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Protagoras

ContentsArticles

Protagoras (dialogue) 1Protagoras 6Alcibiades 10Callias III 31Critias 32Hippias 33Prodicus 35

ReferencesArticle Sources and Contributors 38Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 39

Article LicensesLicense 40

Protagoras (dialogue) 1

Protagoras (dialogue)

Part of the series on:The dialogues of Plato

Early dialogues:

Apology – Charmides – Crito

Euthyphro – First Alcibiades

Hippias Major – Hippias Minor

Ion – Laches – Lysis

Transitional & middle dialogues:

Cratylus – Euthydemus – Gorgias

Menexenus – Meno – Phaedo

Protagoras – Symposium

Later middle dialogues:

Republic – Phaedrus

Parmenides – Theaetetus

Late dialogues:

Clitophon – Timaeus – Critias

Sophist – Statesman

Philebus – Laws

Of doubtful authenticity:

Axiochus – Demodocus

Epinomis – Epistles – Eryxias

Halcyon – Hipparchus – Minos

On Justice – On Virtue

Rival Lovers – Second Alcibiades

Sisyphus – Theages

Protagoras (Greek: Πρωταγόρας) is a dialogue by Plato. The traditional subtitle (which may or may not be Plato's)is "or the Sophists, probative". The main argument is between the elderly Protagoras, a celebrated Sophist, andSocrates. The discussion takes place at the home of Callias, who is host to Protagoras while he is in town, andconcerns the nature of Sophists, the unity and the teachability of virtue. A total of twenty-one people are named aspresent.

Protagoras (dialogue) 2

The charactersOf the twenty-one people who are specifically said to be present, three are known Sophists. In addition to Protagorashimself, there are Hippias of Elis and Prodicus of Ceos. Two of the sons of Pericles are said to be there, Paralus andXanthippus. With the exception of Aristophanes, all of Socrates' named friends from the Symposium are inattendance: Eryximachus the doctor, and Phaedrus are there, and so are the lovers Pausanias and Agathon (who issaid to be a mere boy at this point), and Alcibiades. Additionally, there are several unnamed foreigners whomProtagoras is said to have picked up in his travels and a servant (a eunuch) in the employ of Callias. Callias, Prodicusand Hippias, also appear in another dialogue of Plato, the Apology.

Summary

IntroductionThe dialogue begins with an unnamed friend of Socrates asking him how his pursuit of the young Alcibiades, justnow reputed to be growing his first beard, was proceeding. Socrates explains that while he has just been in thecompany of Alcibiades, he has just come from meeting with someone who is "more beautiful . . . No doubt thewisest of men nowadays-- if in your opinion the wisest is Protagoras"(309c-d). Socrates relates the story of how hisyoung friend, Hippocrates, son of Apollodorus, came knocking on his door before daybreak and roused him out ofbed. Hippocrates was in a big hurry to be present when Protagoras held court, as he was expected to do, at the homeof Callias.Socrates warns the excitable Hippocrates that Sophists are dangerous. He tells him that the words of the Sophists gostraight into the soul (psuchē) and can corrupt a person straightaway. Socrates says that buying wisdom from aSophist is different from buying food and drink at the market. With food and drink, you never know what you aregetting, but you can consult experts for advice before consuming anything that might be dangerous (313a-314c).Socrates says he regards Prodicus as a man of inspired genius (316a). He expresses the same admiration for Prodicusin another dialogue, the Theaetetus. Socrates later notes that Prodicus was assigned to sleep in a storage room thathis host had cleaned out for the visit (315d).Socrates accompanies Hippocrates to the home of Callias, and they stand in the doorway chatting about "some pointwhich had come up along the road" (314c). A eunuch opened the door, took one look at them, guessed they wereSophists, and slammed the door in their faces (314d). They knocked again, and this time assured the porter they werenot Sophists, but only wanted to visit with Protagoras. The porter let them in, and it is at this point that Socratesrecites the list of guests.

Prodicus is wrestled out of bedProtagoras does not deny being a Sophist, and claims that it is an ancient and honorable art, the same art practiced byHomer and Hesiod. These poets, he says, used the arts as a screen, a front, to protect themselves from the charge. Hesays that he is more straightforward than the ancient artists, trainers, and musicians in frankly admitting that he is aneducator. Protagoras says he is old enough now to be the father of any of the men present, and would like now toaddress himself to the whole company of people in the house. Socrates assumes that Prodicus would not want tomiss the lecture, and so Callias and Alcibiades are sent to rouse him from his bed (317c-e). According to FrancisBacon, Prodicus is led to produce a speech in the dialogue (337a), which seems to Bacon as humiliating for him.[1]

Protagoras (dialogue) 3

Protagoras' great speechSocrates asks Protagoras "in respect to what" Hippocrates will improve by associating with him, in the manner thatby associating himself to a doctor he would improve in medicine (318d). Protagoras begins his discourse with thestatement that a good Sophist can make his students into good citizens. Socrates says that this is fine and good, butthat he personally believes that this is not feasible since virtue cannot be taught (319b). He adds that technicalthinking (techne) can be imparted to students by teachers, but that wisdom cannot be. By way of example, Socratespoints to the fact that while in matters concerning specialised labour one would only take advice from theappropriate specialist, like for example builders (τέκτονες) about construction, in matters of state everyone'sopinions is considered, which proves that political virtue is within everyone, or that at least that is what Athenians intheir democratic ideals believe. Another example is that Pericles did not manage to impart his wisdom to his sons(319e). Socrates' uses a similar example in the Meno. He then adds that Clinias, younger brother of Alcibiades, wastaken from the family for fear that Alcibiades would corrupt him, and he was given back as a hopeless case. Socratessays he could give more examples, but thinks his point is sufficiently established.Protagoras says his claim that virtue can be taught is better made by a story than by reasoned arguments, and herecounts a myth about the origins of living things. He says that Epimetheus (whose name means "Afterthought") whowas assigned the task of passing out the assets for survival, forgot to give mankind anything so his twin brotherPrometheus (whose name means "Forethought") stole fire from Hephaestus and practical wisdom from Athena andgave them to man. However, man was never granted civic wisdom which belonged to Zeus or the art of politics, sothe race was initially in danger of extinction. Zeus, however, sent Hermes to distribute shame and justice equallyamong human beings. To Protagoras, this answers Socrates's question why people think that wisdom aboutarchitecture or medicine is limited to the few while wisdom about justice and politics is thought to be more broadlyunderstood (322d).Protagoras states that he has two good pieces of evidence that people agree with him. First, people do not rebuke theugly, dwarfish, and weak, but pity them, because they cannot help being as they are (323d). Second, they do instructpeople who are unjust and irreligious, hoping to impart goodness in them. He says that parents begin with theirchildren from earliest childhood, and teachers carry on the task. Protagoras notes that none of this is surprising, butwhat would be surprising is if this were not the case (326e). He closes by addressing Socrates's question why, ifvirtue is teachable, the sons of virtuous men often lack virtue. Protagoras lays out a thought experiment where ahypothetical city state is resting its survival as such to the skill of flute playing. Being the most important thing forthat society, parents would be eager to teach the skill to their sons. Not everyone would be successful though, as wecan imagine, as some would have a greater natural inclination than others and often the son of a good flute playerwould turn out bad and vica versa. Any of them however, even the bad ones, would be better than an average citizenin the real world which might have never been taught how to play. Same goes for virtue, it is considered so importantthat everyone is taught to a certain degree, to the point that it seems like a part of human nature while it is not.(327b-d).

Socrates' complaintSocrates admits that Protagoras has given an excellent answer and that there is only one small thing to clarify whichhe is certain that the Sophist will do easily. He asks Protagoras as to whether the attributes that form virtue, such asbravery, kindness and wisdom are one or many things, like for example the parts of a golden object which are fusedtogether or that of a face which form a whole while retaining their individual substance (329d). Protagoras answersthe second but avoids engaging in dialogue and digresses into a rhetoric which does not answer the questionsufficiently but still manages to arouse the excitement of their young public. Socrates complains that Protagoras islong-winded, like a gong that booms when you strike it and won't stop until you lay a hand on it. It is a typicalmoment of Socrates opposite a Sophist where the latter is using eloquent speech to hide arguments that might notstand logical scrutiny while the former is trying to use his notorious question/answer format that will lead to a logical

Protagoras (dialogue) 4

conclusion in his favour. Protagoras begins to bristle at this and so Socrates supposes that their styles are opposite.He personally doesn't like long-winded speeches like the one Protagoras just delivered, because he is forgetful andcannot follow the train of thought (334d), and Protagoras does not like to be peppered with questions that seem tolead them off track. Socrates gets up to leave, grousing that companionable talk is one thing and public speakinganother (336b). After the intervention of several of the listeners, the men agree to compromise their styles so thediscussion can continue.Socrates praises the Spartans as the best people in the world not only because of their fierceness in battle but becauseof their wisdom and philosophical skills. This is contrary to the common belief that the Spartans lacked in theseissues and devoted themselves exclusively to physical training but Socrates claims that they are masters atconcealing their skills. While they appear to be unimpressive speakers, at just the right moment, they can providepithy phrases of wisdom (342e). He adds that Laconic brevity was the earliest characteristic of philosophy (343b).Then the debaters return to their previous analysis of Pittacus' and Simonides' poetry. On Socrates' interpretation,Pittacus claims that it is difficult to be a good man, but presumably possible. Simonides, on the other hand, claimsthat it is impossible to live without ever being a bad man, and even to be a good man on occasion is difficult(344a–45d). Simonides praises those who at least do not do wrong willingly. Socrates' interpretation is that, sinceSimonides was a wise man, he must know that no one does any wrong willingly; accordingly, he must mean that hewill willingly praise those who do no wrong, not that some do wrong willingly and others unwillingly, only the lattergarnering his praise (345d–46b). Socrates thus argues that the authority of Simonides does not stand against hisunderstanding of virtue and whether anyone willingly does wrong.

ConclusionSocrates then broaches the initial question of whether virtue is one or many things, himself claiming that all virtue isknowledge and therefore one. He argues that the reason people act harmfully, to others or themselves, is becausethey only see the short term gains while ignoring the long term losses which might outweigh them, just like onemakes errors in judging the size of objects that are far away. He says that if men were taught the art of calculatingthese things correctly, have a more exact knowledge that is, they would not act harmfully (357c-358d). Same goesfor bravery. A brave swimmer is one who knows how to swim better and therefore, in a way, all virtues areessentially knowledge and can be considered one and the same, more like parts of golden objects (as discussedabove) rather than the parts of a face. While Socrates seems to have won the argument, he points to the fact that if allvirtue is knowledge, it can in fact be taught. He draws the conclusion that to an observer he and Protagoras wouldseem as crazy, having argued at great lengths only to mutually exchanged positions with Socrates now believing thatvirtue can be taught and Protagoras that all virtues are one instead of his initial position (361a). Protagorasacknowledges Socrates a notable opponent in dispute while being much younger than he and predicts that he couldbecome one of the wisest men alive. Socrates departs for whatever business he claimed he had when he wanted toend the dialogue earlier.

Protagoras (dialogue) 5

Notes[1] Bacon, Francis. Essays. essay number 26, Of seeming wise. text on-line (http:/ / www. literaturepage. com/ read/ francis-bacon-essays. html)

Texts and Translations• Burnet, J., Plato Opera Vol. III (Oxford University Press, 1922). ISBN 978-0-19-814542-4 (Greek with critical

apparatus)

• Denyer, N., Plato Protagoras (Cambridge University Press, 2008). ISBN 978-0-521-54969-1 (Greek with English

commentary)

• Lamb, W. R. M., Plato Vol. II (Harvard University Press, 1926). ISBN 978-0-674-99183-5 (Greek and English)

• Lombardo, S. & Bell, K., Plato Protagoras, (Hackett Publishing, 1992). ISBN 978-0-87220-094-4 (English with

notes)

• Taylor, C. C. W., Plato Protagoras, Revised Edition (Oxford University Press, 1990). ISBN 978-0-19-823934-5(English with commentary)

External links• Text of the Plato's Protagoras (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ library/ bl/ bl_text_plato_protag_1. htm),

Jowett Public Domain Translation.• Protagoras on the Perseus Project (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0178:text=Prot. :section=309a) translated by W.R.M. Lamb (1967) ISBN 0-674-99183-4, ISBN 0-674-99184-2• Approaching Plato: A Guide to the Early and Middle Dialogues (http:/ / campus. belmont. edu/ philosophy/ Book.

pdf)

Protagoras 6

Protagoras

Protagoras (Πρωταγόρας)

Democritus (center) and Protagoras (right) by Salvator Rosa

Born c. 490 BCAbdera

Died 420 BC

Era Pre-Socratic philosophy

Region Western Philosophy

School Sophism

Main interests language, semantics, relativism, rhetoric, agnosticism, ethics

Notable ideas 'Sophist' as teacher for hire, 'Man is the measure of all things'

Protagoras (  /proʊˈtæɡərəs/; Greek: Πρωταγόρας, ca. 490 BC – 420 BC)[1] was a pre-Socratic Greekphilosopher and is numbered as one of the sophists by Plato. In his dialogue Protagoras, Plato credits him withhaving invented the role of the professional sophist or teacher of virtue. He is also believed to have created a majorcontroversy during ancient times through his statement that "man is the measure of all things". This idea wasrevolutionary for the time and contrasted with other philosophical doctrines that claimed the universe was based onsomething objective, outside the human influence.

BackgroundProtagoras was born in Abdera, Thrace, in Ancient Greece. According to Aulus Gellius, he originally made his livingas a porter, but one day he was seen by the philosopher Democritus carrying a load of small pieces of wood tied witha short cord. Democritus discovered that Protagoras had tied the load himself with such perfect geometric accuracythat it revealed him to be a mathematic prodigy. He immediately took him into his own household and taught himphilosophy.[2]

In Plato's Protagoras, before the company of Socrates, Prodicus, and Hippias, he states that he is old enough to be the father of any of them. This suggests a date of not later than 490 BC. In the Meno he is said to have died at about the age of 70 after 40 years as a practicing Sophist.[3] His death, then, may be assumed to have occurred circa 420.

Protagoras 7

He was well known in Athens and became a friend of Pericles.[4]

Plutarch relates a story in which the two spend a whole day discussing an interesting point of legal responsibility,that probably involved a more philosophical question of causation:[5] "In an athletic contest a man had beenaccidentally hit and killed with a javelin. Was his death to be attributed to the javelin itself, to the man who threw it,or to the authorities responsible for the conduct of the games?"[6]

PhilosophyProtagoras was also renowned as a teacher who addressed subjects connected to virtue and political life. He wasespecially involved in the question of whether virtue could be taught, a commonplace issue of 5th century Greecerelated to modern readers through Plato's dialogue. Rather than educators who offered specific, practical training inrhetoric or public speaking, Protagoras attempted to formulate a reasoned understanding, on a very general level, of awide range of human phenomena, including language and education. In Plato's Protagoras, he claims to teach "Theproper management of one's own affairs, how best to run one's household, and the management of public affairs,how to make the most effective contribution to the affairs of the city by word and action" [7]

He also seems to have had an interest in “orthoepeia” - the correct use of words, although this topic is more stronglyassociated with his fellow sophist Prodicus. In his eponymous Platonic dialogue, Protagoras interprets a poem bySimonides, focusing on his use of words, their literal meaning and the author's original intent. This type of educationwould have been useful for the interpretation of laws and other written documents in the Athenian courts.[8]

Diogenes Laërtius reports that Protagoras devised a taxonomy of speech acts such as assertion, question, answer,command etc. Aristotle also says that Protagoras worked on the classification and proper use of grammaticalgender.[9]

The titles of his books such as The Technique of Eristics (Technē Eristikōn, literally "On wrestling", with wrestlinghere used as a metaphor for intellectual debate) prove that Protagoras was also a teacher of rhetoric andargumentation. Diogenes Laërtius states that he was one of the first to take part in rhetorical contests in the Olympicgames.[9] Protagoras also said that on any matter there are two arguments (logoi) opposed to one another andaccording to Aristotle he was criticized for having claimed to "make the weaker logos stronger (ton hēttō logonkreittō poiein)".[9]

His most famous saying is: "Man is the measure of all things: of things which are, that they are, and of things whichare not, that they are not".[10][11] Like many fragments of the Presocratics, this phrase has been passed down to uswithout any context, and its meaning is open to interpretation. However, the use of the word χρήματα (chrēmata)instead of the general word ὄντα (onta, entities) signifies that Protagoras was referring to things that are used by orin some way related to humans. This makes a great difference in the meaning of his aphorism. Properties, socialentities, ideas, feelings, judgements, etc. are certainly χρήματα and hence originate in the human mind. However,Protagoras has never suggested that man must be the measure of the motion of the stars, the growing of plants or theactivity of volcanoes. Such views (together with his views about the gods) were considered subversive by thecontemporary political elites. Like many modern thinkers, Plato ascribes relativism to Protagoras and uses hispredecessor's teachings as a foil for his own commitment to objective and transcendent realities and valuesparticularly those that relate to his aristocratic background. His major effort, through the words of Socrates, is toconvince his contemporaries that ἀρετή (aretē, virtue) is a present from the gods, which one either has or has not andthat no sophist can teach virtue to people that do not already possess it. Plato ascribes to Protagoras an early form ofphenomenalism,[12] in which what is or appears for a single individual is true or real for that individual. However, asit is clearly presented in the Theaetetus, Protagoras explains that some of such controversial views may result froman ill body or mind. He stresses that although all views may appear equally true, and perhaps should be equallyrespected, they are certainly not of equal gravity. One may be useful and advantageous to the person that has it whileanother may prove harmful. Hence, the sophist is there to teach the student how to discriminate between them, i.e. toteach virtue.

Protagoras 8

Protagoras was a proponent of agnosticism. In his lost work, On the Gods, he wrote: "Concerning the gods, I have nomeans of knowing whether they exist or not or of what sort they may be, because of the obscurity of the subject, andthe brevity of human life."(DK80b4)[13][14] According to Diogenes Laërtius, the outspoken agnostic position takenby Protagoras aroused anger, causing the Athenians to expel him from the city, and all copies of the book werecollected and burned in the marketplace; this is also mentioned by Cicero.[15] However, the Classicist John Burnetdoubts this account, as both Diogenes Laërtius and Cicero wrote hundreds of years later and no such persecution ofProtagoras is mentioned by contemporaries who make extensive references to this philosopher.[16] Burnet notes thateven if some copies of Protagoras' book were burned, enough of them survived to be known and discussed in thefollowing century.Very few fragments from Protagoras have survived, though he is known to have written several different works:Antilogiae and Truth. The latter is cited by Plato, and was known alternatively as The Throws (a wrestling termreferring to the attempt to floor an opponent). It began with the "man the measure" pronouncement. According toDiogenes Laërtius other books by Protagoras include: On the Gods, Art of Eristics, Imperative, On Ambition, OnIncorrect Human Actions, On those in Hades, On Sciences, On Virtues, On the Original State of Things and Trialover a Fee.[9]

The crater Protagoras on the Moon is named in his honor.

Notes[1] Guthrie, p. 262–263.[2] Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, V.iii.[3] Plato, Meno, 91e[4] O'Sullivan, Neil. (1995) "Pericles and Protagoras". Greece & Rome, Vol. 42 (1): 15-23[5][5] Guthrie, p. 263.[6] Plutarch, Life of Pericles[7] Plato, Protagoras, (319a)[8] The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy - Protagoras (c. 490 - c. 420 BCE) (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ p/ protagor. htm)[9] "The Sophists (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ sophists/ #Pro). Stanford Encyclopedia of

Philosophy. . Retrieved 2012-05-01.[10] (80B1 DK).[11] This quotation is recapitulated in Plato's Theaetetus at 152a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plat. + Theaet. + 152a).

Sextus Empiricus gives a direct quotation in Adv. math. 7.60: πάντων χρημάτων μέτρον ἐστὶν ἄνθρωπος, τῶν μὲν ὄντων ὡς ἔστιν, τῶν δὲοὐκ ὄντων ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν. The translation "Man is the measure..." has been familiar in English since before the rise of gender-neutral language;in Greek, Protagoras makes a general statement, not about men, but about human beings (his word is anthrōpos).

[12] See e.g. John Wild, " On the Nature and Aims of Phenomenology (http:/ / links. jstor. org/sici?sici=0031-8205(194209)3:1<85:OTNAAO>2. 0. CO;2-6)," Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 3 (1942), p. 88:"Phenomenalism is as old as Protagoras."

[13] The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy - Protagoras (c. 490 - c. 420 BCE) (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ p/ protagor. htm), Accessed:October 6, 2008. "While the pious might wish to look to the gods to provide absolute moral guidance in the relativistic universe of theSophistic Enlightenment, that certainty also was cast into doubt by philosophic and sophistic thinkers, who pointed out the absurdity andimmorality of the conventional epic accounts of the gods. Protagoras' prose treatise about the gods began "Concerning the gods, I have nomeans of knowing whether they exist or not or of what sort they may be. Many things prevent knowledge including the obscurity of thesubject and the brevity of human life."

[14] (80B4 DK)[15] Cicero, de Natura Deorum, 1.23.6[16][16] John Burnet, "Greek Philosophy: From Thales to Plato", 1914

Protagoras 9

References• Guthrie, W. K. C., The Sophists. New York: Cambridge University Press (May 27, 1977). ISBN 0-521-09666-9.

External links• Protagoras (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ protagor) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy by Carol

Poster• Diogenes Laërtius, Life of Protagoras, translated by Robert Drew Hicks (1925).

Alcibiades 10

Alcibiades

AlcibiadesἈλκιβιάδης   Alkibiádēs

Alcibiades

Born c. 450 BCAthens, Greece

Died 404 BCPhrygia

Allegiance Athens(415–412 BC Sparta)(412–411 BC Persia)

Rank General (Strategos)

Battles/wars Battle of Abydos (410 BC)Battle of Cyzicus (410 BC)Siege of Byzantium (408 BC)

Alcibiades, son of Clinias, from the deme of Scambonidae (  /ˌælsɪˈbaɪ.ədiːz/;[1] Greek: Ἀλκιβιάδης ΚλεινίουΣκαμβωνίδης, transliterated Alkibiádēs Kleiníou Skambōnidēs; c. 450–404 BC), was a prominent Athenianstatesman, orator, and general. He was the last famous member of his mother's aristocratic family, the Alcmaeonidae,which fell from prominence after the Peloponnesian War. He played a major role in the second half of that conflictas a strategic advisor, military commander, and politician.During the course of the Peloponnesian War, Alcibiades changed his political allegiance on several occasions. In hisnative Athens in the early 410s BC, he advocated an aggressive foreign policy, and was a prominent proponent of theSicilian Expedition, but fled to Sparta after his political enemies brought charges of sacrilege against him. In Sparta,he served as a strategic adviser, proposing or supervising several major campaigns against Athens. In Sparta too,however, Alcibiades soon made powerful enemies and was forced to defect to Persia. There he served as an adviserto the satrap Tissaphernes until his Athenian political allies brought about his recall. He then served as an AthenianGeneral (Strategos) for several years, but his enemies eventually succeeded in exiling him a second time.The Sicilian Expedition was Alcibiades' idea, and scholars have argued that, had that expedition been under Alcibiades' command instead of Nicias', the expedition might not have met its eventual disastrous fate.[2] In the years that he served Sparta, Alcibiades played a significant role in Athens' undoing; the capture of Decelea and the revolts

Alcibiades 11

of several critical Athenian subjects occurred either at his suggestion or under his supervision. Once restored to hisnative city, however, he played a crucial role in a string of Athenian victories that eventually brought Sparta to seeka peace with Athens. He favored unconventional tactics, frequently winning cities over by treachery or negotiationrather than by siege.[3] Alcibiades' military and political talents frequently proved valuable to whichever statecurrently held his allegiance, but his propensity for making powerful enemies ensured that he never remained in oneplace for long; and, by the end of the war he had helped rekindle in the early 410s, his days of political relevancewere a bygone memory.

Early years

Jean-Léon Gérôme (1824–1904): Socratesseeking Alcibiades in the House of Aspasia,

1861.

Alcibiades was born in ancient Athens, the son of Cleinias andDeinomache. His mother was the daughter of Megacles, and couldtrace her family back to Eurysaces and the Telamonian Ajax.[4]

Alcibiades thereby, through his mother, belonged to the powerful andcontroversial family of the Alcmaeonidae; the renowned Pericles andhis brother Ariphron were Deinomache's cousins, as her father andtheir mother were siblings.[5] His maternal grandfather, also namedAlcibiades, was a friend of Cleisthenes, the famous constitutionalreformer of the late 6th century BC.[6] After the death of Cleinias at theBattle of Coronea (447 BC), Pericles and Ariphron became hisguardians.[7] According to Plutarch, Alcibiades had several famousteachers, including Socrates, and was well trained in the art of Rhetoric.a[›] He was noted, however, for his unrulybehavior, which was mentioned by ancient Greek and Latin writers on several occasions.b[›]

Alcibiades took part in the Battle of Potidaea in 432 BC, where Socrates was said to have saved his life[8] and againat the Battle of Delium in 424 BC.c[›] Alcibiades had a particularly close relationship with Socrates, whom headmired and respected.[9][10] According to Plutarch, Alcibiades "feared and reverenced Socrates alone, and despisedthe rest of his lovers".[11]

Alcibiades was married to Hipparete, the daughter of Hipponicus, a wealthy Athenian. According to Plutarch,Hipparete loved her husband, but she attempted to divorce him because he consorted with courtesans. She lived withhim until her death and gave birth to two children, a daughter and a son, Alcibiades the Younger.[12]

Political career until 412 BC

Rise to prominenceAlcibiades first rose to prominence when he began advocating aggressive Athenian action after the signing of thePeace of Nicias. That treaty, an uneasy truce between Sparta and Athens signed midway through the PeloponnesianWar, came at the end of seven years of fighting during which neither side had gained a decisive advantage.Historians Arnold W. Gomme and Raphael Sealey believe, and Thucydides reports,[13] that Alcibiades was offendedthat the Spartans had negotiated that treaty through Nicias and Laches, overlooking him on account of hisyouth.[14][15]

Disputes over the interpretation of the treaty led the Spartans to dispatch ambassadors to Athens with full powers to arrange all unsettled matters. The Athenians initially received these ambassadors well, but Alcibiades met with them in secret before they were to speak to the ecclesia (the Athenian Assembly) and told them that the Assembly was haughty and had great ambitions.[16] He urged them to renounce their diplomatic authority to represent Sparta, and instead allow him to assist them through his influence in Athenian politics.[17] The representatives agreed and, impressed with Alcibiades, they alienated themselves from Nicias, who genuinely wanted to reach an agreement

Alcibiades 12

with the Spartans.[16] The next day, during the Assembly, Alcibiades asked them what powers Sparta had grantedthem to negotiate and they replied, as agreed, that they had not come with full and independent powers. This was indirect contradiction to what they had said the day before, and Alcibiades seized on this opportunity to denounce theircharacter, cast suspicion on their aims, and destroy their credibility. This ploy increased Alcibiades' standing whileembarrassing Nicias, and Alcibiades was subsequently appointed General. He took advantage of his increasingpower to orchestrate the creation of an alliance between Argos, Mantinea, Elis, and other states in the Peloponnese,threatening Sparta's dominance in the region. According to Gomme, "it was a grandiose scheme for an Atheniangeneral at the head of a mainly Peloponnesian army to march through the Peloponnese cocking a snook at Spartawhen her reputation was at its lowest".[18] This alliance, however, would ultimately be defeated at the Battle ofMantinea.[19]

Somewhere in the years 416–415 BC, a complex struggle took place between Hyperbolos on one side and Nicias andAlcibiades on the other. Hyperbolos tried to bring about the ostracism of one of this pair, but Nicias and Alcibiadescombined their influence to induce the people to expel Hyperbolos instead.[20] This incident reveals that Nicias andAlcibiades each commanded a personal following, whose votes were determined by the wishes of the leaders.[15]

Alcibiades was not one of the Generals involved in the capture of Melos in 416–415 BC, but Plutarch describes himas a supporter of the decree by which the grown men of Melos were killed and the women and children enslaved.[21]

The orator Andocides alleges that Alcibiades had a child by one of these enslaved women.[22]

Sicilian ExpeditionIn 415 BC, delegates from the Sicilian city of Segesta (Greek: Egesta) arrived at Athens to plead for the support ofthe Athenians in their war against Selinus. During the debates on the undertaking, Nicias was vehemently opposed toAthenian intervention, explaining that the campaign would be very costly and attacking the character and motives ofAlcibiades, who had emerged as the supporter of the expedition. On the other hand, Alcibiades argued that acampaign in this new theatre would bring riches to the city and expand the empire, just as the Persian Wars had. Inhis speech Alcibiades predicted (over-optimistically, in the opinion of most historians) that the Athenians would beable to recruit allies in the region and impose their rule on Syracuse, the most powerful city of Sicily.[23] In spite ofAlcibiades' enthusiastic advocacy for the plan, it was Nicias, not he, who turned a modest undertaking into a massivecampaign and made the conquest of Sicily seem possible and safe.[24] It was at his suggestion that the size of thefleet was significantly increased from 60 ships[25] to "140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1300 archers,slingers, and light armed men".[26] Philosopher Leo Strauss underscores that the Sicilian expedition surpassedeverything undertaken by Pericles. Almost certainly Nicias' intention was to shock the assembly with his highestimate of the forces required, but, instead of dissuading his fellow citizens, his analysis made them all the moreeager.[27] Against his wishes Nicias was appointed General along with Alcibiades and Lamachus, all three of whomwere given full powers to do whatever was in the best interests of Athens while in Sicily.[28]

One night during preparations for the expedition, the hermai, heads of the god Hermes on a plinth with a phallus,were mutilated throughout Athens. This was a religious scandal and was seen as a bad omen for the mission.Plutarch explains that Androcles, a political leader, used false witnesses who accused Alcibiades and his friends ofmutilating the statues, and of profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries. Later his opponents, chief among them beingAndrocles and Thessalus, Cimon's son, enlisted orators to argue that Alcibiades should set sail as planned and standtrial on his return from the campaign. Alcibiades was suspicious of their intentions, and asked to be allowed to standtrial immediately, under penalty of death, in order to clear his name.[29] This request was denied, and the fleet set sailsoon after, with the charges unresolved.[30]

"Men do not rest content with parrying the attacks of a superior, but often strike the first blow to prevent the attack being made. And wecannot fix the exact point at which our empire shall stop; we have reached a position in which we must not be content with retaining butmust scheme to extend it, for, if we cease to rule others, we are in danger of being ruled ourselves. Nor can you look at inaction from thesame point of view as others, unless you are prepared to change your habits and make them like theirs."

Alcibiades 13

'Alcibiades' Oration before the Sicilian expedition as recorded by Thucydides, (VI, 18)d[›]; Thucydides disclaims verbal accuracy [31].

As Alcibiades had suspected, his absence emboldened his enemies, and they began to accuse him of othersacrilegious actions and comments and even alleged that these actions were connected with a plot against thedemocracy.[32] According to Thucydides, the Athenians were always in fear and took everything suspiciously.[33]

When the fleet arrived in Catana, it found the state trireme Salaminia waiting to bring Alcibiades and the othersindicted for mutilating the hermai or profaning the Eleusinian Mysteries back to Athens to stand trial.[33] Alcibiadestold the heralds that he would follow them back to Athens in his ship, but in Thurii he escaped with his crew; inAthens he was convicted in absentia and condemned to death. His property was confiscated and a reward of onetalent was promised to whoever succeeded in killing any who had fled.[34] Meanwhile the Athenian force in Sicily,after a few early victories, moved against Messina, where the Generals expected their secret allies within the city tobetray it to them. Alcibiades, however, foreseeing that he would be outlawed, gave information to the friends of theSyracusans in Messina, who succeeded in preventing the admission of the Athenians.[35] With the death ofLamachus in battle some time later, command of the Sicilian Expedition fell into the hands of Nicias, whom modernscholars have judged to be an inadequate military leader.[2]

Defection to SpartaAfter his disappearance at Thurii, Alcibiades quickly contacted the Spartans, "promising to render them aid andservice greater than all the harm he had previously done them as an enemy" if they would offer him sanctuary.[36]

The Spartans granted this request and received him among them. In the debate at Sparta over whether to send a forceto relieve Syracuse, Alcibiades spoke and instilled fear of Athenian ambition into the Spartan ephors by informingthem that the Athenians hoped to conquer Sicily, Italy, and even Carthage.[37] Yale historian Donald Kagan believesthat Alcibiades knowingly exaggerated the plans of the Athenians to convince the Spartans of the benefit they stoodto gain from his help. Kagan asserts that Alcibiades had not yet acquired his "legendary" reputation, and the Spartanssaw him as "a defeated and hunted man" whose policies "produced strategic failures" and brought "no decisiveresult". If accurate, this assessment underscores one of Alcibiades' greatest talents, his highly persuasive oratory.[38]

After making the threat seem imminent, Alcibiades advised the Spartans to send troops and most importantly, aSpartan commander to discipline and aid the Syracusans.[37]

"Our party was that of the whole people, our creed being to do our part in preserving the form of government under which the city enjoyedthe utmost greatness and freedom, and which we had found existing. As for democracy, the men of sense among us knew what it was, and Iperhaps as well as any, as I have the more cause to complain of it; but there is nothing new to be said of a patent absurdity — meanwhilewe did not think it safe to alter it under the pressure of your hostility."

Alcibiades' Speech to the Spartans as recorded by Thucydides, (VI, 89])d[›]; Thucydides disclaims verbal accuracy [31].

Alcibiades served as a military adviser to Sparta and helped the Spartans secure several crucial successes. He advisedthem to build a permanent fort at Decelea, just over ten miles (16 km) from Athens and within sight of the city.[39]

By doing this, the Spartans cut the Athenians off entirely from their homes and crops and the silver mines ofSunium.[38] This was part of Alcibiades'plan to renew the war with Athens in Attica. The move was devastating toAthens and forced the citizens to live within the long walls of the city year round, making them entirely dependenton their seaborne trade for food. Seeing Athens thus beleaguered on a second front, members of the Delian Leaguebegan to contemplate revolt. In the wake of Athens' disastrous defeat in Sicily, Alcibiades sailed to Ionia with aSpartan fleet and succeeded in persuading several critical cities to revolt.[40][41]

In spite of these valuable contributions to the Spartan cause, Alcibiades fell out of favor with the Spartan government at around this time, ruled by Agis II.[42] Leotychides, the son born by Agis' wife Timaia shortly after this, was believed by many to be Alcibiades' son.[43][44] Alcibiades' influence was further reduced after the retirement of Endius, the ephor who was on good terms with him.[45] It is alleged that Astiochus, a Spartan Admiral, was sent

Alcibiades 14

orders to kill him, but Alcibiades received warning of this order and defected to the Persian satrap Tissaphernes, whohad been supporting the Peloponnesian forces financially in 412 BC.[46]

In Asia Minor

Jean-Baptiste Regnault (1754–1829): Socratesdragging Alcibiades from the Embrace of Sensual

Pleasure, 1791.

On his arrival in the local Persian court, Alcibiades won the trust of thepowerful satrap and made several policy suggestions which were wellreceived. According to Thucydides, Alcibiades immediately began todo all he could with Tissaphernes to injure the Peloponnesian cause. Athis urging, the satrap reduced the payments he was making to thePeloponnesian fleet and began delivering them irregularly.[46]

Alcibiades next advised Tissaphernes to bribe the Generals of the citiesto gain valuable intelligence on their activities. Lastly, and mostimportantly, he told the satrap to be in no hurry to bring the Persianfleet into the conflict, as the longer the war dragged out the moreexhausted the combatants would become. This would allow thePersians to more easily conquer the region in the aftermath of thefighting. Alcibiades tried to convince the satrap that it was in Persia'sinterest to wear both Athens and Sparta out at first, "and after docking the Athenian power as much as he could,forthwith to rid the country of the Peloponnesians".[47] Although Alcibiades' advice benefited the Persians, it wasmerely a means to an end; Thucydides tells us that his real motive was to use his alleged influence with the Persiansto effect his restoration to Athens.[48]

Recall to Athens

Negotiations with the Athenian oligarchsAlcibiades seemed to assume that the "radical democracy" would never agree to his recall to Athens.[49] Therefore,he exchanged messages with the Athenian leaders at Samos and suggested that if they could install an oligarchyfriendly to him he would return to Athens and bring with him Persian money and possibly the Persian fleet of 147triremes.[50] Alcibiades set about winning over the most influential military officers, and achieved his goal byoffering them a threefold plan: the Athenian constitution was to be changed, the recall of Alcibiades was to be voted,and Alcibiades was to win over Tissaphernes and the King of Persia to the Athenian side. Most of the officers in theAthenian fleet accepted the plan and welcomed the prospect of a narrower constitution, which would allow them agreater share in determining policy. According to Thucydides, only one of the Athenian Generals at Samos,Phrynichus, opposed the plan and argued that Alcibiades cared no more for the proposed oligarchy than for thetraditional democracy.[51] The involvement in the plot of another General, Thrasybulus, remains unclear.e[›]

These officers of the Athenian fleet formed a group of conspirators, but were met with opposition from the majorityof the soldiers and sailors; these were eventually calmed down "by the advantageous prospect of the pay from theking".[52] The members of the group assembled and prepared to send Pisander, one of their number, on an embassyto Athens to treat for the restoration of Alcibiades and the abolition of the democracy in the city, and thus to makeTissaphernes the friend of the Athenians.[53]

Phrynichus, fearing that Alcibiades if restored would avenge himself upon him for his opposition, sent a secret letter to the Spartan Admiral, Astyochus, to tell him that Alcibiades was ruining their cause by making Tissaphernes the friend of the Athenians, and containing an express revelation of the rest of the intrigue. Astyochus went up to Alcibiades and Tissaphernes at Magnesia and communicated to them Phrynichus's letter. Alcibiades responded in kind, sending to the authorities at Samos a letter against Phrynichus, stating what he had done, and requiring that he should be put to death.[54] Phrynichus in desperation wrote again to Astyochus, offering him a chance to destroy the

Alcibiades 15

Athenian fleet at Samos. This also Astyochus revealed to Alcibiades who informed the officers at Samos that theyhad been betrayed by Phrynichus. Alcibiades however gained no credit, because Phrynichus had anticipatedAlcibiades' letter and, before the accusations could arrive, told the army that he had received information of anenemy plan to attack the camp and that they should fortify Samos as quickly as possible.[55]

Despite these events, Pisander and the other envoys of the conspirators arrived at Athens and made a speech beforethe people. Pisander won the argument, putting Alcibiades and his promises at the center. The Ecclesia deposedPhrynichus and elected Pisander and ten other envoys to negotiate with Tissaphernes and Alcibiades.[56]

At this point, Alcibiades' scheme encountered a great obstacle. Tissaphernes would not make an agreement on anyterms, wanting to follow his policy of neutrality.[57] As Kagan points out, Tissaphernes was a prudent leader and hadrecognized the advantages of wearing each side out without direct Persian involvement.[58] Alcibiades realized thisand, by presenting the Athenians with stiffer and stiffer demands on Tissaphernes' behalf, attempted to convincethem that he had persuaded Tissaphernes to support them, but that they had not conceded enough to him. Althoughthe envoys were angered at the audacity of the Persian demands, they nevertheless departed with the impression thatAlcibiades could have brought about an agreement among the powers if he had chosen to do so.[59] This fiasco at thecourt of Tissaphernes, however, put an end to the negotiations between the conspirators and Alcibiades.[57] Thegroup was convinced that Alcibiades could not deliver his side of the bargain without demanding exorbitantly highconcessions of them and they accordingly abandoned their plans to restore him to Athens.[59]

Reinstatement as an Athenian GeneralIn spite of the failure of the negotiations, the conspirators succeeded in overthrowing the democracy and imposingthe oligarchic government of the Four Hundred, among the leaders of which were Phrynichus and Pisander. AtSamos, however, a similar coup instigated by the conspirators did not go forward so smoothly. Samian democratslearned of the conspiracy and notified four prominent Athenians: the generals Leon and Diomedon, the trierarchThrasybulus, and Thrasyllus, at that time a hoplite in the ranks. With the support of these men and the Atheniansoldiers in general, the Samian democrats were able to defeat the 300 Samian oligarchs who attempted to seizepower there.[60] Further, the Athenian troops at Samos formed themselves into a political assembly, deposed theirgenerals, and elected new ones, including Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus. The army, stating that they had not revoltedfrom the city but that the city had revolted from them, resolved to stand by the democracy while continuing toprosecute the war against Sparta.[61]

After a time, Thrasybulus persuaded the assembled troops to vote Alcibiades' recall, a policy that he had supportedsince before the coup. Then he sailed to retrieve Alcibiades and returned with him to Samos. The aim of this policywas to win away Persian support from the Spartans, as it was still believed that Alcibiades had great influence withTissaphernes.[62] Plutarch claims that the army sent for Alcibiades so as to use his help in putting down the tyrants inAthens.[63] Kagan argues that this reinstatement was a disappointment to Alcibiades, who had hoped for a gloriousreturn to Athens itself but found himself only restored to the rebellious fleet, where the immunity from prosecutionhe had been granted "protected him for the time being but not from a reckoning in the future"; furthermore, therecall, which Alcibiades had hoped to bring about through his own prestige and perceived influence, was achievedthrough the patronage of Thrasybulus.[64]

At his first speech to the assembled troops, Alcibiades complained bitterly about the circumstances of his exile, but the greatest part of the speech consisted of boasting about his influence with Tissaphernes. The primary motives of his speech were to make the oligarchs at Athens afraid of him and to increase his credit with the army at Samos. Upon hearing his speech the troops immediately elected him General alongside Thrasybulus and the others. In fact, he roused them so much that they proposed to sail at once for Piraeus and attack the oligarchs in Athens.[65] It was primarily Alcibiades, along with Thrasybulus, who calmed the people and showed them the folly of this proposal, which would have sparked civil war and led to the immediate defeat of Athens.[63] Shortly after Alcibiades' reinstatement as an Athenian general, the government of the Four Hundred was overthrown and replaced by a

Alcibiades 16

broader oligarchy, which would eventually give way to democracy.[66]

Presently Alcibiades sailed to Tissaphernes with a detachment of ships. According to Plutarch, the supposed purposeof this mission was to stop the Persian fleet from coming to the aid of the Peloponnesians.[63] Thucydides is inagreement with Plutarch that the Persian fleet was at Aspendus and that Alcibiades told the troops he would bring thefleet to their side or prevent it from coming at all, but Thucydides further speculates that the real reason was to flaunthis new position to Tissaphernes and try to gain some real influence over him.[65] According to the historian,Alcibiades had long known that Tissaphernes never meant to bring the fleet at all.[67]

Battles of Abydos and CyzicusFor more details on this topic, see Battle of Abydos and Battle of Cyzicus

The Athenian strategy at Cyzicus. Left:Alcibiades' decoy force (blue) lures the Spartanfleet (black) out to sea. Right: Thrasybulus andTheramenes bring their squadrons in behind theSpartans to cut off their retreat towards Cyzicus,while Alcibiades turns to face the pursuing force.

Alcibiades was recalled by the "intermediate regime" of The FiveThousand, the government which succeeded the Four Hundred in 411,but it is most likely that he waited until 407 BC to actually return to thecity.[68] Plutarch tells us that, although his recall had already beenpassed on motion of Critias, a political ally of his, Alcibiades wasresolved to come back with glory.[69] While this was certainly his goal,it was again a means to an end, that end being avoiding prosecutionupon his return to Athens.

The next significant part he would play in the war would occur at theBattle of Abydos. Alcibiades had remained behind at Samos with asmall force while Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus led the greater part of the

fleet to the Hellespont. During this period, Alcibiades succeeded in raising money from Caria and the neighboringarea, with which he was able to pay the rowers and gain their favor.[70] After the Athenian victory at Cynossema,both fleets summoned all their ships from around the Aegean to join them for what might be a decisive nextengagement. While Alcibiades was still en route, the two fleets clashed at Abydos, where the Peloponnesians had setup their main naval base. The battle was evenly matched, and raged for a long time, but the balance tipped towardsthe Athenians when Alcibiades sailed into the Hellespont with eighteen triremes.[69][71] The Persian satrapPharnabazus, who had replaced Tissaphernes as the sponsor of the Peloponnesian fleet, moved his land army to theshore to defend the ships and sailors who had beached their ships. Only the support of the Persian land army and thecoming of night saved the Peloponnesian fleet from complete destruction.[72]

Shortly after the battle, Tissaphernes had arrived in the Hellespont and Alcibiades left the fleet at Sestos to meet him,bringing gifts and hoping to once again try to win over the Persian governor. Evidently Alcibiades had gravelymisjudged his standing with the satrap, and he was arrested on arrival.[69] Within a month he would escape andresume command.[73] It was now obvious, however, that he had no influence with the Persians; from now on hisauthority would depend on what he actually could accomplish rather than on what he promised to do.[74]

After an interlude of several months in which the Peloponnesians constructed new ships and the Athenians besiegedcities and raised money throughout the Aegean, the next major sea battle took place the spring of 410 BC at Cyzicus.Alcibiades had been forced to flee from Sestos to Cardia to protect his small fleet from the rebuilt Peloponnesiannavy, but as soon as the Athenian fleet was reunited there its commanders led it to Cyzicus, where the Athenians hadintelligence indicating that Pharnabazus and Mindarus, the Peloponnesian fleet commander, were together plottingtheir next move. Concealed by storm and darkness, the combined Athenian force reached the vicinity without beingspotted by the Peloponnesians.[73] Here the Athenians devised a plot to draw the enemy into battle. According toDiodorus Siculus, Alcibiades advanced with a small squadron in order to draw the Spartans out to battle, and, afterhe successfully deceived Mindarus with this ploy, the squadrons of Thrasybulus and Theramenes came to join him,cutting off the Spartans' retreat.f[›][75]

Alcibiades 17

The Spartan fleet suffered losses in the flight and reached the shore with the Athenians in close pursuit. Alcibiades'troops, leading the Athenian pursuit, landed and attempted to pull the Spartan ships back out to sea. ThePeloponnesians fought to prevent their ships from being towed away, and Pharnabazus's troops came up to supportthem.[76] Thrasybulus landed his own force to temporarily relieve pressure on Alcibiades, and meanwhile orderedTheramenes to join up with Athenian land forces nearby and bring them to reinforce the sailors and marines on thebeach. The Spartans and Persians, overwhelmed by the arrival of multiple forces from several directions, weredefeated and driven off, and the Athenians captured all the Spartan ships which were not destroyed.[75][77] A letterdispatched to Sparta by Hippocrates, vice-admiral under Mindarus, was intercepted and taken to Athens; it ran asfollows: "The ships are lost. Mindarus is dead. The men are starving. We know not what to do".[76] A short time laterSparta petitioned for peace, but their appeals were ultimately rejected by the Athenians.[78]

Further military successes

Satellite image of the Thracian Chersonese (nowknown as the Gallipoli Peninsula) and

surrounding area. Alcibiades traveled to theChersonese in 408 BC and attacked the city ofSelymbria on the north shore of the Propontis.

After their victory, Alcibiades and Thrasybulus began the siege ofChalcedon in 409 BC with about 190 ships.[79] Although unable toattain a decisive victory or induce the city to surrender, Alcibiades wasable to win a small tactical land battle outside of the city gates andTheramenes concluded an agreement with the Chalcedonians.[80]

Afterwards they concluded a temporary alliance with Pharnabazuswhich secured some much needed immediate cash for the army, butdespite this Alcibiades was still forced to depart in search for morebooty to pay the soldiers and oarsmen of the fleet.

In pursuit of these funds he traveled to the Thracian Chersonese andattacked Selymbria. He plotted with a pro-Athenian party within thecity and offered the Selymbrians reasonable terms and imposed strictdiscipline to see that they were observed. He did their city no injury

whatsoever, but merely took a sum of money from it, set a garrison in it and left.[81] Epigraphical evidence indicatesthe Selymbrians surrendered hostages until the treaty was ratified in Athens.[3] His performance is judged as skillfulby historians, since it saved time, resources, and lives and still fully achieved his goal.[3][82]

From here Alcibiades joined in the siege of Byzantium along with Theramenes and Thrasyllus. A portion of thecitizens of the city, demoralized and hungry, decided to surrender the city to Alcibiades for similar terms as theSelymbrians had received. On the designated night the defenders left their posts, and the Athenians attacked thePeloponnesian garrison in the city and their boats in the harbor. The portion of the citizenry that remained loyal tothe Peloponnesians fought so savagely that Alcibiades issued a statement in the midst of the fighting whichguaranteed their safety and this persuaded the remaining citizens to turn against the Peloponnesian garrison, whichwas nearly totally destroyed.[80]

Return to Athens, Dismissal and Death

Return to AthensIt was in the aftermath of these successes that Alcibiades resolved to finally return to Athens in the spring of 407 BC.Even in the wake of his recent victories, Alcibiades was exceedingly careful in his return, mindful of the changes ingovernment, the charges still technically hanging over him, and the great injury he had done to Athens. ThusAlcibiades, instead of going straight home, first went to Samos to pick up 20 ships and proceeded with them to theCeramic Gulf where he collected 100 talents. He finally sailed to Gytheion to make inquiries, partly about thereported preparations of the Spartans there, and partly about the feelings in Athens about his return.[83] His inquiriesassured him that the city was kindly disposed towards him and that his closest friends urged him to return.[84]

Alcibiades 18

Therefore he finally sailed into Piraeus where the crowd had gathered, desiring to see the famous Alcibiades.[85] Heentered the harbor full of fear till he saw his cousin and others of his friends and acquaintance, who invited him toland. Upon arriving on shore he was greeted with a hero's welcome.[86] Nevertheless, some saw an evil omen in thefact that he had returned to Athens on the very day when the ceremony of the Plynteria (the feast where the oldstatue of Athena would get cleansed) was being celebrated.[87] This was regarded as the unluckiest day of the year toundertake anything of importance. His enemies took note of this and kept it in mind for a future occasion.[88]

All the criminal proceedings against him were canceled and the charges of blasphemy were officially withdrawn.Alcibiades was able to assert his piety and to raise Athenian morale by leading the solemn procession to Eleusis (forthe celebration of the Eleusinian Mysteries) by land for the first time since the Spartans had occupied Decelea.[89]

The procession had been replaced by a journey by sea, but this year Alcibiades used a detachment of soldiers toescort the traditional procession.[90] His property was restored and the ecclesia elected him supreme commander ofland and sea (strategos autokrator).[91]

Defeat at NotiumIn 406 BC Alcibiades set out from Athens with 1,500 hoplites and a hundred ships. He failed to take Andros andthen he went on to Samos. Later he moved to Notium, closer to the enemy at Ephesus.[92] In the meanwhileTissaphernes had been replaced by Cyrus the Younger (son of Darius II of Persia) who decided to financially supportthe Peloponnesians. This new revenue started to attract Athenian deserters to the Spartan navy. Additionally theSpartans had replaced Mindarus with Lysander, a very capable Admiral. These factors caused the rapid growth of thePeloponnesian fleet at the expense of the Athenian. In search of funds and needing to force another decisive battle,Alcibiades left Notium and sailed to help Thrasybulus in the siege of Phocaea.[93] Alcibiades was aware the Spartanfleet was nearby, so he left nearly eighty ships to watch them under the command of his personal helmsmanAntiochus, who was given express orders not to attack. Antiochus disobeyed this single order and endeavored todraw Lysander into a fight by imitating the tactics used at Cyzicus. The situation at Notium, however, was radicallydifferent than that at Cyzicus; the Athenians possessed no element of surprise, and Lysander had been well informedabout their fleet by deserters.[94] Antiochus's ship was sunk, and he was killed by a sudden Spartan attack; theremaining ships of the decoy force were then chased headlong back toward Notium, where the main Athenian forcewas caught unprepared by the sudden arrival of the whole Spartan fleet. In the ensuing fighting, Lysander gained anentire victory. Alcibiades soon returned and desperately tried to undo the defeat at Notium by scoring anothervictory, but Lysander could not be compelled to attack the fleet again.[95]

Responsibility for the defeat ultimately fell on Alcibiades, and his enemies used the opportunity to attack him andhave him removed from command, although some modern scholars believe that Alcibiades was unfairly blamed forAntiochus's mistake.[96] Diodorus reports that, in addition to his mistake at Notium, Alcibiades was discharged onaccount of false accusations brought against him by his enemies.[75] According to Anthony Andrewes, professor ofancient history, the extravagant hopes that his successes of the previous summer had created were a decisive elementin his downfall.[92] Consequently Alcibiades condemned himself to exile.[75] Never again returning to Athens, hesailed north to the castles in the Thracian Chersonese, which he had secured during his time in the Hellespont. Theimplications of the defeat were severe for Athens. Although the defeat had been minor, it occasioned the removal ofnot only Alcibiades but also his allies like Thrasybulus, Theramenes and Critias.[91] These were likely the mostcapable commanders Athens had at the time and their removal would help lead to the Athenian surrender only twoyears later after their complete defeat at Aegospotami.[97]

Alcibiades 19

Death

Michele de Napoli (1808–1892): Morte diAlcibiade (Death of Alcibiades) (1839 circa),

Naples National Archaeological Museum.

With one exception, Alcibiades' role in the war ended with hiscommand. Prior to the Battle of Aegospotami, in the last attested factof his career,[98] Alcibiades recognized that the Athenians wereanchored in a tactically disadvantageous spot and advised them tomove to Sestus where they could benefit from a harbor and a city.[99]

Diodorus, however, does not mention this advice, arguing instead thatAlcibiades offered the Generals Thracian aid in exchange for a share inthe command.g[›] In any case, the Generals of the Athenians,"considering that in case of defeat the blame would attach to them andthat in case of success all men would attribute it to Alcibiades", askedhim to leave and not come near the camp ever again.[99][100] Days laterthe fleet would be annihilated by Lysander.

After the Battle of Aegospotami, Alcibiades crossed the Hellespontand took refuge in Phrygia, with the object of securing the aid ofArtaxerxes against Sparta.

Much about Alcibiades' death is now uncertain, as there are conflictingaccounts. According to the oldest of these, the Spartans andspecifically Lysander were responsible.[101] Though many of hisdetails cannot be independently corroborated, Plutarch's version is this: Lysander sent an envoy to Pharnabazus whothen dispatched his brother to Phrygia where Alcibiades was living with his mistress, Timandra.h[›] In 404 BC, as hewas about to set out for the Persian court, his residence was surrounded and set on fire. Seeing no chance of escapehe rushed out on his assassins, dagger in hand, and was killed by a shower of arrows.[102] According to Aristotle, thesite of Alcibiades’ death was Elaphus, a mountain in Phrygia.[103]

Assessments

Epitaph for Ipparetea, daughter of Alcibiades.Kerameikos Cemetery (Athens).

Political career

In ancient Greece, Alcibiades was a polarizing figure. Accordingto Thucydides, Alcibiades, being "exceedingly ambitious",proposed the expedition in Sicily in order "to gain in wealth andreputation by means of his successes". Alcibiades is not heldresponsible by Thucydides for the destruction of Athens, since "hishabits gave offence to every one, and caused the Athenians tocommit affairs to other hands, and thus before long to ruin thecity".[104] Plutarch regards him as "the least scrupulous and mostentirely careless of human beings".[105] On the other hand,Diodorus argues that he was "in spirit brilliant and intent upongreat enterprises".[106] Sharon Press of Brown University points out that Xenophon emphasizes Alcibiades' service tothe state, rather than the harm he was charged with causing it.[107][108] Demosthenes defends Alcibiades'sachievements, saying that he had taken arms in the cause of democracy, displaying his patriotism, not by gifts ofmoney or by speeches, but by personal service.[109] For Demosthenes and other orators, Alcibiades epitomized thefigure of the great man during the glorious days of the Athenian democracy and became a rhetorical symbol.[110]

Alcibiades 20

One of Isocrates' speeches, delivered by Alcibiades the Younger, argues that the statesman deserved the Athenians'gratitude for the service he had given them.[111] Lysias, on the other hand, argued in one of his orations that theAthenians should regard Alcibiades as an enemy because of the general tenor of his life, as "he repays with injury theopen assistance of any of his friends".[112][113] In the Constitution of the Athenians, Aristotle does not includeAlcibiades in the list of the best Athenian politicians, but in Posterior Analytics he argues that traits of a proud manlike Alcibiades are "equanimity amid the vicissitudes of life and impatience of dishonor".[114][115] Alcibiades excitedin his contemporaries a fear for the safety of the political order.[116] Therefore, Andocides said of him that "insteadof holding that he ought himself to conform with the laws of the state, he expects you to conform with his own wayof life".[117] Central to the depiction of the Athenian statesman is Cornelius Nepos' famous phrase that Alcibiades"surpassed all the Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living".[118]

Even today, Alcibiades divides scholars. For Malcolm F. McGregor, former head of the Department of Classics inthe University of British Columbia, Alcibiades was rather a shrewd gambler than a mere opportunist.[119] EvangelosP. Fotiadis, a prominent Greek philologist, asserts that Alcibiades was "a first class diplomat" and had "huge skills".Nevertheless his spiritual powers were not counterbalanced with his magnificent mind and he had the hard luck tolead a people susceptible to demagoguery.[6] K. Paparrigopoulos, a major modern Greek historian, underlines his"spiritual virtues" and compares him with Themistocles, but he then asserts that all these gifts created a "traitor, anaudacious and impious man".[120] Walter Ellis believes that his actions were outrageous, but they were performedwith panache.[121] For his part, David Gribble argues that Alcibiades' actions against his city were misunderstoodand believes that "the tension which led to Alcibiades' split with the city was between purely personal and civicvalues".[122] Russell Meiggs, a British ancient historian, asserts that the Athenian statesman was absolutelyunscrupulous despite his great charm and brilliant abilities. According to Meiggs his actions were dictated by selfishmotives and his feud with Cleon and his successors undermined Athens. The same scholar underscores the fact that"his example of restless and undisciplined ambition strengthened the charge brought against Socrates".[42] Evenmore critically, Athanasios G. Platias and Constantinos Koliopoulos, professors of strategic studies and internationalpolitics, state that Alcibiades' own arguments "should be sufficient to do away with the notion that Alcibiades was agreat statesman, as some people still believe".[123] Writing from a different perspective, psychologist Anna C. Saltercites Alcibiades as exhibiting "all the classic features of psychopathy."[124] A similar assessment is made by HerveyCleckley at the end of chapter 5 in his The Mask of Sanity.

Military achievements

Pietro Testa (1611–1650): The DrunkenAlcibiades Interrupting the Symposium (1648).

Despite his critical comments, Thucydides admits in a short digressionthat "publicly his conduct of the war was as good as could bedesired".[104] Diodorus and Demosthenes regard him as a greatgeneral.[106][109] According to Fotiadis, Alcibiades was an invinciblegeneral and, wherever he went, victory followed him; had he led thearmy in Sicily, the Athenians would have avoided disaster and, had hiscountrymen followed his advice at Aegospotami, Lysander would havelost and Athens would have ruled Greece.[6] On the other hand,Paparrigopoulos believes that the Sicilian Expedition, prompted byAlcibiades, was a strategic mistake.[125] In agreement withPaparrigopoulos, Platias and Koliopoulos underscore the fact that the

Sicilian expedition was a strategic blunder of the first magnitude, resulting from a "frivolous attitude and anunbelievable underestimation of the enemy".[23] For his part, Angelos Vlachos, a Greek Academician, underlines theconstant interest of Athens for

Alcibiades 21

Félix Auvray (1830–1833): Alcibiade with theCourtesans (1833), Museum of Fine Arts of

Valenciennes

Sicily from the beginning of the war.i[›] According to Vlachos theexpedition had nothing of the extravagant or adventurous andconstituted a rational strategic decision based on traditional Athenianaspirations.[126] Vlachos asserts that Alcibiades had already conceiveda broader plan: the conquest of the whole West.[127] He intended toconquer Carthage and Libya, then to attack Italy and, after winningthese, to seize Italy and Peloponnesus.[128] The initial decision of theecclesia provided however for a reasonable military force, which laterbecame unreasonably large and costly because of Nicias' demands.[127]

Kagan criticizes Alcibiades for failing to recognize that the large sizeof the Athenian expedition undermined the diplomatic scheme onwhich his strategy rested.[129]

Kagan believes that while Alcibiades was a commander of considerable ability, he was no military genius, and hisconfidence and ambitions went far beyond his skills. He thus was capable of important errors and seriousmiscalculations. Kagan argues that at Notium, Alcibiades committed a serious error in leaving the fleet in the handsof an inexperienced officer, and that most of the credit for the brilliant victory at Cyzicus must be assigned toThrasybulus.[129] In this judgement, Kagan agrees with Cornelius Nepos, who said that the Athenians' extravagantopinion of Alcibiades' abilities and valor was his chief misfortune.[130]

Press argues that "though Alcibiades can be considered a good General on the basis of his performance in theHellespont, he would not be considered so on the basis of his performance in Sicily", but "the strengths ofAlcibiades' performance as a General outweigh his faults".[107] Professors David McCann and Barry Strauss attempta comparison between Alcibiades and Douglas MacArthur, pointing out that "both men stood out as military leadersto whom a mystique attached itself".[131]

Skill in oratoryPlutarch asserts that "Alcibiades was a most able speaker in addition to his other gifts", while Theophrastus arguesthat Alcibiades was the most capable of discovering and understanding what was required in a given case.Nevertheless, he would often stumble in the midst of his speech, but then he would resume and proceed with all thecaution in the world.[132] Even the lisp he had, which was noticed by Aristophanes, made his talk persuasive and fullof charm.[133][134] Eupolis says that he was "prince of talkers, but in speaking most incapable";[20] which is to say,more eloquent in his private discourses than when orating before the ecclesia. For his part, Demosthenes underscoresthe fact that Alcibiades was regarded as "the ablest speaker of the day".[109] Paparrigopoulos does not acceptDemosthenes's opinion, but acknowledges that the Athenian statesman could sufficiently support his case.[120]

Kagan acknowledges his rhetorical power, whilst Thomas Habinek, professor of Classics at the University ofSouthern California, believes that the orator Alcibiades seemed to be whatever his audience needed on any givenoccasion.[135][136] According to Habinek, in the field of oratory, the people responded to Alcibiades' affection withaffection of their own. Therefore, the orator was "the institution of the city talking to — and loving — itself".[136]

According to Aristophanes, Athens "yearns for him, and hates him too, but wants him back".[137]

References in Comedy, Philosophy, Art and LiteratureAlcibiades has not been spared by ancient comedy and stories attest to an epic confrontation between Alcibiades and Eupolis resembling that between Aristophanes and Cleon.[110] He also appears as a character in several Socratic dialogues (Symposium, Protagoras, Alcibiades I and II, as well as the eponymous dialogues by Aeschines Socraticus and Antisthenes). Purportedly based on his own personal experience, Antisthenes described Alcibiades' extraordinary physical strength, courage, and beauty, saying, "If Achilles did not look like this, he was not really

Alcibiades 22

handsome."[138] In his trial, Socrates must rebut the attempt to hold him guilty for the crimes of his former students,including Alcibiades.[139] Hence, he declares in Apology: "I have never been anyone's teacher".[140] Aristophanesmocked his heavy lisp in the satirical play, The Wasps, "Look, Thothiath, Theowuth ith twanthformed. He'th awaven!" He is portrayed as one of Cleon's close friends.Long after his death, Alcibiades continues to appear in art, both in Medieval and Renaissance works, and in severalsignificant works of modern literature as well.[141] He still fascinates the modern world, doing so most notably as themain character in historical novels of authors like Anna Bowman Dodd, Gertrude Atherton, Rosemary Sutcliff,Daniel Chavarria, Steven Pressfield and Peter Green.[142] He is also a central character in Paul Levinson's time travelnovel The Plot To Save Socrates, in Kurt R. A. Giambastiani's time travel novel Unraveling Time, in Erik Satie'sSocrate, a work for voice and small orchestra (the text is composed of excerpts of Victor Cousin's translation ofworks by Plato), and in Joel Richards' Nebula award-nominated short story The Gods Abandon Alcibiades.[143]

Alcibiades also figures in the satirical Picture This by Joseph Heller and in William Shakespeare's Timon of Athens.Alcibiades is mentioned in observance II of law 44 " Disarm and infuriate with the mirror effect " in Robert Greene'sbook The 48 Laws of Power. In it the author writes about Alcibiades ability to mimic the people he is in the presenceof such as the Spartans and then the people of Persia.In Harry Turtledove's 2002 alternate history story, The Daimon, the point of the departure is that Alcibiadescommands the Sicilian Expedition to a decisive victory before returning to Athens. Uniting the Greek city-states, theconquest of the Persian Empire proceeds under the Athenian, Alcibiades, rather than under the Macedonian,Alexander the Great, roughly 80 years later.

Notes^ a: Isocrates asserts that Alcibiades was never a pupil of Socrates.[144] Thus he does not agree with Plutarch's narration.[145] According to Isocrates, the purpose of this tradition was to accuse Socrates. The rhetorician makes Alcibiades wholly the pupil of Pericles.[146] ^ b: According to Plutarch, who is however criticized for using "implausible or unreliable stories" in order to construct Alcibiades' portrait,[147] Alcibiades once wished to see Pericles, but he was told that Pericles could not see him, because he was studying how to render his accounts to the Athenians. "Were it not better for him," said Alcibiades, "to study how not to render his accounts to the Athenians?".[145] Plutarch describes how Alcibiades "gave a box on the ear to Hipponicus, whose birth and wealth made him a person of great influence." This action received much disapproval, since it was "unprovoked by any passion of quarrel between them". To smooth the incident over, Alcibiades went to Hipponicus's house and, after stripping naked, "desired him to scourge and chastise him as he pleased". Hipponicus not only pardoned him but also bestowed upon him the hand of his daughter.[12]

Another example of his flamboyant nature occurred during the Olympic games of 416 where "he entered seven teams in the chariot race, more than any private citizen had ever put forward, and three of them came in first, second, and fourth".[148] According to Andocides, once Alcibiades competed against a man named Taureas as choregos of a chorus of boys and "Alcibiades drove off Taureas with his fists. The spectators showed their sympathy with Taureas and their hatred of Alcibiades by applauding the one chorus and refusing to listen to the other at all."[117] ^ c: Plutarch and Plato agree that Alcibiades "served as a soldier in the campaign of Potidaea and had Socrates for his tentmate and comrade in action" and "when Alcibiades fell wounded, it was Socrates who stood over him and defended him".[145][149] Nonetheless, Antisthenes insists that Socrates saved Alcibiades at the Battle of Delium.[150] ^ d: Thucydides records several speeches which he attributes to Pericles; but Thucydides acknowledges that: "it was in all cases difficult to carry them word for word in one's memory, so my habit has been to make the speakers say what was in my opinion demanded of them by the various occasions, of course adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what they really said."[151] ^ e: Kagan has suggested that Thrasybulus was one of the founding members of the scheme and was willing to support moderate oligarchy, but was alienated by the extreme actions taken by the plotters.[152] Robert J. Buck, on

Alcibiades 23

the other hand, maintains that Thrasybulus was probably never involved in the plot, possibly because he was absentfrom Samos at the time of its inception.[153] ^ f: In the case of the battle of Cyzicus, Robert J. Littman, professor at Brandeis University, points out the differentaccounts given by Xenophon and Diodorus. According to Xenophon, Alcibiades' victory was due to the luck of arainstorm, while, according to Diodorus, it was due to a carefully conceived plan. Although most historians preferthe accounts of Xenophon,[154] Jean Hatzfeld remarks that Diodorus' accounts contain many interesting and uniquedetails.[155] ^ g: Plutarch mentions Alcibiades' advice, writing that "he rode up on horseback and read the generals a lesson. Hesaid their anchorage was a bad one; the place had no harbor and no city, but they had to get their supplies fromSestos".[156][157] B. Perrin regards Xenophon's testimony as impeachable[98] and prefers Diodorus' account.[100]

According to A. Wolpert, "it would not have required a cynical reader to infer even from Xenophon's account that he(Alcibiades) was seeking to promote his own interests when he came forward to warn the generals about theirtactical mistakes".[158] ^ h: According to Plutarch, some say that Alcibiades himself provoked his death, because he had seduced a girlbelonging to a well-known family.[102] Thus there are two versions of the story: The assassins were probably eitheremployed by the Spartans or by the brothers of the lady whom Alcibiades had seduced.[159] According to Isocrates,when the Thirty Tyrants established their rule, all Greece became unsafe for Alcibiades.[160] ^ i: Since the beginning of the war, the Athenians had already initiated two expeditions and sent a delegation toSicily.[161] Plutarch underscores that "on Sicily the Athenians had cast longing eyes even while Pericles wasliving".[128]

Citations[1] (listen) (http:/ / cougar. eb. com/ soundc11/ bix/ bixalc02. wav)[2] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 59 &c.[3] P.B. Kern, Ancient Siege Warfare, 151.[4] Plato, Alcibiades 1, 121a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?layout=& doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0176& query=section=#88&

loc=Alc. 1. 120e).[5] C.A. Cox, Household Interests, 144.[6] "Alcibiades". Encyclopaedic Dictionary The Helios. 1952.[7] N. Denyer, Commentary of Plato's Alcibiades, 88–89.[8] Plato, Symposium, 220e (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0174& query=section=#726& layout=&

loc=Sym. 220d).[9] I. Sykoutris, Introduction to Symposium, 159–180.[10] Plato, Symposium, 215a–222b (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0174;layout=;query=section=#697;loc=Sym. 215b).[11] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 6 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#6;layout=;loc=Alc. 7. 1).[12] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 8 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#8& layout=&

loc=Alc. 7. 1).[13][13] Thucydides, "The History of the Peloponnesian Wars", 5.43.[14] A.W. Gomme, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, 339.[15] R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, 353.[16] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 14 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#14;layout=;loc=Alc. 13. 1).[17] Thucydides, V, 45 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Thuc. + 5. 45. 1).[18] A.W. Gomme, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, 70.[19] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 15 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#15;layout=;loc=Alc. 14. 1).[20] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 13 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#13;layout=;loc=Alc. 12. 1).[21] Plutarch, Alcibiades, XVI (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#16;layout=;loc=Alc. 15. 1layout=;loc=Alc. 12. 1).[22] Andocides, Against Alcibiades, 22 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0018& layout=& loc=4. 22).

Alcibiades 24

[23] Platias-Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 237–46.[24] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 322[25] Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War VII 8 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text. jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.

0106:book=6:chapter=8)[26] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 20 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#20;layout=;loc=Alc. 19. 1).[27] L. Strauss, The City and Man, 104.[28] Thucydides, 6.26.[29] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 19 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#19;layout=;loc=Alc. 18. 1).[30] Thucydides, 6.29.[31] http:/ / perseus. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999. 01. 0200;query=chapter%3D%2322;layout=;loc=1.

21. 1[32] Thucydides, 6.61.[33] Thucydides, 6.53.[34] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 273[35] Thucydides, 6.74[36] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 23 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#23;layout=;loc=Alc. 22. 1).[37] Thucydides, 6.89–90.[38] D. Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 282–3.[39] Thucydides, 7.18.[40] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 24 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#24;layout=;loc=Alc. 23. 1).[41] Thucydides, 8.26.[42] "Alcibiades". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2002.[43] Plutarch, Lysander, 22 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#24;layout=;loc=Alc. 23. 1).[44] Plutarch, Agesilaus, III.[45] P.J. Rhodes, A History of the Classical Greek World, 144.[46] Thucydides, 8.45[47] Thucydides, 8.46[48] Thucydides, 8.47[49] T. Buckley, Aspects of Greek History, 411.[50] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 25 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#25;layout=;loc=Alc. 24. 1).[51] R. Sealey, A History of the Greek City States, 359.[52] Thucydides, 8.48.[53] Thucydides, 8.49.[54] Thucydides, 8.50.[55] Thucydides, 8.51.[56] Thucydides, 8.53.[57] D. Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 136–8.[58] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 366.[59] Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, 8.56.[60] Thucydides, 8.73.[61] Thucydides, 8.76.[62] Thucydides, 8.81.[63] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 26 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 26. 1).[64] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 389.[65] Thucydides, 8.82.[66] Thucydides, 8.97.[67] Thucydides, 8.88.[68] Cartwright-Warner, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, 301.[69] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 27 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;layout=;query=chapter=#27;loc=Alc. 26. 1).[70] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 406.[71] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1. 5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206).[72] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 408

Alcibiades 25

[73] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 28 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.0182;query=chapter=#28;layout=;loc=Alc. 27. 1).

[74] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 410.[75] Diodorus, XIII, 50–1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#302& layout=&

loc=13. 49. 1).[76] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.1. 17–23 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206).[77] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 410–3.[78] Diodorus, Library, 52–3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#304&

layout=& loc=13. 51. 1).[79] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 429[80] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 66. 3 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=section=#1488)[81] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 30 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#30& layout=&

loc=Alc. 29. 1)[82] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 410[83] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 8–12 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1).[84] B. Due, The Return of Alcibiades, 39[85] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 13 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1).[86] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 32 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#32;layout=;loc=Alc. 31. 1).[87] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 34 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 34. 1).[88] D Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 290.[89] S. Price, Religions of the Ancient Greeks, 54[90] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1, 4, 18 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& layout=& loc=1. 4. 1)[91] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 33 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:2008. 01. 0006:chapter=33:section=2)[92] A. Andrewes, The Spartan Resurgence, 490[93] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 443[94] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 444[95] For the accepted account of the battle see Plutarch, Alcibiades, 35 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.

01. 0182& layout=& loc=Alc. + 35. 1) or the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, 4.[96] G. Cawkwell, Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War, 143[97] Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 447[98] B. Perrin, The Death of Alcibiades , 25–37.[99] Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.1. 25 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& query=section=#217).[100] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 105 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084& query=chapter=#357&

layout=& loc=13. 104. 1).[101] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 16.40 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144&

layout=& loc=16. 40)[102] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 39 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#39&

layout=& loc=Alc. 38. 1).[103] Aristotle, History of Animals, 578b27 (http:/ / www. tcnj. edu/ ~chai2/ literature/ piece/ 151_History-of-Animals--Book-6,-Part-3. htm); cf.

John & William Langhorne, Plutarch's Lives (1819), vol. 2, p. 172, n. 99 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=90FZb4WVFMUC&pg=RA1-PA172& dq=elaphus+ Phrygia).

[104] Thucydides, VI, 15 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0200;query=chapter=#631;layout=;loc=6.14. 1).

[105] Plutarch, The Comparison of Alcibiades with Coriolanus, 6[106] Diodorus, Library, xiii, 68. 5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0084;query=chapter=#320;layout=;loc=13. 67. 1).[107] S. Press, Was Alcibiades a Good General? (http:/ / www. brown. edu/ Departments/ Classics/ bcj/ 07-03. html)[108] Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4. 18 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0206& query=chapter=#4&

layout=& loc=1. 3. 1).[109] Demosthenes, Against Meidias, 144–5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?layout=;doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0074;query=section=#144;loc=21. 145).[110] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 32–3.[111] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 15 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0144;query=section=#1750;layout=;loc=16. 12).[112] Lysias, Against Alcibiades 1, 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0154:speech=14).[113] Lysias, Against Alcibiades 2, 10 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0154;query=section=#647;layout=;loc=15. 9).[114] Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, 28.

Alcibiades 26

[115] Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, ii, 13.[116] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 41.[117] Andocides, Against Alcibiades, 19 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0018&

query=section=#238).[118] Cornelius Nepos, Alcibiades, XI (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ nepos/ nepos. alc. shtml).[119] M.F. McGregor, The Genius of Alkibiades, 27–50.[120] Κ. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Αβ, 264–8.[121] W. Ellis, Alcibiades, 18.[122] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 55 &c.[123] A.G. Platias and C. Koliopoulos, Thucydides on Strategy, 240.[124] Anna C. Salter, Predators, 128.[125] Κ. Paparrigopoulos, History of the Greek Nation, Αβ, 272.[126] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 206.[127] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 202–3.[128] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 17 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#17&

layout=& loc=Alc. 16. 1).[129] D. Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 419–20.[130] Cornelius Nepos, Alcibiades, VII (http:/ / www. thelatinlibrary. com/ nepos/ nepos. alc. shtml).[131] D. McCann, B. Strauss, War and Democracy, xxv.[132] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 10 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#10;layout=;loc=Alc. 9. 1).[133] Aristophanes, Wasps, 44 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Alc. #anch1).[134] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 1 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Alc. #anch1).[135] D. Kagan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 178.[136] T. Habinek, Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory, 23–4.[137] Aristophanes, Frogs, 1425 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0032& query=sp=#724).[138] E. Corrigan, Plato's Dialectic at Play, 169; C. Kahn, "Aeschines on Socratic Eros", 90[139] G.A. Scott, Plato's Socrates as Educator, 19[140] Plato, Apology, 33a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0170& layout=& loc=Apol. + 33a)[141] N. Endres, Alcibiades (http:/ / www. glbtq. com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades,3. html)[142] T.T.B. Ryder, Alcibiades, 32[143] J. Richards, The Gods Abandon Alcibiades (http:/ / www. asimovs. com/ Nebulas03/ gods. shtml)[144] Isocrates, Busiris, 5 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144& layout=& loc=11. 5).[145] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 7 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#7& layout=&

loc=Alc. 8. 1).[146] Y. Lee Too, The Rhetoric of Identity in Isocrates, 216.[147] D. Gribble, Alcibiades and Athens, 30.[148] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 12 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0182;query=chapter=#12;layout=;loc=Alc. 11. 1).[149] Plato, Symposium, 221a (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0174& query=section=#727&

layout=& loc=Sym. 220e).[150] I. Sykoutris, Symposium of Plato (Comments), 225.[151] Thucydides, 1.22.[152] Donald Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 385.[153] R.J. Buck, Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democracy, 27–8.[154] R.J. Littman, The Strategy of the Battle of Cyzicus, 271.[155] J. Hatzfeld, Alcibiade, 271[156] Plutarch, Alcibiades, 36 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182& query=chapter=#36&

layout=& loc=Alc. 37. 1).[157] Plutarch, Comparison with Coriolanus, 2[158] A. Wolpert, Remembering Defeat, 5.[159] H.T. Peck, Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04.

0062:id=alcibiades) and W. Smith, New Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, 39.[160] Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses, 40 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01.

0144;query=section=#1774;layout=;loc=16. 42).[161] A. Vlachos, Thucydides' Bias, 204.

Alcibiades 27

References

Primary sources• Andocides, Against Alcibiades. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0018:speech=4)• Aristophanes.  The Frogs. Wikisource.• Aristophanes, Wasps. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0182:text=Alc. #anch1)• Aristotle.  Athenian Constitution. Trans. Frederic George Kenyon. Wikisource.• Aristotle, History of Animals (http:/ / etext. library. adelaide. edu. au/ a/ aristotle/ history/ ) (translated in English

by Wentworth Thompson)• Aristotle.  Posterior Analytics. Trans. Edmund Spenser Bouchier. Wikisource.

• Translation (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Aristotle/ posterior. 2. ii. html) by G. R. G. Mure• Cornelius Nepos (1886). "  Alcibiades". Lives of the Eminent Commanders. Trans. Rev. John Selby Watson.

Wikisource.• Demosthenes, Against Meidias. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?lookup=Dem. + 21. 145)• Diodorus Siculus, Library, 13th Book. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/

cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0084:book=12:chapter=40:section=1/ ).• Isocrates, Busiris. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144:speech=16)• Isocrates, Concerning the Team of Horses. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/

cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0144:speech=11)• Lysias (1898). "  Alcibiades". The Orations of Lysias. David McKay. Wikisource.• Lysias, Against Alcibiades 2. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0154& query=speech=#15)• Plato, Alcibiades. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/

ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0175:text=Alc. 1). Translated in English by Sanderson Beck (http:/ / www. san.beck. org/ Alcibiades. html).

• Plato (1871).  Apology. Trans. Benjamin Jowett. Wikisource.• Plato (1871).  Symposium. Trans. Benjamin Jowett. Wikisource.• Plutarch (1683) [written in the late 1st century]. "  Agesilaus". Lives. Trans. John Dryden. Wikisource.

• Translated in English by John Dryden (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ agesilus. html)• Plutarch (1683) [written in the late 1st century]. "  Alcibiades". Lives. Trans. John Dryden. Wikisource.

• Translated in English by Arthur H. Clough (New York: Collier Press, 1909), Aubrey Stewart-George Long(http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/ 14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#LIFE_OF_ALKIBIADES) andJohn Dryden (http:/ / classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ alcibiad. html).

• Plutarch (1683) [written in the late 1st century]. "  Lysander". Lives. Trans. John Dryden. Wikisource.• Plutarch (1683) [written in the late 1st century]. "  Comparison of Alcibiades with Coriolanus". Lives. Trans.

John Dryden. Wikisource.• Translated into English by Aubrey Stewart-George Long (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ dirs/ 1/ 4/ 0/ 3/ 14033/

14033-h/ 14033-h. htm#COMPARISON_OF_ALKIBIADES_AND_CORIOLANUS) and John Dryden (http:// classics. mit. edu/ Plutarch/ compared. html).

• Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, V-VIII. See original text in Perseus program (http:/ / www.perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 01. 0199).

• Xenophon.  Hellenica. Trans. Henry Graham Dakyns. Wikisource.

Alcibiades 28

Secondary sources• "Alcibiades". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2005.• "Alcibiades". Encyclopaedia of Ancient Greece. Routledge (UK). 2002. ISBN 0-415-97334-1.• "Alcibiades". Encyclopaedic Dictionary The Helios. 1952. In Greek.• Andrewes, A. (1992). "The Spartan Resurgence". The Cambridge Ancient History edited by David M. Lewis, John

Boardman, J. K. Davies, M. Ostwald (Volume V). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-23347-X.• Buck, R.J. (1998). Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democracy: the Life of an Athenian Statesman. Stuttgart: Franz

Steiner Verlag. ISBN 3-515-07221-7.• Buckley, Terry (1996). Aspects of Greek History 750–323 BC. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-09957-9.• Cartwright David, Warner Rex (1997). A Historical Commentary on Thucydides: A Companion to Rex Warner's

Penguin Translation. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-08419-4.• Cawkwell, George (1997). Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War. Routledge (UK). ISBN 0-415-16552-0.• Corrigan, Elena (2004). "Alcibiades and the Conclusion of the Symposium". Plato's Dialectic at Play. Penn State

Press. ISBN 0-271-02462-3.• Cox, C.A. (1997). "What Was an Oikos?". Household Interests. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-01572-4.• Denyer, Nicolas (2001). Alcibiades (commentary). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-63414-8.• Due, Bodil (1991). "The Return of Alcibiades in Xenophon's Hellenica" (http:/ / books. google. com/

?id=mzOt41gbQ70C& pg=PA39& lpg=PA40& dq=Gytheion,+ + Alcibiades,+ return). "Classica etMediaevalia — Revue Danoise de Philologie et D'Histoire" (Museum Tusculanum Press) XLII: 39–54.ISBN 0-521-38867-8. Retrieved 2006-09-23.

• Ellis, Walter M. (1989). Alcibiades. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-00994-4.• Gomme, A. W.; A. Andrewes and K. J. Dover (1945–81). An Historical Commentary on Thucydides (I–V).

Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-814198-X.• Gribble, David (1999). Alcibiades and Athens: A Study in Literary Presentation. Oxford University Press.

ISBN 0-19-815267-1.• Habinek, Thomas N. (2004). Ancient Rhetoric and Oratory. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-23515-9.• Hatzfeld, Jean (1951). Alcibiade (in French). Presses Universitaires de France.• Kagan, Donald (1991). The Fall of the Athenian Empire. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-9984-4.• Kagan, Donald (2003). The Peloponnesian War. Viking Penguin (Penguin Group). ISBN 0-670-03211-5.• Kahn, C. (1994). "Aeschines on Socratic Eros". In Paul A. Vander Waerdt. The Socratic Movement. Cornell

University Press. ISBN 0-8014-9903-8.• Kern, Paul Bentley (1999). "Treatment of Captured Cities". Ancient Siege Warfare. Indiana University Press.

ISBN 0-253-33546-9.• Lee Too, Yun (1995). "The Politics of Discipleship". The Rhetoric of Identity in Isocrates. Cambridge University

Press. ISBN 0-521-47406-X.• Littman, Robert J. (1968). "The Strategy of the Battle of Cyzicus". Transactions and Proceedings of the American

Philological Association 99: 265–72. doi:10.2307/2935846. JSTOR 2935846.• McCann David, Strauss Barry (2001). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the

Peloponnesian War. M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0-7656-0695-X.• McGregor, Malcolm F. (1965). "The Genius of Alkibiades". Phoenix 19 (1): 27–50. doi:10.2307/1086688.

JSTOR 1086688.• Paparrigopoulos, Konstantinos (-Pavlos Karolidis) (1925), History of the Hellenic Nation (Volume Ab).

Eleftheroudakis (in Greek).• Peck, Harry Thurston (1898). Harper's Dictionary Of Classical Literature And Antiquities.• Perrin, Bernadotte (1906). "The Death of Alcibiades". Transactions and Proceedings of the American

Philological Association 37: 25–37. doi:10.2307/282699. JSTOR 282699.

Alcibiades 29

• Platias Athanasios G., Koliopoulos Constantinos (2006). Thucydides on Strategy. Eurasia Publications.ISBN 960-8187-16-8.

• Press, Sharon (1991). "Was Alcibiades a Good General?" (http:/ / www. brown. edu/ Departments/ Classics/ bcj/07-Contents. html). Brown Classical Journal 7.

• Price, Simon (1999). "Religious Places". Religions of the Ancient Greeks. Cambridge University Press.ISBN 0-521-38867-8.

• Rhodes, P.J. (2005). A History of the Classical Greek World. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 0-631-22564-1.• Sealey, Raphael (1976). "The Peloponnesian War". A History of the Greek City States, 700–338 BC. University of

California Press. ISBN 0-520-03177-6.• Scott, Gary Alan (2000). "Socrates and Teaching". Plato's Socrates as Educator. SUNY Press.

ISBN 0-7914-4723-5.• Smith, Willian (1851). A New Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Mythology and Geography.

Harper & brothers.• Strauss, Leo (1978). The City and Man. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-77701-4.• Sykoutris, Ioannis (1934). Symposium (Introduction and Comments). Estia. In Greek.• Vlachos, Angelos (1974). Thucydides' Bias. Estia (in Greek).• Wolpert, Andrew (2002). Remembering Defeat: Civil War and Civic Memory in Ancient Athens. Johns Hopkins

University Press. ISBN 0-8018-6790-8.

Further reading• Atherton, Gertrude (2004). The Jealous Gods. Kessinger Publishing Co. ISBN 1-4179-2807-7.• Benson, E.F. (1929). The Life of Alcibiades: The Idol of Athens. New York: D. Appleton Co.

ISBN 1-4563-0333-3.• Bury, J.B.; Meiggs, Russell (1975). A History of Greece (4th ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press.• Bury, J.B.; Cook, S.A.; Adcock, F.E., eds. (1927). The Cambridge Ancient History. 5. New York: Macmillan.• Chavarria, Daniel (2005). The Eye Of Cybele. Akashic Books. ISBN 1-888451-67-X.• Forde, Steven (1989). The Ambition to Rule Alcibiades and the Politics of Imperialism in Thucydides. Ithaca, NY:

Cornell University Press.• Green, Peter (1967). Achilles his Armour. Doubleday.• Henderson, Bernard W. (1927). The Great War Between Athens and Sparta: A Companion to the Military History

of Thucydides. London: Macmillan.• Hughes-Hallett, Lucy. Heroes: A History of Hero Worship. Alfred A. Knopf, New York, New York, 2004. ISBN

1-4000-4399-9.• Meiggs, Russell (1972). The Athenian Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press.• Pressfield, Steven. Tides of War: A Novel of Alcibiades and the Peloponnesian War. Doubleday, New York, New

York, 2000. ISBN 0-385-49252-9.• Robinson, Cyril Edward (1916). The Days of Alkibiades. E. Arnold.• Romilly de, Jacqueline (1997). Alcibiade, ou, Les Dangers de l'Ambition (in French). LGF. ISBN 2-253-14196-8.• Sutcliff, Rosemary (1971). Flowers of Adonis. Hodder & Stoughton Ltd. ISBN 0-340-15090-4.

Alcibiades 30

External linksBiographical• "Alcibiades was an Athenian general in the Peloponnesian War" (http:/ / ancienthistory. about. com/ cs/ people/ a/

alcibiades. htm). Bingley.• "Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. glbtq. com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades. html). Endres, Nikolai. Archived (http:/ / web.

archive. org/ web/ 20060905000755/ http:/ / www. glbtq. com/ social-sciences/ alcibiades. html) from the originalon 5 September 2006. Retrieved 22 September 2006.

• "Alcibiades: Aristocratic Ideal or Antisocial Personality Disorder" (http:/ / h06. cgpublisher. com/ proposals/ 41/index_html). Evans, Kathleen. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060828185600/ http:/ / h06.cgpublisher. com/ proposals/ 41/ index_html) from the original on 28 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Alcibiades" (http:/ / concise. britannica. com/ ebc/ article-9005499/ Alcibiades). Meiggs, Russell. Retrieved 5August 2006.

• "Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alcibiades/ alcibiades. html). Prins, Marco-Lendering, Jona.Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060831114947/ http:/ / www. livius. org/ aj-al/ alcibiades/ alcibiades.html) from the original on 31 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Alcibiades" (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 65/ al/ Alcibiad. html). The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition.2001–05.. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

Texts and analyses• "Good Man, Bad Man, Traitor: Aspects of Alcibiades" (http:/ / faculty. ccc. edu/ colleges/ wright/ greatbooks/

Program/ Symposm/ Issue1/ Arcan. htm). Arcan, Gabriela. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/20060911133925/ http:/ / faculty. ccc. edu/ colleges/ wright/ greatbooks/ Program/ Symposm/ Issue1/ Arcan. htm)from the original on 11 September 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Thucydides and Civil War: the Case of Alcibiades" (http:/ / 66. 102. 9. 104/search?q=cache:Xj7eK3ojC6AJ:www. prio. no/ files/ file46395_robert_faulkner_7final-thuccivil_war. doc+Alcibiades,+ Thucydides& hl=en& ct=clnk& cd=7). Faulkner, Robert. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Survie d’un lion : Alcibiade" (http:/ / bcs. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ FE/ 10/ Lion/ Lion2. html). Loicq-Berger,Marie-Paule. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060827081434/ http:/ / bcs. fltr. ucl. ac. be/ FE/ 10/Lion/ Lion2. html) from the original on 27 August 2006. Retrieved 22 September 2006.

• "Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition" (http:/ / www. bitsofnews. com/ content/ view/ 3686/ 42/ ). Rubio,Alexander G. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Plato, Thucydides, and Alcibiades" (http:/ / 66. 102. 9. 104/ search?q=cache:o22heq1uEUgJ:www. prio. no/files/ file46404_thucydides_draft_henrik_syse. doc+ Alcibiades,+ Thucydides& hl=en& ct=clnk& cd=27). Syse,Henrik. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

• "Alcibiades, Athens, and the Human Condition in Thucydides’ History" (http:/ / www. apaclassics. org/AnnualMeeting/ 03mtg/ abstracts/ warren. html). Warren, Brian. Archived (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/20060819192700/ http:/ / www. apaclassics. org/ AnnualMeeting/ 03mtg/ abstracts/ warren. html) from theoriginal on 19 August 2006. Retrieved 5 August 2006.

Callias III 31

Callias IIICallias (Greek: Kαλλίας, pronounced "Kahl-LEE-as") was an ancient Athenian aristocrat and political figure. Hewas the son of Hipponicus by the former wife of Pericles,[1] an Alcmaeonid and the third member of one of the mostdistinguished Athenian families to bear the name of Callias. He was regarded as infamous for his extravagance andprofligacy.Historians sometimes designate him "Callias III" to distinguish him from his grandfather Callias II and from hisgrandfather's grandfather Callias ("Callias I").

LifeCallias' family was unusually wealthy: the major part of their fortune came from the leasing of large numbers ofslaves to the state-owned silver mines of Laurium. In return, the Calliai were paid a share of the mine proceeds, insilver. Accordingly they were considered the richest family in Athens and quite possibly in all of Greece, and thehead of the family was often simply referred to as "ho plousios" (Greek: "ο πλούσιος", "the wealthy"). The onlyother family that could rival their wealth were the tyrants of Syracuse.Callias must have inherited the family's fortune in 424 BC, which can be reconciled with the mention of him in thecomedy the Flatterers of Eupolis, 421 BC, as having recently entered into his inheritance.[2] In 400 BC, he wasinvolved in an attempt to destroy the career of the Attic orator, Andocides, by charging him with profanity in havingplaced a supplicatory bough on the altar of the temple at Eleusis during the celebration of the Mysteries[3]. However,according to Andocides, the bough was actually placed there by Callias himself.In 392 BC, he was placed in command of the Athenian heavy-armed troops at Corinth on the occasion of their defeatof a Spartan regiment, or Mora, by Iphicrates.[] Callias was hereditary proxenus (roughly the equivalent of themodern consul) to Sparta, and, as such, was chosen as one of the envoys empowered to negotiate a peace with Spartain 371 BC. On this occasion Xenophon reports that Callias gave an absurd and self-glorifying speech.[]

It is said that Callias dissipated all his inherited wealth on sophists, flatterers, and women. These behaviours becamequite evident early in his life so that he was commonly spoken of, before his father's death, being the "evil genius" ofhis family.[]

The scene of Xenophon's Symposium, and also that of Plato's Protagoras, is set at Callias' house. In the latterespecially Callias' character is drawn with some vivid sketches as a dilettante highly amused with the intellectualfencing of Protagoras and Socrates.[4]

Callias is said to have ultimately reduced himself to absolute beggary, to which the sarcasm of Iphicrates[] in callinghim metragyrtes instead of daduchos refers. Callias died so poor that he could not afford the common necessities oflife.[5] He left a legitimate son named Hipponicus.[3]

Callias III 32

References• Smith, William (editor); Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, "Callias III" [6], Boston,

(1867)

Notes[1] Plutarch, Parallel Lives, "Pericles", 24 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plut. + Per. + 24. 1)[2] Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, v. 59 (http:/ / digicoll. library. wisc. edu/ cgi-bin/ Literature/ Literature-idx?type=turn&

entity=Literature000801870352& isize=M& q1=callias& pview=hide)[3] Andocides, Speeches, "On the Mysteries", 110 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Andoc. + 1+ 110)[4] Plato, Protagoras, pp. 335-38 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?lookup=Plat. + Prot. + 335c)[5] Athenaeus, xii. 52 (http:/ / digicoll. library. wisc. edu/ cgi-bin/ Literature/ Literature-idx?type=turn& entity=Literature000801890047&

q1=callias& pview=hide); Lysias, Speeches, "On the Property of Aristophanes", 48 (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Lys. + 19+ 48)

[6] http:/ / www. ancientlibrary. com/ smith-bio/ 0576. html

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1867). "article name

needed". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

CritiasCritias (Greek Κριτίας Kritias, 460 BC – 403 BC) was an ancient Athenian political figure and author. Born inAthens, Critias was the son of Callaeschrus and an uncle of Plato, and became a leading and violent member of theThirty Tyrants. He was an associate of Socrates, a fact that did not endear Socrates to the Athenian public.He was noted in his day for his tragedies, elegies and prose works. Some, like Sextus Empiricus, believe that Critiaswrote the Sisyphus fragment; others, however, attribute it to Euripides.

LifeAfter the fall of Athens to the Spartans, Critias, as one of the Thirty Tyrants, blacklisted many of its citizens. Most ofhis prisoners were executed and their wealth was confiscated.Critias was killed in a battle near Piraeus, the port of Athens, between a band of pro-democracy Athenian exiles ledby Thrasybulus and members and supporters of the Thirty, aided by the Spartan garrison. In the battle, the exiles putthe oligarchic forces to flight, ending the rule of the Thirty.[1][2]

According to Polybius, he asserted that "religion was a deliberate imposture devised by some cunning man forpolitical ends."[3]

Critias 33

Plato's descriptionCritias appears as a character in Plato's dialogues Charmides and Protagoras, and, according to Diogenes Laërtius,was Plato's great-uncle.[4]

The Critias character in Plato's dialogues Timaeus and Critias is often identified as the son of Callaeschrus – but notby Plato. Given the old age of the Critias in these two dialogues, he may be the grandfather of the son ofCallaeschrus.

References• Davies, J. K. (1971). Athenian propertied families 600-300 BC. London: Oxford University Press.• Rosenmeyer, Thomas G. (1949). "The family of Critias". American Journal of Philology (The Johns Hopkins

University Press) 70 (4): 404–410. doi:10.2307/291107. JSTOR 291107.

Citations[1] Buck, Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democracy, 71–79[2] Xenophon, Hellenica 2.4[3] Polybius: The Rise Of The Roman Empire, Page 25, Penguin, 1979.[4] Diogenes Laërtius, Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers, III:1

External links• Critias (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ c/ critias. htm) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy

HippiasHippias of Elis (  /ˈhɪpiəs/; Greek: Ἱππίας; late 5th century BCE) was a Greek Sophist, and a contemporary ofSocrates. With an assurance characteristic of the later sophists, he claimed to be regarded as an authority on allsubjects, and lectured on poetry, grammar, history, politics, mathematics, and much else. Most of our knowledge ofhim is derived from Plato, who characterizes him as vain and arrogant.

LifeHippias was born at Elis in the mid 5th-century BCE (c. 460 BCE) and was thus a younger contemporary ofProtagoras and Socrates. He lived at least as late as Socrates (399 BCE). He was a disciple of Hegesidamus.[1]

Owing to his talent and skill, his fellow-citizens availed themselves of his services in political matters, and in adiplomatic mission to Sparta.[2] But he was in every respect like the other sophists of the time: he travelled about invarious towns and districts of Greece for the purpose of teaching and public speaking. The two dialogues of Plato,the Hippias major and the Hippias minor characterize him as vain and arrogant. The Hippias major (the authorshipof this work by Plato is sometimes doubted) concerns the question about the beautiful, and purposely puts theknowledge and presumption of Hippias in a ludicrous light. The Hippias minor discusses the deficiency of ourknowledge, and characterizes Hippias as ridiculously vain.

Hippias 34

WorkHippias was a man of very extensive knowledge, and he occupied himself not only with rhetorical, philosophical,and political studies, but was also well versed in poetry, music, mathematics, painting and sculpture, and he claimedsome practical skill in the ordinary arts of life, for he used to boast of wearing on his body nothing that he had notmade himself with his own hands, such as his seal-ring, his cloak, and shoes.[3] On the other hand, his knowledgealways appears superficial, he does not enter into the details of any particular art or science, and is satisfied withcertain generalities, which enabled him to speak on everything without a thorough knowledge of any. Thisarrogance, combined with ignorance, is the main cause which provoked Plato to his severe criticism of Hippias, asthe sophist enjoyed a very extensive reputation, and thus had a large influence upon the education of the youths ofthe higher classes. A mathematical discovery ascribed to Hippias is sometimes called the quadratrix of Hippias.His great skill seems to have consisted in delivering grand show speeches; and Plato has him arrogantly declaringthat he would travel to Olympia, and there deliver before the assembled Greeks an oration on any subject that mightbe proposed to him;[4] and Philostratus in fact speaks of several such orations delivered at Olympia, and whichcreated great sensation. If such speeches were published by Hippias, then no specimen has come down to us. Platoclaims he wrote epic poetry, tragedies, dithyrambs, and various orations,[5] as well works on as grammar, music,rhythm, harmony, and a variety of other subjects.[6] He seems to have been especially fond of choosing antiquarianand mythical subjects for his show speeches. Athenaeus mentions a work of Hippias under the title Synagoge whichis otherwise unknown.[7] An epigram of his is preserved in Pausanias.[8]

Notes[1] Suda, Hippias[2] Plato, Hippias major, 281a, 286a; Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 11.[3] Plato, Hippias major, 285c, Hippias minor, 368b, Protagoras, 315c; Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 11.; Themistius, Orat. xxix. p. 345. d.[4] Plat. Hippias minor, 363[5] Plato Hippias minor, 368[6] Plato, Hippias major, 285ff; comp. Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 11.; Plutarch, Num. 1, 23; Dio Chrysostom, Orat. lxxi.[7][7] Athenaeus, xiii. 609[8][8] Pausanias, v. 25

External links• O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Hippias" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/

Hippias. html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews.• Hippias' Attempt to Trisect an Angle (http:/ / mathdl. maa. org/ convergence/ 1/ ?pa=content&

sa=viewDocument& nodeId=1207& bodyId=1352) at Convergence (http:/ / mathdl. maa. org/ convergence/ 1/ )  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1867). "article name

needed". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

Prodicus 35

Prodicus

The Judgement of Hercules, by AnnibaleCarracci, depicting the fable recounted by

Prodicus

Prodicus of Ceos (Greek: Πρόδικος, Pródikos; c. 465 BC – c. 395BC) was a Greek philosopher, and part of the first generation ofSophists. He came to Athens as ambassador from Ceos, and becameknown as a speaker and a teacher. Plato treats him with greater respectthan the other sophists, and in several of the Platonic dialoguesSocrates appears as the friend of Prodicus. Prodicus made linguisticsand ethics prominent in his curriculum. The content of one of hisspeeches is still known, and concerns a fable in which Heracles has tomake a choice between Virtue and Vice. He also interpreted religionthrough the framework of naturalism.

LifeProdicus was a native of Ioulis on the island of Ceos, the birthplace of Simonides,[1] whom he is described as havingimitated.[2] Prodicus came frequently to Athens for the purpose of transacting business on behalf of his native city,and attracted admiration as an orator,[3] although his voice was deep and apt to fall.[4] Plutarch describes him asslender and weak;[5] and Plato also alludes to his weakness, and a degree of effeminacy which thus resulted.[6]

Philostratus accuses him of luxury and avarice,[7] but no earlier source mentions this.In the Protagoras of Plato, (dramatic date c. 430 BC), Prodicus is mentioned as having previously arrived in Athens.He appears in a play of Eupolis, and in The Clouds (423 BC) and The Birds (414 BC) of Aristophanes.[8] He camefrequently to Athens on public business.[9] His pupils included the orators Theramenes[10] and Isocrates,[11] and inthe year of the death of Socrates (399 BC), Prodicus was still living.[12] According to the statement of Philostratus,on which little reliance can be placed, he delivered his lecture on virtue and vice in Thebes and Sparta also. TheApology of Plato unites him with Gorgias and Hippias as among those who were considered competent to instructthe youth in any city. Lucian mentions him among those who held lectures at Olympia.[13]

In the dialogues of Plato he is mentioned or introduced with a certain degree of esteem, compared with the othersophists.[14] Aristophanes, in The Clouds,[15] deals more indulgently with him than with Socrates; and Xenophon'sSocrates, for the purpose of combating the voluptuousness of Aristippus, borrows from the book of "the wiseProdicus" the story of the choice of Hercules.[16] Like Protagoras and others, Prodicus delivered lectures in return forpayment[17] of from half a drachma to 50 drachmae, probably according to whether the hearers limited themselves toa single lecture or a more complete course.[18] Prodicus is said to have amassed a great amount of money.[19] Theassertion that he hunted after rich young men, is only found in Philostratus.

TeachingsProdicus was part of the first generation of Sophists. "He was a Sophist in the full sense of a professional freelanceeducator."[20] As he taught both philosophy and politics,[21] so Plato represents his instructions as chiefly ethical,[22]

and gives preference to his distinction of ideas, such as courage, rashness, boldness, over similar attempts of othersophists.[23] He sometimes gave individual show-orations, and though known to Callimachus, they do not appear tohave been long preserved. In contrast with Gorgias and others, who boasted of possessing the art of making the smallappear great, the great small, and of expatiating in long or short speeches, Prodicus required that the speech shouldbe neither long nor short, but of the proper measure,[24] and it is only as associated with other sophists that he ischarged with endeavouring to make the weaker cause appear strong by means of his rhetoric.[25]

Prodicus 36

LinguisticsSeveral of Plato's dialogues focus upon Prodicus' linguistic theory, and his insistence upon the correct use of names.He paid special attention to the correct use of words,[26] and the distinction of expressions related in sense.[27]

Thucydides is said to have gained from him his accuracy in the use of words.[28] In the Cratylus,[29] Socrates jokesthat if he could have afforded the fifty drachma lectures he would now be an expert on "the correctness of names." Inseveral of the Platonic dialogues Socrates appears as the friend and companion of Prodicus, which reveals at leastthat the two did have close personal relations, and that Socrates did attend at least a few of his lectures. "ForSocrates, correct language was the prerequisite for correct living (including an efficient government). But Prodicus,though his linguistic teaching undoubtedly included semantic distinctions between ethical terms, had stopped at thethreshold. The complete art of logoi embraced nothing less than the whole of philosophy." [30]

EthicsThe speech on the choice of Hercules[31] was entitled Horai (Ancient Greek: Ὧραι).[32] Hercules, as he was enteringmanhood, had to choose one of the two paths of life, that of virtue and that of vice. There appeared two women, theone of dignified beauty, adorned with purity, modesty, and discretion, the other of a voluptuous form, andmeretricious look and dress. The latter promises to lead him by the shortest road, without any toil, to the enjoymentof every pleasure. The other, while she reminds him of his progenitors and his noble nature, does not conceal fromhim that the gods have not granted what is really beautiful and good apart from trouble and careful striving. Whileone seeks to deter him from the path of virtue by urging the difficulty of it; the other calls attention to the unnaturalcharacter of enjoyment which anticipates the need of it, its want of the highest joy, that arising from noble deeds, andthe consequences of a life of voluptuousness, and how she herself, honoured by gods and men, leads to all nobleworks, and to true well-being in all circumstances of life. Hercules decides for virtue. This outline in Xenophonprobably represents, in a very abbreviated form, the leading ideas of the original, of which no fragments remain.Another speech, apparently by Prodicus, is mentioned in the spurious Platonic dialogue Eryxias. Prodicus undertakesto show that the value of external goods depends simply upon the use which is made of them, and that virtue must belearnt. Similar sentiments were expressed in Prodicus's Praise of Agriculture.[33] The spurious dialogue Axiochusattributes to him views respecting the worthlessness of earthly life in different ages and callings, and how we mustlong after freedom from connection with the body in the heavenly and cognate aether. Also found here is a doctrinethat death is not to be feared, as it affects neither the living nor the departed.[34]

NaturalismProdicus, like some of his fellow Sophists, interpreted religion through the framework of naturalism. The gods heregarded as personifications of the sun, moon, rivers, fountains, and whatever else contributes to the comfort of ourlife,[35] and he was sometimes charged with atheism.[36] "His theory was that primitive man was so impressed withthe gifts nature provided him for the furtherance of his life that he believed them to be the discovery of gods orthemselves to embody the godhead. This theory was not only remarkable for its rationalism but for its discernment ofa close connection between religion and agriculture." [37]

Prodicus 37

References[1] Plato, Protagoras, 316d; Suda, Prodicus[2] Plato, Protagoras, 339c, 340e, 341b[3] Plato, Hippias Major 282, comp. Philostratus Vit. Soph. i. 12[4] Plato, Protag. 316a; Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 12[5] Plutarch, an seni ger. sit Resp. c. 15[6] Plato, Protag. 315d[7] Philost. Vit. Soph. i. 12[8][8] Aristophanes, 1. 360[9] Plato, Hipp. Maj. 282.[10] Aeschines in Athenenaeus, v. 220b.; Scholium ad Aristophanes, Nub. 360[11] Dionys. Hal. Isocr. 1; Photius, cod. 260[12] Plato, Apology, 19. c.[13] Lucian, Vit. Herod, c. 3[14] Plato, Hipp. Maj. 282, Theaet. 151b, Phaedo, 60, Protag. 341a, Charmid. 163d, Meno, 96, Cratyl. 384b., Symp. 177, Euthyd. 305[15][15] Aristophanes, 1. 360[16] Xenophon, Memor. ii. 1. § 21[17] Xenophon, Mem. ii. 1. § 21, comp. Philostratus; Diogenes Laertius, ix. 50; Plato, Prot. 314b[18] Pseudo-Plato, Axioch. 6; Plato, Cratyl. 384b.; Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 14. § 9; Suda, Prodicus[19] Plato, Hipp. Maj. 282d; Xenophon, Symp. iv. 62, i. 5[20] Guthrie, William. The Sophists. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971. ISBN 0-521-09666-9. p. 275.[21] Plato, Euthyd. 305c[22] Plato, Meno, 96d; comp. de Rep. x. 600e[23] Plato, Lach. 197c[24] Plato, Phaed. 267a; comp. Gorg. 449c, Prot. 334e, 335b, 338d; Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 17[25] Cicero, Brut. c. 8.[26] Plato, Euthyd. 187e, Cratyl. 384b, comp. Galen, in Hippocr. de Articul. iv. p. 461. 1[27] Plato, Lach. 197d, Prot. 340a, 341a, Charmid. 163d, Meno, 75c, comp. Themistius, Orat. iv. p. 113[28] Marcell. Vit. Thuc.; comp. Scholium ap. Hemsterhus. Annot. in Lucian., App. 3; Maxim. Tyr. Dissert. vii.[29] Plato, Cratylus, 384b[30] Guthrie, William. The Sophists. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971. ISBN 0-521-09666-9. p. 276.[31] Philostratus, p. 496; Xenophon, Mem. ii. 1. § 21[32] Suda, Horai, Prodicus; Scholium ad Aristoph. Nub. 1. 360. The meaning of the title is obscure.[33] Themistius, Orat. 30[34] comp. Stobaeus, Serm. xx. 35[35] Sextus Empiricus, adv. Math. i. 52; Cicero, de Nat. Deor. i. 42[36] Cicero, de Nat. Deor. i. 55[37] Guthrie, William. The Sophists. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971. ISBN 0-521-09666-9. p. 179.

•  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Smith, William, ed. (1867). "article

name needed". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

Article Sources and Contributors 38

Article Sources and ContributorsProtagoras (dialogue)  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=520832715  Contributors: Akhilleus, Anclation, Animum, Ardeo, Atethnekos, Atlantia, Blicarea, Blubro, Brendamaverick, Bryan Derksen, CCS81, Caton, Charbroil, Chomsky, D. Webb, Dast, Dblk, Dimboukas, Drakarst, Duja, Eisenstadt, Flauto Dolce, Fludds, Ganymead, Giovanni33, Grsalmonerous, JMSOld Al, JaGa, Jasperdoomen, Jerryofaiken, Jonathan Harking, LeKoutsoubier, Lenoxus, LightSpectra, Mandarax, Mmick66, Pahpaha, Paul August, PuzzletChung, RJC, Ravenous, Seth Ilys,ShelfSkewed, Squandermania, Storkk, Str1977, T of Locri, TOO, Thevitalcenter, Tomisti, Wran, Zeusnoos, 48 anonymous edits

Protagoras  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=520160327  Contributors: 20040302, 777sms, Across.The.Synapse, Aethernitas, Aleksd, Alexandria, Alphachimp, Anchjo, AndRew, Andkore, Argos'Dad, Arjayay, Askeron, Atethnekos, Aypdk, Bacchiad, Bender235, Bishonen, Bogdangiusca, Borat.launius, Bryan Derksen, Buridan, CCS81, Catalographer, Cenarium,Ceradon, Cfailde, Chochopk, ChrisGualtieri, Christofurio, Chronicler, Clicketyclack, Cntras, CommonsDelinker, Conversion script, Correogsk, Crust, DanielCD, Davidiad, DerMeister,Deucalionite, Dfass, FeanorStar7, Gkerkvliet, Good Olfactory, Hkyriazi, Iancaddy, Igorwindsor, Infosocialist, Inwind, Isthatyou, IuvenisJacobus, JSeal, Jaraalbe, Jason Carreiro, Javierfv1212,Jmah, JorgeGG, Joseeph, Jovrtn, KRBN, Kallah17, Karl-Henner, Knucmo2, Leranedo, Lestrade, Lucidish, Magioladitis, Mark Christensen, Mattbarton.exe, Matthew Auger, Mel Etitis,MichaelTinkler, Mlehene, Moheroy, Nagelfar, Ndaco, Neelix, Neilc, Nixdorf, Nk, Obradovic Goran, Paul August, Picapica, Pmanderson, Pollinosisss, Poor Yorick, Quarty, R'n'B, RJHall,Radgeek, Ravenous, RexNL, Rich Farmbrough, Ricky81682, Rigadoun, Robin Hood, RogDel, Sburke, Siebrand, Singinglemon, Skeptic2, Sshadow, Steve2011, Tanuki Z, Template namespaceinitialisation script, Trusilver, UDScott, Varlaam, Viriditas, VivaEmilyDavies, Wahabijaz, Wareh, Whytecypress, WikiPedant, Wikiklrsc, Wolfdog, Yekrats, Zaheen, 106 ,לערי ריינהארטanonymous edits

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Hippias  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=520094501  Contributors: Access Denied, Acegikmo1, Adam Bishop, Aeusoes1, Aldux, Berasategui, BirgitteSB, Bobo192,Catalographer, Caton, Centrx, DC, DIEGO RICARDO PEREIRA, Delirium, FreplySpang, Girolamo Savonarola, GoingBatty, GregorB, HeartofaDog, Hmains, Igorwindsor, Jagdfeld, Jaraalbe,Kelson, Kitkatballet101, Kostisl, Lucidish, Margacst, Mariule, Neelix, Nic bor, Pasicles, PatGallacher, Pearle, Peruvianllama, RJFJR, RexNL, Rjwilmsi, Sburke, Selfworm, Singinglemon, Squidsand Chips, Sshadow, Subitosera, The Man in Question, Wayne Slam, Xgoni, Yknok29, 26 anonymous edits

Prodicus  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=515416540  Contributors: Across.The.Synapse, Adam Conover, Adeliine, Aldux, Alfreddo, Badseed, Cantrix, Catalographer,Curtisdozier, Delirium, Emilio Juanatey, Erud, FeanorStar7, FocalPoint, Igorwindsor, Isokrates, Jaraalbe, Jjalexand, Karl-Henner, Lestrade, Llywrch, Lykos, M.e, Margacst, Master shepherd,Nixdorf, Pmanderson, Poeloq, Radgeek, RogDel, SD6-Agent, Singinglemon, Squids and Chips, Sshadow, TJLaw, Template namespace initialisation script, Tevildo, VivaEmilyDavies, 22anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 39

Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsImage:Plato-raphael.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Plato-raphael.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Aavindraa, Bibi Saint-Pol, Chris 73, Infrogmation,Maarten van Vliet, Mattes, Morio, Sailko, Tomisti, 3 anonymous editsFile:Salvator_Rosa_-_Démocrite_et_Protagoras.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Salvator_Rosa_-_Démocrite_et_Protagoras.jpg  License: Public Domain Contributors: Oxxo, Pasicles, Sailko, ShakkoFile:Loudspeaker.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Loudspeaker.svg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bayo, Gmaxwell, Gnosygnu, Husky, Iamunknown,Mirithing, Myself488, Nethac DIU, Omegatron, Rocket000, Shanmugamp7, The Evil IP address, Wouterhagens, 23 anonymous editsImage:wikisource-logo.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wikisource-logo.svg  License: logo  Contributors: Guillom, Jarekt, MichaelMaggs, NielsF, Rei-artur,Rocket000File:Bust Alcibiades Musei Capitolini MC1160.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bust_Alcibiades_Musei_Capitolini_MC1160.jpg  License: Public Domain Contributors: User:JastrowFile:AspasiaAlcibiades.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AspasiaAlcibiades.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bibi Saint-Pol, Daigaz, Juanpdp, Kimse,Mattes, Shakko, YannismarouFile:Socrates-Alcibiades.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Socrates-Alcibiades.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bibi Saint-Pol, Juanpdp, Kilom691, Pe-Jo,Roberto Cruz, Shakko, Sj, Yannismarou, Zanaq, 1 anonymous editsFile:Battle of Cyzicus.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Battle_of_Cyzicus.svg  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Artem Karimov, Avron,Bender235, Dorieo, Jake Wasdin, Ma-LikFile:Gallipoli peninsula from space.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Gallipoli_peninsula_from_space.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: ArjanH,Denisutku, RokeFile:Alcibiades7220.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alcibiades7220.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: DenghiùComm, G.dallorto, Juanpdp, Yannismarou, 1anonymous editsFile:1475 - Keramikos cemetery, Athens - Gravestone for Ipparetea - Photo by Giovanni Dall'Orto, Nov 12 2009.jpg  Source:http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:1475_-_Keramikos_cemetery,_Athens_-_Gravestone_for_Ipparetea_-_Photo_by_Giovanni_Dall'Orto,_Nov_12_2009.jpg  License: Attribution Contributors: Giovanni Dall'OrtoFile:TestaAlcibiades.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:TestaAlcibiades.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Pietro Testa (1611–1650)File:AuvrayAlcibiades.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AuvrayAlcibiades.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Daigaz, Finnrind, Léna, Mattes, Nioger,Yannismarou, ZoloFile:Wikisource-logo.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Wikisource-logo.svg  License: logo  Contributors: Guillom, Jarekt, MichaelMaggs, NielsF, Rei-artur,Rocket000File:PD-icon.svg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:PD-icon.svg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alex.muller, Anomie, Anonymous Dissident, CBM, MBisanz, PBS,Quadell, Rocket000, Strangerer, Timotheus Canens, 1 anonymous editsFile:CarracciHercules.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:CarracciHercules.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: AndreasPraefcke, Auntof6, Chick Bowen,DenghiùComm, FA2010, G.dallorto, Mattes, Pierpao, Shakko, Warburg, Wikielwikingo, Wst, 1 anonymous edits

License 40

LicenseCreative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported//creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/