaison progressive jusqu'z l'unit6 des actions du mouvement socialiste international et du mouvement des non-aligngs, tous deux rGnov6s et revitalises, la naissance du processus d'un ordre nouveau pour le developpement, pour la paix.

8. Que faire? Oui, une fois de plus, que faire sinon, en premier lieu, tout faire justement pour universaliser le refus actif de la guerre qui s'impose come l'eventualite la plus menacante dans l'evolution actuelle du monde. Tout faire pour ne pas renoncer 2 ce rZve d'unir dans la course 2 la paix le mouvement socialiste international et le mouvement de non- alignes, la course 2 la paix dont l'audace serait d'engager de vastes programmes de cooperation pour le developpement du Tiers Monde et pour ia liberation des peuples du monde industrial de la crise et des forces qui l'attirent et l'exploitent.

La course 2 la paix, c'est aussi lVobligation stricte du respect total de tous les droits politiques, economiques, culturels des peuples et des citoyens partout. C'est l'ouverture sur tous les mouvements nouveaux sus- cites et par les Gvolutions du monde et par les aveuglements des pouvoirs actuels; l'ouverture sur les reflexions, les actions de t'ous ceux, si nombreux heureusement aujourd'hui, qui se situent et militent 2 leur facon en dehors de tout systsme officiel, national ou international. Tout faire pour enrichir, diversifier et maintenir 2 un haut degr6 de vitalit6 tous les moyens et les potentialitss engages dans la course 2 la paix, au dGve- loppement, 2 la vie.

out faire enfin pour assurer une relsve vivante, capable de reparer les manquements des forces en principe porteuses d'ideal, de progrss et de paix, et de se dresser dans l'assurance de la victoire face aux volontGs de puissance et de guerre.

Les mouvements existent, divers, riches en energie et en force de reflexion et d'action: les jeunes, les femmes, les croyants, les 6cologistes authentiques, les pacifistes, les associations, les peuples du Tiers Monde, toutes les forces de gauche en Europe et ailleurs, les bases populaires en tous cas.

Pour le developpement, pour la cooperation liberatrice, pour la paix, l'alternative est 12. Elle vit, elle s'organise, elle avance.

7 0

POUR UNE SORTIE A GAUCHE DE M CRISP

p a r S a m i r Amin *

1. La crise constitue un &fit global pour les forces de la gauche, tant dans les pays industriels que dans les pays du Tiers Monde. Celles-ci seront-elles capables de developper un programme credible et articule, sus- ceptible d'une mise en oeuvre efficace, offrant une alternative aux politiques d'offensive du capital dont l'objectif est d'exploiter l'affaiblissement des forces ouvrigres et populaires pour imposer une restructuration globale, nationale et mondiale, commandee par le seul critsre que connaisse Ie capital: la rentabilite financisre de l'investissement?

1.1 Dans les pays capitalistes industriels, l'offensive du capital est construite sur trois principes: (i) le retablissement d'un volant de chSmage permettant la restructuration industrielle aux frais de la classe ouvrisre, affaiblie et divisee (emplois stables et main d'oeuvre dequali- free, femmes, jeunes et immigrgs etc...); (ii) la priorit6 aux choix ren- forcant la competitivite internationale, aiguisee par la crise; et (iii) la priorit6 2 la lutte centre l'inflation, elle-meme moyen d'gviter la d6- tgrioration des positions dans la competitivite internationale.

1.2 Dans Ie Tiers Monde, cette m&ne offensive du capital s'assigne l'objec- tifdesoumettre les choix nationaux 2 la logique de la transnationalisation du capital. Les efforts accomplis au cours des decennies 50 et 60 pour construire ici des economies nationales sont demanteles au profit de la priorits retablie 2 la soumission 5 la logique des "avantages comparatifs immediats" dans une division internationale du travail maximant Ie profit du capital mondial. La Banque Mondiale, Ie FM1 et le consortium des banques preteuses aux pays du Tiers Monde constituent l'instrument de cette politique de "re~om~radorisation" des pays qui ont tent6 de compl6ter leur liberation politique par une "liberation 6conomique".

1.3 Avec des nuances spgcifiques, l'offensive du capital tente d'integrer 1'Est (URSS, Europe Orientale, Chine) dans ce schema global de reorganisation. Force lui est, cependant, de respecter ici l'autonomie du facteur politique, en depit de la crise profonde de certaines economies du monde communiste (difficult6 de passer de l'accumulation extensive 5 l'accumulation intensive dans le respect des modalit6s 6tatistes du systsme, endettement exterieur etc...).

1.4 Cette offensive globale du capital, loin dtatt6nuer les conflits entre les Etats (Superpuissances, Europe - Japon - Etats-Unis, conflits avec les pays du Tiers Monde ...), en aiguise la violence et lissement de l'hegernonie US sur le systsme engendre tances.

la tentative de retab- de nombreuses resis-

* Bolte postale 3501, Dakar, Senegal.

1.5 L'offensive du capital traduit la force inexorable que constitue pour celui-ci l'inscription de ses strategies dans la logique de la "mondialisation", 11interd6pendance et 11interp6n6tration des economies ayant atteint un niveau consid6rablement plus elev6 qu'3 la veille de laguerre de 1939- 1945. Cette soumission 2 la loi de la mondialisation depouille les peoples et les classes travailleuses de toute autonomie possible et reduit leur marge de choix 2 neant. Aussi est-elle accompagnee d'une offensive ideolo- gique sans pareille: l'objectif du socialisme est proclam6 defunt, les rsves de 1968 absurdes, etc...

2. Les forces politiques traditionnelles de la gauche sont-elles dgmunies de moyens de reagir 2 cette.offensive?

2.1 Dans les pays capitalistes industriels, la reponse 5 la crise precedente avait et6 celle du keynesianisme (redistribution du revenu et augmentation de la demande globale par la depense publique dans Ie respect des regles de la rentabilite financiere). On peut discuter la question de savoir si cette reponse avait et6 reellement efficace dans les annees 30 ou si elle avait et6 seulement un trompe l'oeil, come celle de savoir si les "replis imperiaux" qui l'ont accompagn6e n'ont pas et6 un element de la cristallisation des blocs conduisant 2 la guerre, etc... Toujours est-il que cette reponse parait aujourd'hui, en tout etat de cause, impossible.

La tentative du Gouvernement Mitterand s'est ici soldee par un echec: la relance n'a pas eu lieu mais, par contre, la deterioration de la balance exterieure est devenue inquietante. Le repliement sur des politiques res- trictive~ plus proches de celles des autres gouvernements de 1'0ccident (y compris de gouvernements socialistes come cela fut Ie cas avec Schmidt en Allemagne) sonne-t-il Ie glas de "l'alternative de gauche"?

On aurait tort de s'en tenir 15. Les politiques de droite, mon6taristes entre autres, condamnent les classes travailleuses 2 supporter tout Ie poids de la crise; et les promesses que "demain cela ira mieux" s'averent creuses. Le corps electoral a d6j2 rgpondu 2 cet echec par les victoires de la gauche en France, en Suede, en Autriche, en Grece, en Espagne. S'agi- ra-t-il de victoires sans lendemain, la gauche du Gouvernement etant amenee 3 faire, avec mollesse, ce que la droite propose?

I1 est done urgent de reexaminer les propositions d'une sortie 2 gauche de la crise. N'est-il done pas possible d'envisager une reponse plus radicale aux problSmes de la societe: llexpansion de la sphere des activites sociales non marchandes (services sociaux), la deconcentration de certaines activites productrices etc..., autrement dit l'expansion de la sphere sociale au detriment de celle regie exclusivement par la valeur? Bien entendu, cela exige d' aller "au-del3 du keyn6sianisme".

I1 existe d6jS des elements de r6ponses qui vont dans ce sens, par exemple: (i) Ie programme de la Social Democratic suedoise de transfert de la pro- priete du capital 3 la soci6t6, qui pourrait servir de base 2 une "autre politique" industrielle et sociale, davantage d6tachee de la rentabilite financisre; (ii) certains elements de la vision des Verts en Allemagne, preconisant la decentralisation d'activites 6conomiques et sociales;

(iii) Ie programme du Pasok en Grsce, et la perspective qu'il propose d'un autre type de relations avec Ie Sud (point sur lequel on reviendra) etc... Bien entendu, aucun de ces elements de reponse n'est par lui-meme sans ambigu'ite. Le debat ~tatisation/socialisation non etatiste restera central et complexe, comme Ie debat autour de llautogestion. Une extension du secteur public n'est pas une garantie automatique de non soumission aux exigences de la rentabilite financisre dans l'esprit d'une competitivit6 stricte; l'industria"1sm~ 6 t a t i q t ~ pent" e t r e "1."' ~ I J s e r v i c e d ' n ~ n ~ p n ' i t i - que agressive 2 l'egard des partenaires du systsme mondial, etc...

2.2. Dans les pays du Tiers Monde, la gauche, c'est-;-dire l'aile radicale du mouvement de liberation nationale, avait d6velopp6 au cours des annges 50 et 60 un ensemble de politiques destinees 5 asseoir l'autonomie economique nationale: reformes agraires et cooperatives, nationalisations et industrialisation. Ces politiques avaient souvent atteint leurs limites historiques avant meme que la crise n'en rende la poursuite impossible. L'insuffisance de la dimension po~ulaire de cette politique (marquee par llexploitation du monde rural, Ie modsle d'industrialisation couteux, Ie parasitisme bureaucratique etc ...) est sans doute 2 l'origine de ces limites historiques: la crise alimentaire et financiere, Iturbanisation in- contrzlee et le chsmage massif etaient 15 avant meme que, sous la pression de la crise, la poursuite du modsle ne soit devenue impossible.

Le contre-modele de Ifinscription du developpement dans la transnationalisation, propose inlassablement par la Banque Mondiale, paraissait plus prometteur, en depit souvent de ses aspects sociaux et politiques negatifs. Mais il est lui-meme entre en crise lorsqu'il s'est aver6 que sa poursuite exigeait un endettement exterieur illimite, comme la faillite financiere du Mexique,et celle qui menace d'une manisre generate les NICs l'illustre.

Pourtant, en d6pit de cet echec, Ie capital dominant n'a rien 2 proposer d'autre que la soumission sans restriction 2 la priorit6 absolue de la rentabilite financiere dans l'interdependance, au benefice des maitres du systems.

Si, en Occident, la reponse 2 l'echec de l'offensive du capital se marque parfois par Ie retour electoral de la gauche au pouvoir, ici ce sont des explosions populaires qui signalent la faillite sociale du projet. Les limites historiques de la gauche sont ici 5 l'origine des renouveaux popu- listes 5 contenu ambigu, souvent sous les drapeaux de l1int6grisme religieux.. . 3. La crise revsle done au Nord comme au Sud la contradiction flagrante qui oppose la soumission 2 la seule logique de la reorganisation au profit du capital dominant et lfint6rCt des nations, des peuples et des classes travailleuses.

3.1 I1 est urgent de reconnaytre que la soumission aux exigences de la transnationalisation economique est incompatible avec une politique de sortie progressiste de la crise. Cela est vrai au Nord c o m e au Sud.

Au Nord, l'expansion du secteur social au detriment de celui regi par la seule valeur est en contradiction avec la recherche 2 tout prix de la

compGtitivit6 extgrieure maximale. Elle implique done, sglectivement, une protection sans laquelle les programmes mentionngs plus haut seraient vides de tout contenu.

Au Sud, la construction d'un Etat national et populaire reste la seule voie alternative 5 la compradorisation-

3.2 Cette double reconnaissance, qui peut Ctre le substrat d'un renouveau de l'internationalisme, signale la maturit6 l'gchelle mondiale diun depassement du capitalisme.

Au Nord, la soci6te n'est plus celle des ann6es 30. Les classes moyennes de type ancien (petits producteurs etc ...) pouvaient alors Ctre alliges de la classe ouvrisre dans des fronts populaires, 2 condition que ceux-ci., sans s'assigner l'objectif de transformations sociales profondes, puissent les unifier, par exemple pour la dGfense de la d6mocratie (contre Ie fascisme qui faisait appel aux manes classes moyennes victimes de la crise). Aujourd'hui, les nouvelles classes moyennes, salariees, peuvent partager avec la classe ouvrisre, des aspirations qui dgpassent le capitalisme (les mouvements de femmes, lt6cologie, etc... n'en tgmoignent-ils pas?).

Au Sud, l'alliance populaire "ouvriGre et paysanne" s16tait forgee contre Ie vieux colonialisme direct et Gventuellement contre les anciennes classes dominantes agraires. Dans cette alliance nationale, la composante bour- geoise se trouvait renforcee par les aspirations "anti-f60dales1' de la paysannerie. Aujourd'hui, l'alliance populaire entre directement en conflit avec les forces qui tentent d1impos&r la mondialisation. I1 est evident, par exemple, qu'une strategic de dgveloppement agricole destinee 2 assurer l'autonomie alimentaire nationale, fond6e sur la petite exploitation paysanne, soutenue par une industrialisation appropriee et des termes de l'echange internes villes-campagnes favorables, n'est pas le choix du capital dominant, qui ne peut envisager ici que la koulakisation et l'intervention massive de ltagribusiness contre les paysans.

3.3 La mise en oeuvre des programmes de sortie 2 gauche de la crise, au Nord et au Sud, implique aussi d'autres relations Nord-Sud que celles qui prevalent.

L'gchec du NOEI et des negotiations globales n'est pas surprenant. S'ins- crivant dans la stricte logique de la mondialisation ("l'interdependance"), ces nggociations ne pouvaient que cristalliser les positions nationales contradictoires des partenaires in6gaux et masquer les options sociales alternatives internes. La poursuite de ce type de "solution" risque de decevoir de plus en plus, et de faire tomber dans les voeux pieux, par exemple d'un keynesianisrne 2 l'echelle mondiale.

Les gouvernements de gauche du Nord ne peuvent pas ignorer le Sud et s'aligner de fait sur les strategies du complexe USA-Banque Mondiale-FMI-Consor- tium des Banques qui reprgsente le capital financier 2 1'6chelle mondiale, quitte 2 nuancer leur alignement par une rgthorique "tiers mondiste" come on le voit parfois. Les gouvernements populaires du Sud peuvent diffici- lement envisager de se retirer dans une quasi-autarcie nationale, et ne

peuvent plus compter, comme ils ont pu le croire (2 tort ou 2 raison), sur l'alternative de l'alliance sovietique.

I1 y a done un interet commun 2 envisager, sur une base selective, une nouvelle cooperation Nord-Sud qui, si elle est en conflit avec la mondialisation sous la houlette du capital financier, pourrait renforcer les d6- passements du capitalisme et les constructions populaires ici et 12. Le contenu, les objectifs et les modalites de cette nouvelle cooperation d o i - vent Stre discutes et envisages dans un esprit creatif.

4 . La sortie 2 gauche de la crise appelle aussi 5 une discussion des rapports 5 1'Est.

L'offensive du capital se fonde sur un chantage placant les rapports Est- Quest (en fait USA - URSS) au centre de la strategic et soumettant les rapports intra-Ouest et Ouest-Sud 2 cette logique militaire.

Le ralliement atlantiste, que l'on pourrait discuter sur d'autres terrains (l'equilibre militaire URSS-USA ...), laisse peu d'espace 2 une politique europeenne autonome, vis-a-vis du Sud (comme les conflits du Moyen Orient, d'Afrique et d'ailleurs l'illustrent). I1 envisage les rapports Nord-Sud connne complement de ceux de la confrontation Est-Ouest et contribue, par 15-meme, 2 faire du Sud le champ de cette confrontation. I1 annule aussi tout espoir d'ouverture d'un espace de ri5fonne dans 1'Europe de 1'Est et accule ainsi davantage 2 la confrontation apocalyptique.

Ce sont 12 aussi des questions 2 debattre plus serieusement qu'on ne 1'a peut-etre fait jusqu'ici dans la gauche, au Nord, au Sud et 2 1'Est.

5. En conclusion, il importe d'examiner l'ensemble de ces questions dans un esprit d'ouverture, sans renoncer aux positions des uns et des autres, 2 leurs arguments et 2 leurs fondements theoriques et idZologiques, mais sans polemiques inutiles.

On part de 11hypoth2se qu'il est possible d'aller "contre les lois spon- tanees" du capitalisme. Certains ne manqueront pas de penser qu'il est impossible d'agir contre les exigences de la mondialisation par laquelle cette contrainte absolue se manifeste aujourd'hui. Mais n'est-ce pas l2 renoncer 2 la liberte qui constitue peut-etre le commun denominateur par lequel la gauche, se posant en force de transformation, se distingue de la droite, force de conservation?

Une solution 2 gauche de la crise, qui n'est pas facile, meme 5 imaginer, encore moins gagnee d'avance, n'ouvrirait-elle pas : (i) un espace d'autonomie populaire pour l'amorce d'un depassement du capitalisme au Nord; (ii) un espace d'autonomie permettant d'avancer la construction nationale et populaire au Sud; (iii) et peut-etre un espace facilitant les avancges riiformistes 2 1'Est (et 2 partir de 12, doit-on espgrer voir progressivement gomm6 Ie grand schisme qui, 2 partir de.1917, a brise le mouvement ouvrier et socialiste mondial)?

Peut-on esperer davantage? Y a-t-il plus urgent 2 l'ordre du jour d'un renouveau internationaliste?

UNDER CONDITIONS OF HUMANQUAKE

An interview with Robert ~ u n c ~ k *

Your curren t uork i s centred on t h e neu peace movement as a movement for s o c i a l transformation. Would you t a l k about tha t?

Want I want to point out is that it is not a one-goal movement, but actually part of a movement that not only aims at peace, but that also tries to change society and shows that in this kind of society peace is impossible. It will more and more have to make links with the ecological movement - ecology being one of the causes of war - and with the women's movement, male domination also being one of the causes of war because our world is run by men and male values. It is linked to a high degree with the movement against all social and economic injustices.

This movement has many facets, for instance the music movement amongst young people. The movement for eating different kinds of food and not the poi- soned food most people have to eat. The people who are fighting against the stress of modern life. There are many women and children, and men too, who just can't take it any longer. It is not only a peace movement, it is a longing for community, for a new language because the old language has been corrupted and doesn't express anything any more. I feel one of the great sicknesses of our time is that of isolation and loneliness. These movements g-ive occasion for people to find each other.

More and more these movenients will be nourished by peopleout of work. I feel the unemployed could have a special function, they shouldn't just be used as fuel for the fire. That is the communist point of view; the more unemployment the more restlessness there will be. I think that is a poor using of people.

People out of work are, in a certain way - and this will sound shocking to some - in a privileged position because they are no longer chained to the capitalist production machine. They have more time, they can think and act in ways which may be beneficial for society, if they have enough motivation. One of the tasks of the peace movement is to provide that motivation. To show them for instance that they could set up alternative lifestyles and communities where they could live in a more modest way. There is a beginning of this in Denmark. People who are unemployed can join solar communities and work on the development of collectors etc. They could also get more information and education because people who are out of work have the time to read, listen and discuss. They should be able to get a little extra money by doing these things. I feel this is so important - that the victims of the systems will be the first ones to lay foundations for a world where such victimisation will not exist any more.

* Peace News for Nonviolent Revolution, No 2177, September 1982

I c a l l t h e s e movements "Humanquake", because I ' t h i n k t h e word " r evo lu t ion" i s t oo weak. I t ' s l i k e you have an ear thquake.

From t h e p o i n t of view of t h e people who a r e running our wor ld , i f you l i v e i n c o n d i t i o n s of humanquake you c a n ' t any longer s i t e your ve ry v u l n e r a b l e t echno log ie s i n quake r eg ions . They know t h i s about ear thquakes bu t they s t i l l s i t e nuc l ea r p l a n t s , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n r eg ions where you have a humanquake. You saw i t i n I r a n . One can e a s i l y imagine i n r eg ions wi th nuc lea r power p l a n t s , i f you have a humanquake t h e s t a t i o n w i l l no longe r be running p rope r ly because some of t h e people w i l l run away, o r t h e power l i n e s may be c u t .

Th i s whole h igh technology i s a very v u l n e r a b l e technology. I t h i n k i t i s i n e v i t a b l e t h a t you w i l l have sabotage of t h e i n d u s t r i a l complexes, be i t m i l i t a r y o r c i v i l technology. The v u l n e r a b i l i t y of t hese appa ra tuses l i e s i n t h e f a c t t h a t i n o r d e r f o r t h e m t o f u n c t i o n a t a l l they have t o be under cond i t i ons of extreme q u i e t . The s m a l l e s t d i s t u r b a n c e makes i t d i f f i c u l t f o r them t o f u n c t i o n , be i t t h e communications systems o r t h e power and water l i n e s t h a t a r e d i s tu rbed .

I t i s a l s o probable t h a t people working i n s i d e t h e s e m i l i t a r y and c i v i l complexes w i l l begin t o r e v o l t . The people who a r e running t h e system cannot be s u r e of t h e people working i n i t . They t r y t o s c reen them but t h i s d o e s n ' t make much d i f f e r e n c e . I ' v e t a l k e d t o people who worked a t t h e Three Mile I s l a n d p l a n t a t Ha r r i sbu rg , and t h e r e was a r ag ing c o n f l i c t in- s i d e t h e p l a n t , which had p a r t l y t o do wi th who'would have g r e a t e r i n f l u - ence. They have two d i f f e r e n t s e c u r i t y and s a f e t y se t -ups , and they fought each o t h e r . When a t echno log ica l e n t e r p r i s e comes more under c o n d i t i o n s of s i e g e , people i n s i d e t h e s e f o r t r e s s e s g e t ve ry nervous, ve ry e x i t a b l e . There a r e two p o s s i b l e outcomes: e i t h e r people j u s t d e f e c t , o r they run amok and say "We1l;let's do something". I ' m a f r a i d of t h e h a r d l i n e r s t h e r e who may say " L e t ' s f i r e a nuke", t o do something.

The whole of m i l i t a r y and c i v i l b i g technology f o r g e t s t h e p sycho log ica l de- t e rminan t s . A f t e r a l l , i t i s s t i l l human be ings t h a t a r e running a l l t h i s , and how much s t r e s s they can t a k e i s l i m i t e d , which i s never considered . They t r y t o automate, bu t you s t i l l have t o have human beings .

I f e e l t h a t what I c a l l humanquake - which i s a c t u a l l y a quake of t h e ne rves and s o u l , n o t only a p o l i t i c a l quake - goes beyond t h e l i m i t s of what people can take . And t h i s i s what we have t o look a t a s t h e c r i s i s deepens. Peace and d i s a r m a m e n t a r e n ' t j u s t ques t ions of m o r a l i t y o r of s t r a t e g y , b u t a ques- t i o n o f : w i l l people go back from a d i r e c t i o n where even t s a r e uncontro l - l a b l e because of human weakness - t h e human f a c t o r ?

There i s a l so the opposite disastrous d i rec t ion , which you have jus t touched on and m o t e about i n The Nuclear Sta te . Forces wi th in the governments and ru l ing c l iques are cu t t ing down on labour t o produce a labour e l i t e wi th u n i t e coats running the system - but can they be bought o f f ?

Thi s i s t r u e , and i t i s i n c r e a s i n g l y t r u e , even i n t h e Third World where smal l e l i t e s a r e surrounded by m i l l i o n s of people o u t of work and hungry. You

have this development towards a fortress society, with the elites getting smaller. But the big question mark is - and I know the people inside the fortress are afraid of this - how reliable and unaffected will people remain if everyone around is contesting them? After all, they have to go home, they have a family and children, they live in a community. For instance, I've been told that some of the Windscale workers asked for a special five per cent increase in wages because of their unpopularity in the community.

I know that the highest proportion of protestors in our movement come from the families of managers, and are just apalled at what their fathers are doing. They bring opposition into the home. I think that the real revolution will start from the top under pressure from below. The dissentions within the ruling clique will become larger and become very violent. This kind of in-fighting will ruin any kind of control. This happened at the end of the Third Reich with the story of Hitler in the bunker. They were still trying torun the Third Reich but in the end couldn't, with all the internal dissentions - the fights for succession and over policy. This is inevitable. If you have small elite groups under pressure you will see that they can never hold.

You have been talking about the system being very complex and technologica2- Zy vulnerable and saying t ha t any attempt t o h i t tha t vu lnerabi l i t y puts the whole system i n c r i s i s . This sor t of at tack w i l l produce fear and hence in- f ight ing wi th in the s t r e s s fu l system. Couldn't we a l l get blown up wi th i t ? How can we deal with t h i s problem?

I've only talked about the inevitable fall-down and destruction of the system. Now it is very important for the peace movement not only to work on the negative, critical and agressive aspects, but also to prepare contin- gency plans, other models of what could be done, so that if you survive the turmoil you are not left with empty hands. What has usually happened in revolutions, and it happened in the Russian revolution, is that people take power but the old structures are still there,, and the people move into the old structures and repeat in a different style what had gone before.

I have advocated for a long time that we, as a movement towards the transformation of society, have a groundswell of people sitting together and thinking about a different kind of world. Not people who write about it, but people who do it themselves. For twenty years I have run "Future Work- shops". I sit down with people and address a certain problem, say schools, urban problems, the peace movement, economic problems or family problems. There are four phases and it's a dialectical process.

First, everybody says critical things about the subject under discussion, then there is a weighting process where you say what problems seems the most important. Second, you have a brainstorming session where you invent new solutions and zero in on a number of proposals that have been made, and work them out into projects. In the third phase you talk about the possibilities of making it happen: What are the existing structures? What could you do to get around them? Fourth, you put it into practice. There will be conditions where you cannot do it now, you have to wait for the breakdown of the system, but you have your plan. It is a plan that has not been

formulated by some l e a d e r , guru o r academic, bu t by people from below.

One of t h e wors t t h i n g s we, i nc lud ing t h e L e f t , have done i s make people pas s ive . We a r e p a r t of t h a t , and ano the r e l i t e . I have found i n running t h e workshops t h a t when people themselves formula te i d e a s they do n o t neces- s a r i l y come up wi th new ones , bu t t h e d i f f e r e n c e i s t h a t they have found them, no t me. They a r e much more i n t h e game and i t changes t h e whole psy- cholugy of d e c i s i o n making.

I have done i t wi th unemployed miners i n Aus t r i a . What could they do in s - t ead? What k ind of economy could we have i n s t e a d ? They were i n a wooded a r e a and they s a i d : "We could have f u r n i t u r e f a c t o r i e s i n s t e a d of s e l l i n g our wood f o r expor t . We could b u i l d s o l a r c o l l e c t o r s i n s t e a d , because we a r e i n t h e energy business." They wanted t o know how you s t a r t a f i r m and they began t o l e a r n .

It i s a ve ry impor tant t o o l f o r beginning t o l e a r n , because i f you have a p r o j e c t , you want t o l ea rn . This i s a ve ry powerful i n c e n t i v e f o r g e t t i n g informat ion toge the r . I f e e l we i n t he peace movement should do much more th ink ing about what w i l l happen a f t e rwards . We have t o .

I t w i l l a l s o he lp i n ga in ing adherence from those who a r e no t i n t e r e s t e d , y e t who say: "Well , you a r e always a g a i n s t eve ry th ing , what a r e you f o r ? What a r e your ideas?" . Th i s i s n o t u t o p i a , but one can b u i l d b e l i e v a b l e p r o j e c t s by working t o g e t h e r .

I have found a f a n t a s t i c response f o r ano the r reason: most people have never been asked t h e i r i d e a s , e s p e c i a l l y people from t h e working c l a s s . They d o n ' t cons ide r themselves up t o i t . "We a r e n o t informed, educated enough". By doing a Future Workshop they a r e more s u r e of themselves t han be fo re , so i t a l s o changes t h e i r p e r s o n a l i t i e s . I c a l l i t t h e Walesa e f f e c t . Lech Walesa came ou t of no th ing and j u s t by do ing something you s a w what was i n t h i s man. I f e e l we should n o t n e g l e c t >u r duty t o have a l t e r n a t i v e i d e a s and p r o j e c t s . I d o n ' t s ay v i s i o n s o r u t o p i a s because I only t a l k about t h i n g s t h a t might be f e a s i b l e i n o t h e r s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s , o r even i n o u r own s o c i e t y by us ing loopholes i n t h e system.

What kind of loopholes?

Out of one of our f u t u r e workshops i n B e r l i n came Netzwerk Selbsthiife ( l i t . S e l f - H e l p Network) which i s a network of people who c o n t r i b u t e , f o r a s long a s t hey have a job , t o a fund. Th i s fund i s used t o he lp a l l k inds of c r i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s - f o r a l l k inds of communal workshops, b a k e r i e s , b i c y c l e r e p a i r shops. I heard on ly r e c e n t l y t h a t t h e r e i s a c r i - t i c a l s c i e n c e i n s t i t u t i o n which g e t s money from Netzuevk Selbsthilfe. We have a counc i l t h a t decided t o whom t o g ive . I t a l s o g ives adv ice t o e n t e r p r i s e s who do no t know about book-keeping, e t c . 1 t ' s a very p r a c t i c a l s t e p because we f e l t something had t o be done.

JOBS FOR TOMORROW, THE POTENTIAL FOR SUBSTITUTING MANPOWER FOR ENERGY L/

b y W a l t e r R. S t a h e l and Genevieve Reday-Mulvey

"To find ways of simultaneously creating jobs and saving energy". Such in 1974 was the aim of the research which led to this book. Seven years later, with steadily rising unemployment and with increased dependencies as a result of soaring energy prices, interest in this aim (and in the study which attempts to show how it can be achieved) has redoubled.

In an analysis of the automobile, construction and construction-materials industries of France ̂ .l the authors show that roughly three quarters of all industrial energy consumption is associated with the extraction or production of basic materials like steel, cement, bricks and so on, while only about one quarter is used in the transformation of materials into finished goods such as machines or buildings. The converse is true for labour, about three times as much being used in the conversion of materials to finished products as is required in the production of materials. An increase in transformation-type industrial activities would thus correspond to a substitution of labour for energy.

The book shows that since most reconditioning procedures are even more labour intensive than the corresponding manufacturing processes, the substitution of reconditioning for manufacturing greatly favours an increase in skilled labour and reduces energy and raw-material consumption: high labour intensity for dismantling, quality control, repair or exchange, and reassembly; considerable savings in energy through the re-use of components (wear modules excepted); a greatly reduced environmental load through a substantial reduction in the volume of raw materials required and ultimately in the volume of waste.

L I F E - C Y C L E S OF I N D U S T R I A L L Y PRODUCED GOODS PRIMARY m\

VIRGIN rmcondltloning USE Ã‘Ã‘Ã‘Ã OISPOSAL SIPPLY rWTERIALS

\

l/ Walter R. Stahel and GeneviZve Reday-Mulvey, Jobs for Tomorrow, The Po- - tential for Substituting Manpower for Energy (New York; Vantage Press Inc., 1981). Authors' address: W.R. Stahel, 7 chemin des Vignettes, 1231 Geneva, Switzerland.

21 These industries were chosen as indicative for the countries of the Eu- - ropean Communities. The Commission of the EC financed a first preliminary study on this subject as part of its Programme of Research & Actions on the Development of the Labour Market. This report was submitted in 1977 and is today out of print.

Working conditions are another important aspect of repair and reconditioning activities. As a general rule, skilled and experienced craftsmen - mechanics, electricians, draftsmen, etc. - are needed which can operate in comparatively small workshops scattered widely throughout the country wherever there are items in need of renovation and customers who need them, as is still the case with car-repair workshops. These enterprises can be located in rural or urban areas with high unemployment, making reconditioning with its element of geographical mobility a doubly attractive proposi- tion to those responsible for job creation.

The NASA space-shuttle programme has finally put to rest the erroneous notion that reconditioning activities and re-usable goods are associated with second-class technology or less-than-best solutions. It has on the contrary shown that such procedures can provide fresh technological impetus and lead to financially advantageous solutions. Where vital goods are concerned, reconditioning as a cheaper alternative can be of considerable social importance. Modernisation of technically obsolete housing, for example, is not merely a question of preserving the national heritage. Surveys and studies have shown that many tenants in the lower income groups could not afford to rent a newly-built flat (even where subsidized), whereas rent increases resulting from modernisation are tolerable:

, 25Z of newbuilding cost in the case of minimal modernisation, . 42% of newbuilding cost in the case of average modernisation.

Regular repair and reconditioning programmes have existed for many years in many fields:

. railway administrations which are known for their refined husbandry have not only well defined reconditioning programmes for track, rail and rolling stock, but try to further prolong the useful life of these elements by applying a "cascading" principle; a technically superceeded passenger-train engine continues in service with goods-trains, then as stand-by and finally as a shunting engine;

. certain mass-produced goods such as technologically mature goods e.g. electric motors and typewriters, and goods submitted to high wear and tear such as aircraft tyres and diesel engines in construction and plant equipment are frequently reconditioned in situ, or in a factory and offered as standard exchange components as a cheaper alternative to original (i.e. new) spares.

Reconditioning can also be favoured by external factors. In remote areas of Europe for example, transport problems have often pushed local populations to seek highly innovative solutions. For instance, a 125 year old steamer in Northern Sweden which has several times been severely damaged and even sunk. Each time, she has been recovered and brought back into service by local craftsmen, despite the lack of shipyard facilities.

Most of these examples have one thing in common: they concern capital goods such as aircrafts, railways, buildings and equipment, seldom durable consumer goods like cars, refrigerators or those other products which each of us would expect to purchase from time to time. The authors analysed the automobile as typical of this latter category:

Since 1960, employment in the motor manufacturing industry itself has not increased despite a huge increase in the total number of vehicles produced. It is in this stock of vehicles rather than in the big car production plants that the best job prospects - in both numbers and quality - lie in the future. This historic change in the motor industry employment pattern would be enhanced by the manufacture of more durable cars - with a longer life expectancy - combined with a thorough periodic sensitive-parts replace- ment and reconditioning. It would also produce very big energy and material savings and could create a substantial increase in employment in reconditioning workshops.

Taking the example described in this book, by doubling the useful life of a car from 10 to 20 years, the energy and material consumption would be nearly halved as also would the labour in the production plants. But the extra labour required in service stations, garages and reconditioning workshops would be likely substantially to exceed the number of jobs lost in the manufacturing industry.

Bearing in mind that about two thirds of the cost of a mass-produced modern car is required to pay for the materials, components and energy used in its manufacture and only about one fifth is absorbed in labour costs, it is obvious that substantial financial savings would accrue for a long-life car which, providing the amount of maintenance and reconditioning work is not excessive, should pay for the extra labour involved, thereby ensuring that the cost of motoring would not be increased. This thesis will soon be tes- ted since the first long-life car, the DeLorean, has gone into production (in Europe) and sells (in the USA).

An interesting aspect of the book is the universality of its authors' approach in their search for a solution:

. whereas at the moment our total preoccupation seems to be with manufacturing plants and production problems, the authors commend the life-span of a product to our attention;

. whereas numerous experts have tried to solve individual problems related to energy production, job creation, environmental costs, the authors have come up with a solution built on the confrontation of two dominant problems, energy and unemployment. A solution, moreover, which is favourable towards helping many of the other problems of our time.

In the final section of the book, the authors touch upon some of the broader implications of their recommended approach: the fact, for example, that a change-over from a "consumer" to a "conserver or user-oriented" society would create new distribution structures and usage patterns in the fields concerned. The challenge of many of the new ideas and approaches would apply, beyond the manufacturing industries, to those responsible, for example, for education or vocational training, since relatively few of the skilled workers needed for the reconditioning venture could be recruited from the ranks of today's unemployed. In the case of finance and insurance for long-life products, serious considerations will have to be given to replacing the now all-too-accepted depreciation value with a use-value concept - the "rebuilding" value which is already commonly used in the case of many capital goods in industry.

PROBLEMES D ' I N F O R M A T I O N EN A F R I Q U E

I1 peut paraitre surprenant que lors d'un colloque sur le theme: "Barrages: developpement ou sous d6veloppement?", on traite de Itinformation en Afri- que. Cependant, ce probleme illustre bien la "mal-information" courante en Afrique, car sur ce sujet si grave, qui concerne un nombre si important de populations, il nfy a jamais eu .S ma connaissance de veritables debats dans la presse ni drexpos&s de positions contradictoires.

I1 semble aller de soi, sauf peut-Ctre au sein de groupes de specialistes, que les barrages sont utiles au d6veloppement et ils ne sont pas presentes comme un objet de contestation au grand public. On apprend que, depuis des annees dej2, les habitants de la Vall6e du Fleuve s'opposent au projet gouvernemental au Senegal. Pourtant, leurs revendications ont trouve bien peu d'echo au-del2 de cercles restreints, et c'est 3 de telles situations qu'il importe de remedier.

On conviendra qu'au-del5 des clivages ideologiques, Ie peuple africain se divise en deux blocs. D'une part, ceux qui savent lire et ecrire une langue de domination coloniale ou, .S la rigueur, une des langes nationales. D'autre part, les analphabetes. Les chiffres sont 15: 67Z d'analphabetes parmi les homes et 85% parmi les femmes toujours defavorisees. Pour le premier bloc, l'information est fournie par la presse ecrite, la radio, la t6levision. Le second bloc doit se contenter de l'information par radio.

1. Voyons d'abord le domaine de la presse ecrite.

En 1975, un journaliste du Nigeria, Peter Enahoro, se demandait si la situation de la presse ecrite ne s'etait pas considerablement degradee en Afrique depuis les independances. Un tel cri d'alarme est d'autant plus angoissant qu'il est pousse par un anglophone. Sans verser dans l'historique, il convient de rappeler la vivacite et Ie dynamisme de la presse anglophone, jusqu's une epoque recente. Les premiers journaux, tant en anglais qu'en langues nationales, paraissent en Gold Coast et au Nigeria, respectivement en 1822 et 1863, mCme si ce ne sont encore que de timides moyens d'expression generalement aux mains des missionnaires. On sait Ie role considerable joue par la presse dans la lutte pour les independances, ou plus simple- ment la prise de conscience nationaliste.

Enfin, nu1 n'oublie que Ie premier president de la republique du Nigeria, 'Zik" Azikiwe, fut un patron de presse et un journaliste. A sa naissance done, la presse en Afrique paralt promise 2 un be1 avenir.

Or, que constatons-nous de nos jours? Faiblesse et m6diocrite de la presse locale qui est largement reduite 5 la narration sans talent des faits et gestes des personnalitgs au pouvoir, 2 des nouvelles des grandes agences de

I/ Intervention presentee au colloque "Barrages: developpement ou sous-deve- - loppement?" organise en juin 1982 2 Paris, par 1'~nion generale des travailleurs senegalais en France.

presse (AFP en particulier ... ) ou ii la propagande pour tel ou tel organis- me international. En ce qui concerne la presse africaine situee 3 l'etranger, sa situation n'est pas plus brillante: faillites ii repetition. On peut se demander ce qui s'est pass6 et la reponse est simple. La presse en Afrique est totalement sous contrSle du pouvoir et du parti, crest-2-dire du parti unique, I1 faut, dans ce domaine, refuser la distinction facile et commode entre Afrique progressiste et Afrique liberale. Sekou Tour6 psse autant sur "~oro~a" que Ny6rere sur les deux quotidiens de la ~anzanie "Uhuru" (quotidien en swahili) et "Daily News" (quotidien anglais) et qulHouphouet-Boigny sur "~raternite- at in" dont Ie PDCI assure l'orienta- tation politique.

Quelques exceptions: "L'observateur" en Haute-Volta, relativement ind6pen- dant et contestataire, qui s'est prudemment tu lors des grands conflits sociaux de 1980, et au Senegal "Le politicien" et les journaux de l'opposition.

Lors d'un seminaire tenu au CESTI 2 Dakar, en mars 1982, l'equipe du mensuel malien "Sunjata" nous contait ses difficult6s redactionnelles. I1 s'agit en effet de journalistes fonctionnaires, travaillant dans un organe appartenant 3 1'Etat. Si une certaine liberte leur est laissee pour la redac- t ion de dossiers, d ' enquetes generalement excellentes sur la delinquance juvenile qui, on Ie salt, connait une ampleur sans commune mesure au Mali, sur la drogue et ses ravages parmi les lyceens, voire sur la prostitution, il leur est impossible de pousser plus loin llanalyse et de mettre en cause Ie pouvoir lui-mGme.

Ce serait une erreur de generaliser et d'affirmer que tous les journalistes africains sont victimes de la double censure du pouvoir et de leur peur de deplaire. I1 existe, surtout au sein des nouvelles generations, des journalistes desireux de faire honnztement leur travail et qui n'y parviennent pas. Techniquement bien formes, soit 2 1'Ecole Superieure de Journalisme de Yaounde, soit au CESTI, nombreux - puisque l'effectif sortant de ces deux centres s'eleve 3 prSs de 500 personnes - les nouveaux sp6cialistes de l'information voudraient amgliorer leur image de marque et sincsrement oeuvrer au developpement de leur continent.

Helas, Ie pouvoir ne tolsre que des griots !!

Dans Ie domaine de la presse rurale, la situation est encore plus critique. I1 faut manier avec les informations dans ce domaine, fournies pat? llUNESCO, et qui ne correspondent pas toujours avec ce qui se trouve sur Ie terrain. Par exemple, les publications officielles font grand cas du journal bambara "Kibaru", fond6 en 1972, et qui tireraita 12'000exemplaires. Un periple de plus d'un mois au Mali, de Bamako 2 Gao, sans oublier de petits centres (Dire, Rarous ...) ne m'a pas permis d'en voir un seul numero. I1 parait que je ne me trouvais pas dans la "bonne region" et que j'aurais dG aller plut3t vers Sikasso. Une telle explication illustre bien les limites de l'entreprise. C'est au Niger (du moins en ce qui concerne les pays francophones) que la presse rurale est la plus efficace et la plus floris- sante. On compte dix publications - la plupart en hausa - dont Ie tirage varie entre 12'500 et ... 100 exemplaires.

ces publications satisfont aux besoins d'une population d'environ 20'000 nouveaux alphabstes et sont d'un prix modique, imprimes dans les regions

2 des dons (suisses, en particulier ... ) .

La C3te d'lvoire presence la particularit6 de posseder deux journaux ruraux en fran~ais !'.l Le Senegal ne posssde pas de presse rurale alors qu'on se serait attendu 2 plus de clairvoyance de la part des partis d'opposition, 2 present legaux.

Les problsmes de la presse rurale sont enormes. D'abord, come la presse urbaine, elle souffre de la tutelle trop lourde de 1'Etat. Elle depend des Ministsres de 1'Education ou de llInformation ou de la Communication. D'autre part, ceux qui l'animent ne sont pas roujours des techniciens com- petent~.

Le Conseil africain de l'Education, r6uni 2 Dakar en 1978, le constatait mats n'etait pas en mesure de fournir des remsdes 5 cette situation. Done, la presse rurale fait appel 2 des benevoles, 2 des instituteurs et n'atteint gusre son but declare qui est:

promotion des langues nationales . fourniture de materiel de lecture aux nouveaux alphabstes . fourniture de materiel de distraction, d'ouverture sur Ie monde, de

reflexion.

2 . Qu'en est-il de la radio, seul moyen d'information des non alphabeti- sGs, la majorit&, faut-il Ie rappeler?

Exemple-type d'une grille de programme en langue nationale (Mali):

. 9.00 heures - bulletin d'information

. 9.20 heures - musique traditionnelle

. 16.00 heures - bulletin d'information

. 16.15 heures - chants traditionnels ou poGsie traditionnelle.

Sans oublier, Ie vendredi, la lecture du Coran.

I1 n'y a aucune politique d'information, dtGducation. Les bulletins de nouvelles son? des traductions de celles qui sont donn6es en francais, sans Ztre centrees sur la vie regionale, la vie rurale, les problsmes ruraux. Parfois cinq minutes par semaine, un commentateur parle dthygi2ne sans meme que cela soit lie 5 une politique de la sante.

Quand un effort est fait, il porte sur les programmes en fran~ais, ou des emissions calquGes sur celles de la France sont lancees 2 grand fracas (au Senegal, la dernisre de ces trouvailles "confidences autour d'un micro": une heure de narcissisme). On fait generalement la part trop belle a des inter- views d'ecrivains ou de notables qui presentent des modsles de reussite au reste de la population. L'information technique o,u scientifique est negligee.

Je ne parlerai pas Ie la television, qui reste un gadget de luxe pour 6lites urbaines. Ses mefaits sont done limites.

Que faut-il faire?

11 est facile, de Paris, de se mettre 2 dresser des requisitoires. I1 faut helas tenir compte des conditions dans lesquelles vivent et travaillent nos freres en Afrique. Au niveau de la presse urbaine, dans certains pays, la situation s'ameliore en liaison avec une evolution de la nature du pouvoir (Senegal). Cependant, il serait irrealiste d'esperer des changements ana- logues dans un nombre important de pays. Les gouvernants africains finan- cant les organes de presse (ouvertement ou par Ie canal de soci6tes drEtat, ou par Ie canal du parti ... ) sont en quelque sorte en droit d'exiger "d'en avoir pour leur argent", crest-2-dire de demander aux medias de fournir les images qu'ils entendent diffuser. Pourtant des associations de journalistes s'esquissent, des agences de presse non-gouVernementales sont ebauchees, qui laissent augurer favorablement du futur. Quant au rSve dune presse independante financisrement, il parait bien lointain. Les homes d'affaires ou ceux qui possedent des capitaux en Afrique se mefient des organes de presse, car ils ont la reputation d'engloutirdel'argent et d'etre rarement rentables. La presse aura une plus large assise quand Ie nombre des lec- teurs s'accroitra.

Dans Ie domains de la presse rurale, les travailleurs imigres, du moins pour des pays comme Ie Senegal, Ie Mali, la Haute-Volta... peuvent jouer un r3le important. Sally N'Dongo souligne dej2 la solidarite existant entre migrants de retour pour des conges et communautes villageoises. Les actions entreprises pour sensibiliser ces dernieres au problsme des barrages (envois de cassettes, de materiel d'information ...) peuvent Stre etendues. Puisque les travailleurs emigres gsrent largemeat leur propre alphabetisation, ils peuvent etendre leurs efforts en direction de ceux qui sont restss au pays et qui s'organisent egalement. Les livrets peuvent circuler, Stre multi- plies, rediges en un plus large eventail de langues. U s se feraient les vehicules d'une information non pas demobilisatrice qui traite les nouveaux alphabetes en enfants, mais en citoyens lucides, susceptibles de reflechir sur leur destin et celui du monde.

SRI LANKA: THE YOUNG FEMALES CHEAPEST O F THE CHEAP THIRD WORLD LABOUR

by Feizal Samath

Is the young female the new industrial worker filling up the free trade zones of the Third World? This is the question posed by a research organization in Colombo (Sri Lanka), which has studied the social aspect of labour in Sri Lanka's free trade zone (FTZ) based at Katunayake, 25 miles east of Colombo.

The organization - the Research Division of the People's Bank, a state banking institution - says in a recent study that the economic logic seems to be that the young females are the cheapest of the cheap Third World labour.

The Katunayake FT2 was set up in 1978 to attract foreign investment using the country's cheap labour force as the bait. Since the zone began opera- tions in 1978 and up to May 1982, 161 projects with foreign/local participation have been approved, and 47 are in commercial production providing employment to 22,000 persons. One of the salient features of the FTZ, the study says, is the predominance of women workers. More than 85 per cent of the work force at the Katunayake FTZ are women. "This is not unusual for all FTZs in the Third World, and particularly Asia, this characteristic of a substantial number of workers being women has emerged", it says. The study says 9 substantial number, "perhaps close upon 75 to 85 per cent are below 25 years of age. Equally significant is that nearly all are single or unmarried".

The researching team feels that the enormous number of young women available and wanting employment in Third World countries have uhde them a huge industrial reserve army, that could be called upon at any time. One reason, the researchers say, women are preferred to men in FTZs in Asia, is that social and cultural conditions of women in Asian countries had made them docile, and at the same time they had a capacity to do dull, monotonousand labour-intensive work without much protest.

The researchers observed that the age structure and civil status of the work force, particularly among the women, had marked characteristics. They were all single and below the age of 25. "The implication of this is that the labour recruited is that part of the female population of the country whose health conditions are best. Not only is the recruitment-largely confined to the young and single, but the studies carried out both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere in Asia suggest that the management discourages marriage", the team adds.

The significance o'f the age and civil status for the work force is not merely that factories have recruited a healthy segment of the population, but that the system ensures that only the young, healthy and single are retained. The high turn-over rate makes the work force a kind of marching

column that passes through and is cast off at the end, the team say. For the factories, the workers are healthy and wages are low because the high turnover rate does away with pay rises due to seniority.

The research team says several studies have shown that a majority of the work force come from families with monthly incomes of less than 500 rupees (approximately ten dollars) which, given current cost of living, could fall into the poverty group. It appears that a fair number of workers are of the working class or of small trading or petty commodity producing back- ground. A majority of the workers have had no formal education. While many workers had dropped out of school because of economic factors, quite a few had also given up schooling when the opportunity of a job at the FTZ arose. The large numbers of educated unemployed had led many not to look upon education as a means of social mobility. Often to the disappointment of their parents, their brighter children whom they wanted to be educated and seek middle class jobs were attracted to an immediate job in the FTZ. One parent pithily told a researcher: "when my young daughters see my neighbour's daughter leave for work at the TTZ with the employment symbol of a leather bag slung across her shoulders, it is difficult to prevent them following suit". (An Inter Press Service feature)

AID TO MARCOS' PHILIPPINES BACKFIRING, NEW STUDY CHARGES

"The Philippines, a strategic ally of the United States, is being touted as a 'success story' of Third World development", said Walden Bello, co-author of Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines. "But as a direct result of President Marcos' policies and the development strategies - promoted by the United States, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, most Filipinos are far worse off today than when Marcos came to power over 16 years ago."

Development Debacle, based on more than 6,000 pages of confidential memos and reports leaked from the World Bank, including the politically explosive Ascher Memorandum, provides a detailed account of the devastating impact of massive initiatives on the lives of the Filipino poor and an unprecedented look into the workings of the World Bank.

Development Debacle traces the impact of the entire array of World Bank projects in the Philippines, ranging from rural credit and urban renewal schemes to export processing zones and financial restructuring. Each of these major initiatives, the study demonstrates, has contributed to a widening gap between a wealthy elite and an increasingly desperate Philippine majority.

"The World Bank's Philippine debacle demonstrates how aid channelled through an elite-oriented regime only reinforces the inequitable political and economic structures which lie at the root of hunger and poverty in the Third World", said David Kinley. "By setting the stage for widespread resistance among the impoverished peasantry and urban poor, US and World Bank aid to Marcos is actually undermining beneficial relations between people in the United States and the vast majority of Filipinos.''

The Philippines, an agriculturally rich island nation and a former US colony, is home to some of the region's most extreme poverty. Fully 84 per cent of its 48 million people live below the government-set poverty level. In 1978, the Asian Development Bank reported that Filipinos were the worst fed in all of Asia, with the possible exception of war-torn Cambodia.

The Philippines served as a prime testing ground for the World Bank's highly publicized "basic needs" development- fu~mulas dui.ing m e 1970s which included projects in "integrated rural development" and urban "upgrading".

"The bank promised that a major portion of its projects would serve the needs of impoverished Filipinos", Elaine Elinson noted. "But the harsh reality has been lowered urban wages, increased rural poverty and landless- ness, economic instability for Philippine-based industry, and an uncon- trollable foreign debt".

"The World Bank has not been content to simply provide money for development projects", Elinson continued. "In aiming to create a favourable climate for foreign investment, the Bank has virtually assumed control of Philippine national economic planning".

"Bank officials have insisted that the Marcos government keep wages low by banning strikes and devaluing the peso", explained Bello, "and tariffs designed to protect Philippine-based industries are being swept away. Last year, the Bank used its tremendous financial leverage to install a new World Bank Cabinet' composed of Western trained technocrats led by Prime Minister Cesar Virata".

During sixteep years of Marcos' rule, nine under martial law, over 60,000 dissidents have passed detained in the regime's jails; at least 300 have been "salvaged" at the hands of Philippine military authorities, according to international human rights organizations.

"Despite the acknowledged failure of its Philippine development strategies", Bello concluded, "the World Bank continues to laud the accomplishments of the Marcos regime while quietly funneling more aid - $1.2 billion last year alone - to bail out a government threatened with both fiscal and political bankruptcy. Development Debacle demonstrates the futility and irrationality of continued US and international agency support to the Marcos government".

(Walden Bello, David Kinley and Elaine Elinson, Development Debacle: The World Bank in the Philippines. Available for $6.95 from the Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1885 Mission Street, San Francisco, California 94103, USA.)

IFDA DOSSIER 34 NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM

IFDA; new o f f i ce rs ; Joseph Ki-Zerbo, Director of the Centre dliStudes du dCveloppement africain in Ouagadougou, Upper Volta, and Thorvald Stolten- berg, International Secretary of the Federation of Norwegian Trade Unions are the co-chairmen of the IFDA Council for 1983 and 1984. They succeed Fernando Henrique Cardoso, recently elected senator in Brasil, and Ernst Michanek, Chairman of the Board of the Dag ~aimnarskj~ld Foundation. At its Rome meeting in November, the Executive Committee also co-opted four new members: Anisur Rahman, a former member of the Bangladeshi Planning Commis- sion, now working on rural development at ILO; Rodolfo Stavenhagen, the Mexican sociologist who recently resigned from UNESC0,where he was Assistant Director General, to go back to research and teaching at El Colegio de Mexico; Marie AngiSlique SavaniS of Senegal, President of the Association of African Women for Research on Development (AAWORD) and former chief editor of Famille et DGveloppement, a West African quarterly magazine; and Bernard Wood Canada, Executive Director of the North South Institute.

Four of the founding members have been made permanent members of the Council: Gamani Corea of Sri Lanka, Secretary-General of UNCTAD; Mahbub ul Haq of Pakistan, currently Minister for Planning and Development; Enrique Iglesias of Uruguay, Executive Secretary of CEPAL and Maurice F. Strong of Canada, Chairman of the Board of the Canadian Development Corporation.

Four other persons have also been appointed to the Council of the Foundation: Anil Kumar Agarwal, Director of the Centre for Science and Environment in Delhi, Aldo Ajello, member of the Italian Parliament, Lim Teck Ghee of the Centre for Policy Research, Universiti Sains Malaysia and Ruth Dreifuss, Secretary of the Swiss Federation of Trade Unions.

Al te rna t i ve Nobe1 p r i ze ; The leader of the West German "Green" movement, a Malaysian consumers activist, a British educational pioneer and Asian grass roots development group share the 1982 $50,000 Right Livelihood Award. The new 'alternative Nobel' award is presented in Stockholm on the day before the official Nobel Prize ceremony. The winners of that award are:

. Petra Kelly, leader of the West German "GREENS", the rapidly growing en- vironmentaland peace movement which has transformed the German political scene; . Anwar Fazal, founder of Consumer Interpol, an investigative network to report on and take action against the export and sale of hazardous products;

. Sir George Trevelyan, a pioneer of adult eduction in Britain and founder of the Wrekin Trust, which brings together scientists and mystics, doctors and healers, etc., in order to bring about "an evolutionary leap in human consciousness";

. The Participatory Institute for Development Alternatives (PIDA), a group working to multiply grass root self-reliant development in rural Asia.

For the first time a special honorary citation was also awarded. It went to Erik Dammann, the Norwegian founder of the Future in our Hands network whose members work together to reduce their consumption habits in order to mini- mize the environmental impact. (Wybourn Drive, Onchan, Isle of Man, GB).

India: a citizen report on the environment: . Ludhiana district in the heartland of the green revolution, records the

highest yields of many crops. It also records the highest deficiencies of plant micronutrients in its soils. How long can the depleted soil support the present pattern of intensive agriculture?

. Though there isnow some source of information available about rural energy consumption patterns, there is virtually no study of energy consumption patterns of the bottom 50 per cent of urban Indians. How exactly are they meeting their energy needs? Are they using millions of tons of firewood and becoming a major cause for the destruction of the nations forests?

. Dead fish are the first signs of serious river pollution. Some statistics are available about the nature and extent of river pollution in India, e.g. 70 percent of all the available water in India is polluted. But what is the impact of this on the health of the nation? Or the lives offisherfolk?

These and hundreds of other questions are posed in a report, The State of Environment 1982 published by the Centre for Science and Environment * . Many of us come to know about environmental changes and effects in a piecemeal manner. But this overview of a nation, covering its soil, rivers, forests, dams, habitat, air, health, energy, wildlife, etc., makes an overwhelming impact . Intellectually, the report is extremely stimulating. For the first time in Indiathere is a report whichnot only provides a detailed national picture, but also relates what the figures of water and air pollution, soil loss, reduction in pasture lands and depletion of firewood actually mean for the lives of the people. The report will be produced year after year and hope- fully will become a major-tool in raising public consciousness.

Canadian study on women and international development The North-South Institute has launched a special policy research project on women and international development cooperation. The ~roject is intended to provide a base for public discussion and policy review leading up to the conclusion in 1985 of the United Nations Decade for Women. The study will touch on a number of key issues affecting women in the North-South relationship, going beyond an examination of the impact on women of governmental and rion- governmental aid programmes. The study will consider the special problems and opportunities for women of Third World countries (and of Canada) in re- lation to trade, migration, investment and overall political and social development, as well as economic development. Some assessment of the actual and potential impact of multilateral organizations will be made as well as that of Canadian governmental and private institutions.

The project will draw on a wide range of existing studies and experience (from Canada and abroad) in an attempt to produce policy guidance on some of the key questions now current in the field. (North-South Institute, Rideau Street 185, Ottawa, Canada KIN 5x8).

*The Centre for Science and Environment is a non-profit, non-governmental, quasi-academic research organisation that has been set up to increase public awareness of the role of science and technology in national development. Director: Anil Agarmi. (807 Vishal Bhawan, 95 Nehru Place, New Delhi, 110019 India).

Indigenous people chal lenge transnat ional S on resource deve lopmen t

On October 12, while most Americans were celebrating Columbus' "discovery" oftheHnew world", native Americans and other indigenous repres- entatives from around the world were meeting in Washington DC for the first major conference on native resource rights to take place in the US. The conference, entitled "Native Resource Control and the Multi-national Corporate Challenge: Aboriginal Rights in International Perspective", was held Oct.12- 15 and brought together more than 100 delegates from many nations.

The choice of time, place and topic was not accidental. October 12, the day many Americans celebrate as "Columbus Day", has been observed by native peoples since 1977 as an International Day of Solidarity with the indigenous peoples of the Western Hemisphere. By holding the meeting in Washington, conference organizers felt they would have an opportunity to bring the message of indigenous peoples to the attention of international policy-makers and institutions and the world press.

Delegates heard from two dozen native witnesses - along with journalists, judges, priests and academic figures - from countries including Australia, Brazil, Canada, Ecuador, Fiji, Guatemala, Micronesia, Panama, Peru, the Philippines, the US and Venezuela. A striking event of the conference was the reaction by delegates when they heard that similar problems were being faced by them all. And they noted that the names of the same transnationals en- gaged in worldwide development of resources on indigenous lands kept coming up. AMAX (coal) in Canada, the US and Australia; Rio Tinto Zinc (copper, uranium) in Panama, Namibia, Australia and Papua New Guineashell (oil) in Ecuador, Peru and the US - these were just a few of the names mentioned.

Although most delegates were from regions subjected to intensive exploitation, the struggle in Guatemala was highlighted as the most pressing and dangerous threat indigenous people face today. According to the delegates, the Guate- malan struggle has largely been overlooked by international agencies, and repression against Indian peoples there has been ignored. They pointedout that the recent massacres by the Guatemalan military have been described by the press as attacks on "peasants" and "subversives" when they were actually aimed against Indians fighting for their land. "These are Indian peoples, not peasants. .. slaughtered because they stood in the way of the plans of transnational corporations", said John Mohawk, a delegate and editor of Akwesasne ~otesL/, native American newspaper. The plans Mohawk refers to include the development of oil and gas in the mountains of Guatemala. Further development is planned by a variety of transnationals, including 190 US-based ones, representing a total of over $300 million and control of a large per- centage of the Guatemalan countryside.

Conference sponsors: ARC, 59 Temple Place, Suite 444, Boston Ma 02111, US. Indian Law Resource Center, 601 E. St. SE, Washington DC, US. Cultural Survival, 11 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, MA 02138, US. Multinational Monitor, 1346 Connecticut Ave., NW, Washington DC 20036, US.

Ã‘'Mohaw Nation, via Rooseveltown, NY 13683, US.

(Source: WISE, Czaar Peterstraat 1, 1018 NW Amsterdam, The Netherlands)

-

(CONCENTO~TION OF LANP~ F\ UN.5TODV OF 83 THIRD WORLD COUNTRlE.5 FOUND THAT ONLY 3% OF THE LANWWHER~ CONTROLLED ft07o OF TIE. FARMLAND.

LAND. 4-5 COKfORATlONS CONWOL OVER 113 OF CALIFORNIA ~ t e ~ M~R~CULTIJRAL. LAND.

o~~ToFÃˆUMN~W MOREWHALFOFAU. D-5.CROOUCTloN N W CWE5 F R O M k W

A SINWiA CORPORWtaM CONTROLS -Â¡? OF ll4E WORLD TRADE IN FOOD OILS.

BEATRICE FOODS MARKETS 8000 DIFFERENT PRODUCTS.

TO MAKE MONEY- NOT TO FEED ?WÃˆK. OFTbt SHIP POOD OUT Of WuMTWit.5

W J ~ T ~ W R E . Ã ˆ M U C M N ~ E O % M ~ L IKTO CouKIKft* WHERE WERE W>

LCÃ§*NEEPBUTMORCWMt^ HUN&RY HoM IN OMANA CAN'T 10 SPEW A5 NW-H FOR A TUNA C A M Off -WÂ£l

AS AMERICAN^ ARE WILUN& -to PAV TO mp-nycr TUNATO Â¥w VET CATS.

^f ws.V.K-AN con- PKIWIVItSWXCS ^SS A vaw TO 620 BIU-ION,B?CM% sa.. Of FOOD INBUSW WONOPOUE5. -43

W LEtSr we OF THE PEOPLE I N THE WORUO ARE UNDERNOURl5HEP

21 MILLION AMERICANS LIVE ON OR &6LOW THE POVERTY LINE. 12% OF TAâ CHILDREN WHO LIVE IN P O V W Y IN THâ U,5. ARE

' PHYSICALLY 51UNTCD BE- CAUSE OFMALNUTRITION .

(Source: Exploding t h e myth of s c a r c i t y ! Food F i r s t Comics, I n s t i t u t e f o r Food & Development Po l i cy , 1885 Miss ion S t r e e t , San F ranc i sco , CA 94103,'US)

FOOTNOTES / NOTES / NOTAS

INNER SPACE

. Bantam New Age Books: This new series includes books (original or re- printed) which deal with the search for meaning and change, tomorrowas well as here and now. Among them:

- Erich From, To have or to be? - Ernest Callenbach, Ecotopia and Ecotopia emerging

- Gregory Bateson, Mind and nature - Duane Elgin, Voluntary simplicity, An ecological lifestyle that promotes personal and social renewal

(Bantam Books, 666 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10103).

. Marilyn Ferguson, The aquarian conspiracy: Personal and social transformation in the 80s (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1980). En fran~ais: E enfants du Verseau, Pour un nouveau paradigme (Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1981).

LOCAL SPACE

. Joycelin Massiah, Manuel d'utilisation des indicateurs socio-6conomiques de la participation des femmes au d6vel,oppement (Paris: UNESCO, 1982). Doc. SS-82/WS/40, mimeo, 107pp.

. The December 1982 issue of Appropriate Technology, the quarterly journal of the Intermediate Technology Development Group, outlines the problems and pitfalls of past programmes and describes practical development projects for women in the areas of water supply, forestry, functional education and beekeeping. The up-to-date resource list on women and development gives he names and addresses of organizations and programmes offering general, technical and financial assistance to Third World women. (Appropriate Technology, 9 King Street, Covent Garden, London WC2E 8HN, UK.)

. Miroljub Labus, la he goals and the sectorial choice of technique under worker-management", Economic Analysis and workers' Management (vol.XV1. 1982). (PROVESTA Publishing House, Terazije 16, 11001 Beograd, Yugoslavia.) pp.261-272.

. Gilda Farrell, Mercado de trabajo urban0 y movimiento sindical (IIE.PUCE.ILDIS, Apartado 2184, Quito, Ecuador), 209pp.

. Michel Tozzi, Syndicalisme et nouveaux mouvements sociaux (Paris: Les editions ouvrisres, 1982). Les defis: regionalisme, ferninisme, ecologie.

. Peter Waterman, Division and unity amongst Nigerian workers: Lagos Port unionism, 1940s-60s (Institute of Social Studies, P.O.B. 90733, 2509 LS The Hague, Netherlands), 234pp.

. Alberto Melo, "Ecole et communaut6 au Portugal", International Review of

Education (vol.XXV1, 1980), pp. 325-334.

. Alberto Me10 and Ana Benavente, Experiments in popular education in Portugal, 1974-1976 (Paris: UNESCO Educational Studies and Documents, no.29, 1978), 45pp.

. Otto Soemarwoto, "Interrelations among population, resources, environment and development1', Economic Bulletin for Asia and the Pacific (vol.XXX11, no. l, I98l), pp. 1-33. (Bangkok: U.N. Sales no E. 81.11.F. 18).

. Bernhard Glaeser and Paul Steidl-Meier, Implementation problems of rural ecodevelopment policy in China (International Institute for Environment and Society, Potsdamer strasse 58, 1000 Berlin 30), 51pp., mimeo.

. Josette Murphy and Leendert Sprey, Monitoring and evaluation of agricultural change (International Institute for Land Reclamation and Improvement, F.O.B. 45, 6700 AA Wageningen, The Netherlands, 1982), 314pp. This book, adapted to the agricultural practices of subsistence farmers in the semi- arid tropics, elaborates guidelines which would allow project managers to adjust their activities to the farmers needs and constraints, and provides planners and policy-makers with up-to-date information on agricultural change.

. Guy Hunter (ed.), Enlisting the small farmer: The range of requirements (Agricultural Administration Unit Occational Paper no. 4) (Overseas Development Institute, 10-11 Percy Street, London W1P OJB, UK, 1982), 63pp.

. Abu Sidi Ba, L'art veterinaire des pasteurs saheliens (Serie Etudes et Recherches.no.73, ~uiilet 1982) (ENDA, B.P. 3370, Dakar, Senegal), 98pp.

. Rene Dumont et Marie-France Mottin, Le defi sen6galais: Reconstruire les terroirs, liberer les paysans (Serie Etudes et Recherches no.73, Juin 1982) (ENDA, B.P. 3370, Dakar, Senegal), 68pp.

. ENDA/UNCTAD, Technology, development and environment: Modern and tradi- tional medicine in Senegal (UNCTAD Doc. TD/B/C.6/86, 15 October 1982). 29+6pp., mimeo.

. Gudrun Lachenmann, Primary health care and basic-needs orientation In developing countries (German Development Institute, Fraunhoferstrasse 33-36, D-1000 Berlin 10, 1982), 138pp.

. Cuadernos, Ciudad y Sociedad: Problemas Urbanos en el Tercer Mundo:

1 La production de la vivienda popular (no.80 361), 67pp.

2 El estado y 10s poderes locales ante 10s problemas del habitat popular (no.81 261), 50pp.

3 Los movimientos populares urbanos (no.82 201), 43pp.

(Centre de Investigaciones CIUDAD, Casilla 8311, Quito, Ecuador

. Florian Steinberg, Die ~tadtische Wohnungsfrage in Sri Lanka:

Perspektiven der Wohnungspolitik fur die Amen (Saarbricken, Ford Lauder- dale: Breitenbach, 1982), 458pp.

. D. Thery, M. Nacro et al, E. Lagandr6, Pratique du biogaz dans Ie Tiers- Monde (Dakar: ENDA, 1931), 50pp.

. Christopher Flavin, Electricity from sunlight: =future of photo- voltaic~ (Worldwatch Paper 52, December 1982), 63pp. (Worldwatch Institute, 1776 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036, USA).

. Brita Schwarz, Uno Svedin and ~ j o r n Wittrock, Methods in futures studies: Problems and applications (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1982), 175pp.

. Joseph Deken, The electronic cottage: Every day living with yourpersonal computer in the 1980's (New York: Bantam New Age Books, 1983), 400pp. This jargon-free guide explains how computers work, their usefulness in the home, economic effects of increasing computerization, expanding overdepen- dence, and the need for building in human fail-safe devices. Deken also provides a fundamental outline enabling you to evaluate any computer available.

NATIONAL SPACE

. Michel Albert, Le pari francais (Paris: Seuil, 1982). L'ancien Commis- saire general au Plan offre et documente solidement un chemin vers Ie plein emploi. Puisque P = p X t (P 6tant la production, p la productivit.5 et t_ Ie temps de travail), et que siP - augmente, g augmente encore plus vite, on ne peut que diminuer Ie temps de travail, mais pas n'importe comment (crest l'objet principal de l'ouvrage de montrer comment) et, plus ggneralement, 'liberer Ie temps'. Dommage cependant que, si p et sont amplement discutes, P_ sembleaccept6etelle quelle. Pourtant, la liberation du temps des homes et des femmes ne va pas sans leur pouvoir de choisir et de maitriser ce qu'ils produisent (et consomment).

. G.N. Uzoigwe (ed.), Uganda: The dilema of nationhood (New York, London, Lagos: NOK Publishers, 1982), 373pp.

. Reginald Herbold Green, "Agricultural crises in sub-Saharan Africa: Capitalism and transitions to socialism", IDS Sussex Bulletin (vol.13, no.4, September 1982), pp.73-79. Issue devoted to agriculture, the peasantry and socialist development.

. Agricultural Administration (vol.11, no.4, 1982). Special issue on providing services to small farmers. Topics covered include the management and administration of rural services, commodity systema and farming groups, with an emphasis on structure and coordination. Advice is given on crop production, processing and marketing systems, the maximisation of output and income, and community development.

. Ken Post, Strike the iron. A colony at war: Jamaica 1939-45 (The Hague: ~nstitute of Social Studies, P.O.B. 90733, 2509 LS The Hague, Netherlands). (in two volumes).

. A. Acosta, A. Bocco, M. Chiriboga, I. Fernindez, P. Moncayo, M. Rosales, Ecuador: El mito del desarrollo (Quito: Editorial El Conejo, 1982), 237pp.

. Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo, Instituto Latinoamericano de Investiga- clones Sociales, Fundacion Friedrich Ebert, Las conditiones socio-econo- . micas de la fuerza de trabajo en el estado fabril ecuatoriano (Quito), 94pp.

. Jorge D. Buzaglo, Planning alternative development strategies: Experi- ments on the Mexican economy (Stockholm: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1982), 271pp.

. Radhika Ramasubban, Public health and medical research in India: origins under the impact of British colonial policy (Sarec Report R4:1982) (Swedish Agency for Research Cooperation with Developing Countries, S-105 25 Stockholm), 48pp.

. Armand Mattelart, Yves Stourdzg, Technologie, culture et communication, Rapport au Ministre de la Recherche et de lrIndustrie (Paris: La Documen- tation francaise, 1982), 214pp.

THIRD WORLD SPACE

. Asociaci6n Latinoamericana para 10s Derechos Humanos, Institute Latino- americano de Investigaciones Sociales, Derechos humanos en America latina (Bogota, Colombia: Ediciones Internacio~ales Ltda., 1981), 324pp.

. Rehman Sobhan, "Enhancing trade between OPEC and the developing countries of Asia", Third World Quarterly (vol.4, no.4, October 1982), pp.719-735.

. Fehmy Saddy, OPEC capital-surplus funds and Third World indebtedness: The recycling strategy reconsidered", Third World Quarterly as above, pp. 736-757.

GLOBAL SPACE

. South The Third World Magazine has started a quarterly section entitled "Decolonising the mind", to promote the achievement of a new world order whose prerequisite is the eradication of the colonial mentality in the Third World. The January 1983 issue focuses on literature, with issues and inter- views reflecting the changing orientation of Third World perspectives as exemplified by such Third World literary figures as Amos Tutuola, Ngugi wa ~hiong'o, Chinua Achebe, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, Nirad Chaudhuri, Salman Rushdie and Chinweizu. Later sections will focus on economics, sport, political theory, history and institutions - education, the bureaucracy, the law and so on.

. Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi, Andr6 Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein, Dynamics of global crisis (London: Macmillan, 1982), 248pp. En francais, La crise, quelle crise? Dynamique de la crise mondiale (Paris: Maspero,1982) 242pp.

. Federico Mayo Zaragoza (ed.), Investigation cientifica y metas sociales: Hacia un nuevo mode10 de desarrollo (Madrid: Alhambra, 1982), 253pp.

. John D. Hamaker, The survival of civilization: Carbon Dioxide, investment money, population - A focus on three problems threatening our existence (Potterville, Michigan and Burlingame, California: Hamaker-Weaver, 1982), 218pp.

. David Bull, A growing problem: Pesticides and the Third World poor (Oxford: OXFAM, 1982), 192pp.

. Vers un developpement Solidaire (no.64, Decembre 1982), num6ro special 'Galecron et cancer", documentation sur Ciba-Geigy et Ie Galecron. 48pp

. Istv5n Dobozi, Projected trends of world raw material and energy markets until 2000 (Studies on Developing Countries no. 110, 1982), 38pp. (Insti- tute for World -Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest).

. Global and Conceptual Studies Branch, Division for Industrial Studies, Restructuring world industry in a period of crisis - the ro-le of innovation An analysis of recent developments in the semiconductor industry (Vienna: UNIDO Working Paper on Structural Changes ref. UNIDO/IS.285, 17 December 19811, 383pp.

. C. Klijs, Food processing machinery: Dutch exports to developing countries (Occasional Paper no.15, 1982) (Development Research Institute, Hoges- choollaan 225, 5037 GC Tilburg, The Netherlands), 36pp.

. Carlos F. Diaz-Alejandro, Gerald K. Helleiner, Handmaiden in distress: World trade in the 1980s (Ottawa: North-South Institute, 1982), 30pp.

. IDOC Bulletin (no.10, 1982), Tourism in S.E. Asia (IDOC International, Via S. Maria dellrAnima, 30, 00186 Rome, Italy), 25pp.

. Paul P. Streeten, Constructive responses to the -call for a New Inter- national Economic Order (IIES - pre 82-10) (International Institute for Environment and Society, Potsdamerstr. 58, 1000 Berlin 30), 41pp.

. Uwe Holtz, "Quelques remarques critiques sur lfaide allemande au developpement", Developpement et Cooperation (No.5/6, 1982), pp.5-6.

. Service dfInformation Tiers-Monde, La politique suisse de d6veloppement (Dossier no.12 (1/82), Novembre 1982), 43pp. (Chemin des Epinettes 10, 1007 Lausanne, Suisse).

. Annuaire Suisse-Tiers Monde. Descendant (au sens gen6alogique) d'un projet FIPAD-IUED, lrAnnuaire Suisse-Tiers Monde en est 2 sa seconde 6di- tion. Dediee 2 la memoire dfAdrian Ray Preiswerk, la version 1982 comprend notamment une revue de l'annee par Hilmar Stetter et des articles de Gilbert Rist ("Le r61e des organisations privges suisses de cooperation au developpement"), Jacques Forster ("La coop6ration suisse au developpement: politiques et r6alisationsU) et Antoine Brawand ("La cooperation de la Suisse au developpement: mesures 6conomiques et commerciales"), de meme qu'un bibliographic et une annexe statistique etablies par A. Brawand. (IUED, 24 rue Rothschild, 1202 GenZve).

PER I OD I CALS

. CO-Evolution (no.10, Automne 1982), observe qu'un visiteur de l'espace s'approchant de notre planste ne l'appelerait pas 'terre' mais 'eau', et se consacre S l'homme et l'eau en une serie de courts articles, affluents d'un fleuve sur lequel i l est plaisant (et instructif) de laisser aller sa pirogue. CO-Evolution, complice francophone de CO-Evolution Quarterly (Box 428, Sausalito, CA 94965, USA), avait publip l'hiver 1981-82 un excel- lent numero sur Ie temps (B.P. 43, F-75661 Paris Cedex 14, France).

. Economie et Humanisme (no.268, Nov-Dec. 1982) offre un dossier sur 'rapports Nord-Sud et organisations non-gouvernementales' oG se distingue surtout une interview avec Bernard Lecomte sur 'Les ONGs au Sahel'. A lire et mediter par tous ceux que seduit l'action (de 'developpement') locale et directe.

. Third World Quarterly (vol.5, no.1, January 1983) includes "Petrodollars and the state: The failure of state capitalist development in Venezuela" by Petras and Morley; "The age of the Third World" by S.J. Patel, and "Things fall apart: The world economy in the 1980s" by R.H. Green.

. Science for Villages (no.63-64, Dec.1982-Jan.1983) is now in its 6th year. This special issue (on the occasion of the Indian Science Congress) draws the attention of the country's scientists to their responsibility towards rural India.

. Mozambican Studies is the English edition of a journal published since 1980 by the Centre de Estudos Africanos (Maputo, Mozambique), whose Rector, Aquino de Braganca, was injured and Research Director, Ruth First, murdered last August by the South African regime. No. 1 is devoted to "Underdevelop- ment and migrant labour".

. The sixth issue of The Arab Alternative Futures Dossier (October 1982) includes the description of a project to study "the impact of oil wealth on social values in the Arab society", the first phase (content analysis and expert opinion survey) of which has been carried out by the Centre for Social Science Research and Documentation for the Arab Region, Cairo. (Third World Forum, 39 Dokki St., P.O.Box 43 Oman, Cairo, Egypt).

. Multinational Monitor (vol.3, no.12, December 1982), "Native peoples indict companies".

. Gensve-Afrique (vol.XX, no.1, 1982), "Les r6fugi6s africains", avec des articles de Jean Sayinzoga, "Les refugies rwandais - Quelques repsres historiques et reflexions socio-politiques", et C.M. Eya Nchama, "La d6colonisa- tion de la Guinge Equatoriale et Ie problSme des rGfugi6st'. (24, rue Roth- schild, CH-1211 GenSve 21, Suisse).

. AGENOR, Options for the Left (No.87, May-June 1982): "Regions: The future" - report on an encounter between parties of the Left and regionalist movements around the theme of Regional Autonomy and Economic Alternatives. (Rue de Toulouse 22, 1040 Brussels, Belgium).

MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION

LOCAL SPACE

. Ross Kidd, Theatre by the people for the people and of the people: People's theatre and landless organizing in Bangladesh (35 Charles Street West, No 414, Toronto M4Y 1R6, Canada), 29pp.

NATIONAL SPACE

. Jussi Raumolin, The formation of autonomous scientific and technological capacity in a resources-based peripherical economy, Finland (University of Helsinki, Institute of Development Studies, Helsinki, Finland), 5pp. and Le role du secteur forestier dans Ie dsveloppement sconomique et social de la Finlande, 4pp.

. Manuel Lajo Lazo, Proteccionismo eficiente para la agricultura y la alimentacion (Dpt. ~conomca, Universidad Catolica del Perfi, Casilla 12514, Lima 21, Peru), 25pp.

. Vandana Shiva and J. Bandyopadhyay, Political economy of technological polarisations (Indian Institute of Management, 33 Langford Road, Bangalore 560 027, India), 6pp.

THIRD WORLD SPACE

. Bichara Khader, Islam, technologie et developpement (Centre d'etude et de recherche sur Ie monde arabe contemporain, 3 Place Montesquieu, 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique) 13pp.

. Chenoufi Ahmed, GenSse des nationalisations et luttes de classes dans les pays en voie de developpement (173 rue J.L. David, 77350 Le Mt5e/Seine, France), 21pp.

. Francisco R. Sagasti, Techno-economic intelligence for development (Apartado 5316, Miraflores, Lima 18, Peru), 12pp.

Contributions t o the IFDA Dossier are presented under the sole responsibi l i - t y of t he i r authors. They are not covered by any copyright. They may be reproduced or transmitted i n any form or by any means without permission of the author or IFDA. I n case of repr in t , acknowledgement of s o w i e and rece ip t of a copy would be appreciated. The IFDA Dossier i s published b i - monthly. Editors: Mare Nerfin and Daune Preiauerk-Fletcher.

Printed in 11,800 copies by Failli, Roma. Rivista bimestrale - Anno VI, no 34, Marzo/Aprile 1983 - Sped. in abbonamen- to postale - Gruppo IV (70%) - Direttore responsabile Roberto Savio - Autorizzazione Tribunale di Roma no 170182 del 23 Aprile 1982.