2005_the history of social work and gender in hungary 1900-1960

7/27/2019 2005_the History of Social Work and Gender in Hungary 1900-1960

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Sweep Project, History of Social Work and GenderFinal report, 2005

The History of Social Work and Gender in Hungary, 1900-1960

By the Hungarian team: Borbla Juhsz, Dorottya Szikr a, Eszter Varsa

Abstract

After a short methodological note the final report starts with the description of state welfare policies

in Hungary between 1900 and 1960. Welfare policies and social work have been closely connectedin the early years, but state organised social policy gradually developed into a system. The second

chapter draws up the main changes in the structures of non-governmental organizations with a

special focus on womens associations. It points to main turning points and provides information on

the connection between non-governmental organizations and governmental institutions. Our first

case study, about theKozma street settlementin the outskirts of Budapest, which started in 1935, is

placed here. It is a good example of how religion- inspired volunteer work gets co-opted into the

official social policy system of the capital city. Specific attention is paid to the role women playedin its formation and daily work. The next part reflects on the altering forms of professionalization of

social work that can be placed to the first half of the 20 th century. Details concerning altering

definitions of social activities, debates about the goals and methods of welfare work, as well as

educational sites and material in the teaching of social work are examined. Important biographies of

women active in social work follow, supplemented by the second case study, the detailed life stories

ofKatalin Gero andIlona Fldy. Gero was the directress of the Jewish Orphanage for Girls from

1898 until her death, Ilona Fldy was the leader of the Kozma street settlement between the two

world wars.


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Table of Contents

Chapter Page

1. Methodology and Sources 4

2. The Development of State Welfare Between 1900-1960 5

2.1. Main themes and variables 5

2.2. Main periods 7

2.3. Most important arrangements 8

2.3.1.First period: 1900-1920 8

2.3.2. Second period: 1920-1948 10

2.3.3. Third period: 1945-1960 12

3. Social Activities of Non-Governmental Organizations 14

3.1. Introduction 14

3.2. Historical Overview 15

3.2.1. 1900-1920 15

3.2.2 1920-1945 16

3.2.3. 1945-1960 17

3.3. War-Time Activities 18

3.4.Target Groups and Types of Organizations 18

3.5. Organizations for the Poor 19

3.5.1. The Hungarian Red Cross 19

3.5.2. The Association of General Public Charity 20

3.5.3. The Green Cross Movement 21

3.5.4.. The Norm of Eger 23

3.6. Organizations for Child Protection: The National League for Child Protection 23

3.7. Workers Organizations 24

3.8. The Hungarian Settlement Movement 25

3.9. Womens Organizations 26

3.9.1. The Charitable Womens Association 26

3.9.2. The Izraelite Womens Association of Pest 27

3.9.3. The Social Mission Society and the Society of Social Sisters 27

3.9.4. The National Stefnia Association 28

3.9.5. Foundation for Helping the Poor 29


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4. Gender, Class and Ethnicity-Based Differentiation in the Practice of

Hungarian Social Work -A Case Study of the Kozma-Street Settlement, 1935-1945 30

4.1.Introduction 30

4.2.The Settlement Movement Worldwide 31

4.3.The Hungarian Settlement Movement 334.4. Kozma Street: A Case for Womens Settlement 33

4.4.1. Accentuating Womens Gender- and Class-Based Difference 33

4.4.2. The Presence of Gender-Based Difference Making in the

Interaction of Social Workers 35

4.4.3. Differentiation along Racial Terms in the Practice of Social Work 37

5. The Professionalization and Institutionalization of Social Work in Hungary 39

5.1. Definitions of Social Work 39

5.1.1.The Beginnings of Social Work in the 19th Century 40

5.1.2.The Specialisation of Social Work in the First Decade of the 20th Century 41

5.1.3.Guardians of the Public in the Years of the First World War 42

5.1.4. New Terminology in Child Protection in 1919 43

5.1.5. Assistants of the Poor in the 1920s 43

5.1.6. Productive Social Policy 44

5.1.7. The Disappearance of Social Work after 1948-49 45

5.2. Social Work Education - The History of Social Courses 46

5.3. The Disappearance of Social Work Education after the Second World War 50

5.4. Practical Guidelines for Doing Social Work 50

6. Important biographies in the field 52

6.1. Introduction 52

6.2. Where do women appear? 53

6.3. Detailed biographies 54

6.3.1.Terz Brunszvik 54

6.3.2.Johanna Bischitz 54

6.3.3.Edith Farkas 55

6.3.4.Margit Schlachta 55

6.3.5.Rza Bdy-Scwimmer 56

6.3.6. Katalin Gero 56

6.3.7.Ilona Fldy 56

6.3.8. Jlia Gyrgy 576.4. Short biographies 57


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7. The Biographies of Katalin Gero and Ilona Fldy a Case study 58

7.1.Introduction 58

7.2.Katalin Gero 58

7.3.Ilona Fldy 62

7.5. Conclusion 64

Bibliography 66

Appendix:

Appendix A: Translation of documents

Appendix B: Photos

1. Methodology and Sources

All chapters of the research were written in cooperation among the three members of the Hungarian

research team: Borbla Juhsz, Dorottya Szikra and Eszter Varsa. Borbla Juhsz worked

extensively on the overview chapter about Important Biographies in the Field and the case study

on Parallel Biographies: Religious Social Work in Hungary through the Lives of Katalin Gero and

Ilona Fldy. Dorottya Szikra authored the chapter on The Development of Hungarian Social

Policy between 1900-1960. Eszter Varsa co-authored with Borbla Juhsz the chapter on Social

Activities of Non-Governmental Organizations and with Dorottya Szikra The Professionalization

and Institutionalization of Social Work in Hungary and Gender, Class and Ethnicity-Based

Differentiation in the Practice of Hungarian Social Work, A Case Study of the Kozma-Street

Settlement, 1935-1945.

The translation of documents was completed by Borbla Juhsz and translator and interpreter,

Gbor Karsai.

Sources contacted were available primary materials, both written and oral and secondary literature

on the history of social work in Hungary. Written primary sources come from journals,

publications, ministerial decrees and personal memories of social workers located in the HungarianNational Archives, the Jewish Museum and Archives of Hungary, the Archives of the Political


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History Institute, the National Szchenyi Library, and the Ervin Szab Library of Budapest. It must

be noted that available references were often difficult to trace down, such as in case of the

biographical studies.

Four oral history interviews were conducted with Zsuzsanna Gncz, Eta Vranovich and IstvnKroly, among whom Ms Gncz was a former student of the first university-run social work

education course in 1942, and all participated in professional social work in one of the Hungarian

Settlements before the Second World War. The interviews conducted by Dorottya Szikra and Eszter

Varsa between December 2004 and April 2005 served basis to the case study about the work at the

Kozma Street Settlement in the late 1930s and early 1940s.

All interviews were transcribed by Andrea Herndvlgyi.

Secondary sources, although scarce, were mostly review studies about the practice and history of

social work. Central among these were Katalin Piks valuable and path-breaking work on The

History of Social Work in Hungary, 1817-1990 [A szocilis munka trtnete Magyarorszgon

(1817-1990.)]. Budapest: Hilscher Rezso Szocilpolitikai Egyeslet, 2001, and an earlier but central

work by Csizmadia, Andor on Changes in Social Care in Hungary [A szocilis gondoskods

vltozsai Magyarorszgon]. Budapest: MTA llam- s Jogtudomnyi Intzet, 1977. Further

sources were general historical and social history overviews about the period in concern,

biographical collections and information gained from conferences and exhibitions.

2. The Development of State Welfare Between 1900-1960

2.1 Main themes and variables

Welfare policies and social work have been closely connected to each other in the early years of

their formation. In the case of poor policies carried out by civil organizations it has actually been

overlapping for a long time. In this chapter we describe state-organized social policies typical for

Hungary in the given period.

According to the simplest definition of social policy (the descriptive definition) all institutions

that deal with the physical and mental welfare of people make up social policy. 1 Talking about the

1 In this text social policy is used as a synonym of welfare policies.


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history of state-run social policy the following themes must be mentioned (more or less according

to their time of appearance):

Poor relief, dealing with vagrants and beggars Creation of hospitals and almshouses Regulation of working conditions Public health: compulsory vaccination, prevention and education Insurance companies and workers associations Child care Public housing Compulsory social insurance: injury, sickness, old age and widows, later

unemployment Separate institutions for people with disabilities and psychiatric problems Family policies

These arrangements appeared in all European countries from the mid 19 th to the mid 20th century.

The timing of the arrangements differs from country to country just as the way these steps were

taken, i.e. the characteristics of the institutions (e.g. voluntary or compulsory arrangements,

centralised or decentralised institutions etc.). The third major variable that must be taken intoaccount when analysing welfare institutions is the number of people affected.

In the case of Hungary we can say that the timing of social policy legislation closely followed the

Western European and within this the Austrian and German trends. No wonder, as up until 1920

Hungary was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and had common interest and policies in a

number of major areas. Although the workers question and social policy were independently

directed in the two countries, Hungary closely followed and sometimes copied the Austrian andGerman legislation.

The development of welfare institutions between 1900 and 1960 can be characterised as gradually

moving to centralization in all the fields mentioned above. The main variable that makes Hungary

different from its Western counterparts is the number of people affected by welfare arrangements: it

lagged far behind until 1948 and slowly caught up by the late 1960s.


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2.2 Main periods

We have to distinguish four periods of Hungarian welfare development between 1900-1960. The

first period lasts until the First World War and is characterised by rapid industrial development and

urbanisation accompanied with the rise of the working class. For social policy this meant the firstgeneration of social insurance legislation (against sickness and injuries) and workers protection.

This is the time of introducing state-run child care.

The second period lasts until the end of Second World War and had seen the second generation of

social insurance legislation (old age, orphans and widows). In the late 1920s there had been an

interesting initiative to make civil organisation and local governments co-operate in the field of

poor relief ("Norm of Eger" - see later). In the 1930s Hungary was characterised by so-called

productive social policy having strong links to social work practice.

The end of WWII and the change of the regime is the third period we can distinguish. As in all

East-European countries Soviet invasion and the turn to one-party leadership in 1948 alongside with

the collectivisation of all estates reformed social policy and welfare institutions radically. But as

the most influential social policy expert in Hungary, Zsuzsa Ferge notes social policy as such

suffered less radical reforms during state-socialism than other sectors did. Indeed, much of the

inheritance of the pre WWII system can be found in state-socialist social policy.

The main reason for this is that the most essential part of social policy, that is social insurance, had

been fully centralised already by the 1930s. The essence of our bismarckian-type social insurance

system has been as everywhere in Europe - centralised coercion: the obligation to save money to

prevent oneself from future risks.2 The state-socialist system can be characterised as one that

extended social policy the most, taking care for all its citizens, covering all the risks of human life:

injuries, sickness, old age, unemployment (with the declared aim of full employment) maternity and

child care. Alongside with providing a socially secure environment paradoxically - the state

socialist system diminished social policy as such, stating that the new economical and political

organisation of society is going to solve social problems in itself. This had been partly successful:

the state-socialist system provided a wide range of social rights but in return it abolished basic

human rights. If we accept that civil and political rights form the basis of social rights, as T. H.

2 Swaan, Abram de: In Care of the State. Health Care, Education, and Welfare in Europe and the USA in the ModernEra. Cambridge, 1988.


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Marshall states3, and these together form the basis of welfare states, we can not claim that Hungary

created a welfare state this time.

2.3 Most important arrangements

2.3.1 First period: 1900-1920

Hungary was one of the first countries in the world to introduce compulsory social insurance for

workers. The 1891 Sickness Benefit Act closely followed the pioneering German legislation (1883,

1889) not only in time but also in content. This first piece of legislation is a mixture of the German

and Austrian sickness insurance acts. The reason for the early legislation is probably German and

Austrian cultural dissemination and - strongly connected to this - the rising working class

movements that frightened politicians of the time. 1893 had seen the first legislation on workers'

protection in dangerous industries. The Act for compulsory insurance against injuries was

introduced in 1907 and affected factories employing more than 20 workers.

Although the first piece of legislation made insurance against sickness compulsory in all industrial

companies (regardless of the number of workers employed) the percentage of insured persons

amongst the total population was only 3,5 % at the turn of the century. 4 It gradually increased but

had only reached 6% by 1920. This ratio is much higher in Western Europe this time: 9% in 1900

and almost 20% by 1920 were insured against sickness.5

The reason for this discrepancy is the relatively low number of industrial workers and the weakness

of implementation. It seems that the Ministry of Trade and Industry - being responsible for the

"social question" this time - did not devote enough resources for the collection of contributions and

for the disclosure of frauds by employers. Unlike in Austria, Hungarian civil servants were not

eager enough to make legislation work: it seems that most small ventures avoided social security

contribution.6

3 Marshall, Thomas, H.: Citizenship and Social Class. Cambridge, 1950.4 Szikra, Dorottya: Trsadalombiztosts s modernizci. (Social security and modernization.) In. Krkp reform utn.Tanulmnyok a nyugdjrendszerrol. Szerk. Augusztinovich, Mria. Kzgazdasgi Szemle Kiad, Budapest, 2000.

5 Szikra, Dorottya: The Thorny Path to Implementation: Bismarckian social insurance in Hungary in the late 19thcentury.European Journal of Social Security. Volume 6, Nr 3, September 2004.6 Zimmermann, Susan: Geschtzte und ungeschtzte Arbeitsverhaltnisse von der Hochindustrialisiereung bis zurWeltwirtschaftskrise. Frankfurt-Wien, 1997.


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The fact that the Hungarian social insurance system is Bismarckian means that it did not build on

the mutual-benefit societies or unions but forced employers and employees to devote part of their

income to social insurance. At the same time it strongly suppressed workers organisations and

partly drowned, partly pacified and integrated their societies of mutual-aid.

Hungary was one of the first countries introducing family allowance too, although only for civil

servants, in 1912. In all the welfare measures civil servants enjoyed a privileged position. This is

the reason why some calculations show a much higher ratio of welfare spending and population

coverage than others:7 These include the high level and rather expensive special schemes for civil

servants - by which governments "bought" their loyalty. 8

Another important feature is that although the creation of a special, compulsory social security

scheme for agricultural workers came up in discussions already at the turn of the century it has

never been realised. Thus those in biggest need - the landless agricultural day-labourers - did not

receive any benefits of the emerging modern social policy. A voluntary scheme against injuries and

disability had been created for them at the turn of the century (1900. XVI.). By 1905 12% of

agricultural workers and servants had been insured in this scheme.

The main reason for neglecting this groups severe social problems lies in the quasi-parliamentary

system of Hungary this time: The majority of MPs were landowners who strongly opposed any

compulsory social policy in the agrarian sector. Also, the movement of agricultural workers was not

as powerful and international as that of the industrial workers. No social arrangements followed

their rebels - these were forcefully suppressed.

The above described social insurance arrangements for industrial workers had been the first pieces

of modern social legislation also regarding gender. The Act of 1891 declared that every single

industrial worker - regardless of age, gender and religion - must be insured. Hungary was

pioneering also in providing medical treatment and access to medicines for the families of insured

employees. This included free access to midwife-assistance at the birth of an insured persons child.

Infant and child care was the task of charitable associations until the turn of the century. The child

protection act of 1901 declared that looking after foundlings is the task of the central state which

made the creation of state-run homes possible. There had been 16 such homes in Hungary by this

7 See for example: Tomka, Bla : Szocilpolitika Magyarorszgon eurpai perspektvban . (Social policy in Hungary ina European perspective.) Szzadvg, Budapest, 2003.8 This again is a typical feature of Bismarckian social policy. Building up different schemes for different social groupsis called "status-related" and "status-conserving" welfare policy in the terminology of historical social policy.


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time and the state-protection reached altogether 50.000 children - much less than the estimated

number of needy children. 9

From 1898 (the creation of National Fund for the Sick Poor) the state took up part of the costs of the

fight against contagious diseases, and also the care for the sick poor. At the same time preventionremained the task of non-governmental organisations. From the late 1910s these organisations

(especially "Stefnia Szvetsg" and "Zldkeresztes Mozgalom") received state-funding.

Under the short period (133 days) of the "Soviet Republic" when the revolutionary workers

committees (councils) ruled the country, salaries became centrally regulated, equal pay for men and

women were introduced. Working time was also regulated (maximum of 8 hours a day). Paid leave

and unemployment benefit was introduced too. Measures of child-protection were planned and new

institutions were set up. Because of the short period these measure could only partly be

implemented. After the suppression of the "Soviet Republic" left-wing ideas - also of social policy -

became discredited for a long time. A new political system and a new wave of social policy took

over.

2.3.2 Second period: 1920-1948

The First World War had an important effect on social policy everywhere in Europe. Care for war

veterans and widows became a central issue, alongside with orphans - many of them begging in the

streets. Also, after-war periods always give ground to widespread social solidarity. Maybe that is

the reason why social policy exceeded workers' insurance and expanded both regarding social

classes and the risks to be insured all over Europe. Still, Hungary has only seen this latter. It

introduced compulsory old age and widows insurance in 1928 but agricultural workers still

remained excluded. The social insurance system became completely centralised by this Act. The

coverage remained low: 10,2 % had sickness insurance and 7,6 % old age insurance by 1940. The

gap between Hungary and Western Europe widened in this period (30,8% and 42% respectively).

Not only agricultural workers but also domestic servants had been left out from compulsory

schemes. Although the Old Age Pension Act of 1928 introduced this latters insurance the

implementation did not come about. At the end of 1930s several measures were taken to insure the

agricultural population. First, a compulsory old-age insurance was created for farmers (1936.

9 Gyni, Gbor:A szocilpolitika mltja Magyarorszgon . (The past of social policy in Hungary.) Budapest, MTA,1994. p17.


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XXXVI.), then a voluntary scheme for agricultural workers was introduced (1938. XII.), but this

latter excluded those with less than one acre of land.

From the second half of the 1920's the "state tried to show its 'social face' more and more"- as

Andor Csizmadia put it.10

One of the first innovations in the field of poor relief was the "Norm ofEger" (Egri Norma). Its main aim was to prevent begging in the streets of Eger (a North-Eastern

city in Hungary). It succeeded to co-ordinate work among charitable organisations, the local

authority and citizens in order to create organised and documented relief for the old and disabled.

The experience was so successful that it was introduced in most of the towns of Hungary in 1936.

By the mid 1930s the "social state" - as it was called by the time - created the so called "productive

social policy". The idea came from Lajos Esztergl from the South of Hungary, where a dramatic

drop in birth rates took place. Because lands were very small and they would have been divided

between the children as an inheritance, having only one child became very common. The term for

this was "egykk" which means "little ones".

To solve both the social problems of agricultural workers and to increase fertility rates productive

social policy was found out. The essence of productive social policy was to make people able "to

stand on their own feet" on the one hand (males role) and to have more Hungarian children

(females role). Instead of free lunch or money it provided seeds to plant vegetables and loans to

start up own ventures.11 The peak of this experience was the creation of a state-fund in 1940 called

Orszgos Np- s Csaldvdelmi Alap = ONCSA (Fund for the Protection of the Nation and the

Families ). The Fund provided small lands and houses and loans plus benefits in nature for Christian

families with children - about 12 thousand small houses altogether, mainly in the countryside.

Another important measure of this nature was to expand family allowance to all industrial workers

working in factories of more than 20 employees in 1938. This was the second act of this type in

Europe (after France) and it did make the life of workers with families easier. It is also remarkable

that families with only one child received this benefit too. Still, the amount of this family allowance

was so small that it could only provide real help for the poorest workers and their families. At the

same time the allowance for civil servants was a considerable amount thus the division between

classes remained remarkable.

10 Csizmadia, Andor:A szocilis gondoskods vltozsai Magyrorszgon. (Changes in social care in Hungary) MTAllam s Jogtudomnyi Intzet, Budapest, 1977. p145.11 For the experience of productive social policy in Heves county see: Szab, Zoltn: Cifra nyomorsg. (Edornedmisery.), a sociographical work


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Public health was organised by the above mentioned non-governmental organisations, although

with extensive state-support. The two biggest charitable associations, Stefnia Szvetsg (Stefnia

Association) for the care for pregnant mothers and infants and public health care in the cities, and

Zldkeresztes Szolglat for hygiene and public health in villages created a national network by the

mid 1930s mainly financed by the state. These two were finally integrated into the NationalSanitary Service in 1940.

2.3.3 Third period: 1945-1960

There had been hopes between 1945 -1948 that a democratic political system would be created in

Hungary. Alongside this, a complex system of welfare policies was developed with liberal and

social-democratic elements. In 1949 a new political streamline became evident which stated that

"every act of the people's democracy is social policy". 12 One of the main ideas of the so called

"hidden turn" was that with the creation of socialism, (or, as it was also called: peoples

democracy) the major claims of the working class had been fulfilled. Major industries and services

were collectivised - the opposition between owners and employees diminished. In these

circumstances there was no need for social policy and social work any more - so the argumentation

went.

It is very important that official social policy, poor policy and social work were abolished at a time

when the majority of the population was poor. Also, free health care for the poor was stopped when

two thirds of the population was not eligible for health insurance. 13

Hungary changed its old-age insurance system after WWII (just like most European countries). The

previous capital-accumulated system collapsed under the war, and a "pay-as-you-go" system was

introduced (i.e. those paying contributions today finance provisions of today's pensioners). This

way those who paid contributions in the previous system could receive pensions in the new one.

Changes in the social security system affected certain social groups negatively: owners having

private insurance lost their past contributions, private clerks and public employees lost their

privileges in the centrally-run social insurance system. One of the major changes was that only

state-employees (e.g. those working in state-run factories) were eligible for full social insurance

provision. The above described Hungarian (and Bismarckian) tradition to have separate systems for

12 Ferge, Zsuzsa:Fejezetek a magyar szegnypolit ika trtnetbol. (Chapters from the History of Hungarian Poor-policy.) Magveto Kiad, Budapest, 1986. p157.


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industrial and agricultural workers and to provide less for the latter was continued under state

socialism. With much delay, in 1975 was the old-age pension system made equal for these two

social groups. This year has seen the introduction of a universal health-care system too, which made

access to health services and sick pay equal for all social groups.

The differences described above had political intentions. Social insurance - which, interestingly,

kept its name, unlike social policy - became the terrain of political "games". According to Julia

Szalai, sociologist, social insurance - among others - was used to make people work in the state-

sector. Thus it had a major role in the forceful collectivisation of agriculture between 1958 -1962.14

Because agricultural workers and the self-employed did not have equal rights to social insurance it

was one of the incentives to force people to join cooperatives, or, to leave the agricultural sector and

join the heavy industrial sector.

On the other hand, to give the administrative power to unions (later only one union) over social

insurance and to invite them to take part in the preparation of new pieces of legislation could make

unions loyal to the Party. This can also be interpreted as a continuation of Bismarckian,

"corporative" traditions, and also, as using social security for political purposes.

Financing social insurance became state-controlled. It became a sub-chapter of state-treasury. There

was no real link between contributions and provision, these decisions were made centrally and were

influenced by political intentions. The level of social provisions was relatively high. It actually

formed a "hidden salary" especially by the end of 1960s, when these reached 20% of the income of

an average Hungarian family. At the same time this had been a "controlled" part of the income: the

state could, if it wished, loosen or tighten the burdens of people.

It must be considered here, that the two most important features of state socialist welfare policies

were the high level of state-subsidy for basic goods, like milk, bread, books, childrens clothes,

culture etc. and full employment. These two factors contributed to the well-being of people at least

as much as did social insurance and other direct cash-transfers.

As a summary it can be said that on the one hand, social policy and social work did not exist in this

period. On the other hand it actually did develop, with, for instance, 85 % of the population being

insured against sickness and old-age by 1960. Peoples standard of living clearly increased, with the

13 Ferge, Zsuzsa:Magyar szocilpolitika 1945 utn. Jegyzetek. (Hungarian social policy after 1945. Notes.)14 Szalai, Jlia: A trsadalombiztosts rdekviszonyairl. Trtneti vzlat a hazai trsadalombiztosts funkciinakvltozsairl. (Stakes in social insurance. Historical Sketch of the Changing Functions of Hungarian Social Insurance.)Medvetnc, 1989.


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majority having reasonable housing conditions and income by the end of the 1960s. At the same

time, there was no democratic control over the institutions and no public and professional debate at

all. Decisions were more or less ad hoc and politically driven.

It was the 1980s when the image of full employment and continuous economical growth could notbe kept up any more that the germs of sociological research, social policy-discussion and various

forms of social work could start to come to the light.

In todays (2005) Hungary we can see the inheritance of the traditions described above. Following

the terminology of Gosta Esping-Andersen15, it can be shown that Bismarckian elements represent a

conservative type of welfare policy, the elements that remained with us from the 1960ies, like

universal family allowance, are social democratic elements and liberal tradition are very strong in

the local social assistance system.

3. Social Activities of Non-Governmental Organizations

3.1 Introduction

Besides changes in the structures of state formed social legislation the social activities of

associations and foundations, trying to organize structured help for the poor, ill, old and other

marginalized and disadvantaged social groups from much earlier on than the beginnings of state

welfare, are important areas of analysis. With the formation of a middle class, associations and

religious charitable groups were founded in Hungary as early as the 16th century and round the turn

of the 19th to the 20th century these were already numerous, working especially in the capital,

Budapest. In 1914 for example, there were 117 associations in Hungary working in the field of child

protection. 16 Data from 1915 mention 176 existing associations just in the capital and data from a

year later refers to 80 socially committed organizations.17 While between the 16th and 18th

centuries traces of planned charity work can be found in these associations it was only in the 19th

century that moving beyond charity work into complex social service structures was attempted.

15 Esping-Andersen, Gosta: The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Cambridge, 1990.16 Pik, Katalin:A szocilis munka trtnete Magyarorszgon (1817-1990). (The History of Social Work in Hungary,1817-1990.) Budapest: Hilscher Rezso Szocilpolitikai Egyeslet, 2001, p.155.

17 Csizmadia, Andor:A szocilis gondoskods vltozsai Magyarorszgon. (Changes in Social Care in Hungary.) Budapest: MTA llam- s Jogtudomnyi Intzet, 1977, p.134 and Pik, Katalin:A szocilis munka trtneteMagyarorszgon (1817-1990), p.156.


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The following overview aims to account for the efforts and results of non-governmental

organizations doing social work in Hungary between 1900 and 1960. First, a short historical

summary will point out the main turning points in changes of organizational structures within the

discussed time period, then along four target groups, the poor, children, workers and women, some

of the most typical and in some cases specifically Hungarian variations of social work in civilorganizations will be presented. While trying to refer to data covering both the countryside and the

capital it must be taken into account that most data focuses on the capital and basic research

concerning the countryside is often missing.

3.2 Historical Overview

3.2.1 1900-1920

Katalin Pik, sociologist, places the beginnings of social work in Hungary to the first half of the 19th

century with the foundation of the Charitable Womens Association (Jltvo Asszonyi Egyeslet) in

1816.18 Looking at the social activities of organizations between 1900 and 1960 the three main

periods established discussing the development of state social policy making can be followed.

The first borderline in the development of social activities organized by associations following 1900

can be drawn around 1920. The decades before the First World War are characterized by a growing

number of associations involved in social work. This development is broken by the war and the

following international financial crisis in the 1920s. While in the beginning of the 20th century most

organizations operated as foundations, usually established and supported by wealthy members of

the upper classes, in the 1920s financial reasons made the existence and long-term sustainability of

foundations impossible.19 Although more and more government involvement and support became

necessary, not even ten years after the end of the First World War was there a law regulating the

form of financial support given to organizations by local or national authorities. 20 In 1916

obligatory registration for organizations at the Mayors Office in Budapest and at the Department of

Social Policy was introduced. These authorities oversaw the legal existence and monitored the

annual income and spending of organizations.21 During and around the years of the First World War

18 Pik, Katalin:A szocilis munka trtnete Magyarorszgon (1817-1990), p.19.19 Ibid., pp.170, 177.20 Csizmadia, Andor.A szocilis gondoskods vltozsai Magyarorszgon , p.134.21 Csizmadia, Andor. Ibid., p.134.


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many civil organizations were involved in emergency social work. (About specific activities in this

time period see paragraph later.)

In 1919 the life of organizations involved in social work was interrupted by a short but until then

unknown centralized social system. During the Soviet Republic the state took over social facilitiesestablished and formerly run by civil organizations. After the fall of the Republic organizations, like

theIzraelite Womens Association of Pest(Pesti Izraelita Noegylet), had to deal with facilities they

were given back in ruins.

3.2.2 1920-1945

The second period that can be distinguished is the inter-war period that brought about more and

more centralization in the running of non-governmental organizations. In the capital civil

organizations received support from the municipality to carry out practical tasks connected to newly

established laws as early as the first years of the 1900s 22 but from the 1920s on most significant

national civil organizations were partly state sponsored and carried out state defined tasks. As a

result, by the 1930s, the state overtook organizations that were to execute state responsibility

nationally. Public health care for example, as mentioned earlier, was carried out by two non-

governmental organizations,National Stefnia Association (Orszgos Stefnia Szvetsg) and

Green Cross (Zldkeresztes Mozgalom) that became state run and formed the National Sanitary

Service from 1940 on.

The financial involvement of the state in the running of organizations carrying out social work also

brought about more support to organizations that fitted into the political ideology of the state. This

was especially relevant in an increasingly nationalist political context carrying racist and anti-

semitic undertones. The Social Mission Society, a Catholic organization, for example, managed to

receive increasing support from the state in the interwar period while the Israelite Womens

Association of Pest, a strong and structured social organization until the 1920s could not agree to

the terms of support by theNational League for Child Protection(Orszgos Gyermekvdo Liga),a

then fully state supported organization that offered to buy some of their facilities. Trying to

maintain their Jewish character theIzraelite Womens Association of Pest finally decided to merge

22 Zimmermann, Susan and Gerhard Melinz. Gyermek s ifjsgvdelem Budapesten s Bcsben a dualizmus

korban (Child and youth care in Budapest and Wiena during the Dualist Period), in: Gyermeksorsok sgyermekvdelem Budapesten a Monarchia idejn (The Fate of Children and Childprotection in Budapest under theMonarchy) . Budapest: A Fovrosi Szab Ervin Knyvtr Budapest Gyujtemnynek killtsa (Exhibition by theBudapest Collection of the National Ervin Szab Library), 1996, p.15.


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into theNational Alliance of Hungarian Jews in the 1920s.23 The position and role of organizations

in relation to nationalist socialist ideology is, however, an issue difficult to find research about.

3.2.3 1945-1960

1948 and 1949 brought about another change for the non-governmental sector. With the socialist

state declaring to take over all social tasks, organizations that managed to survive the Second World

War were forced to stop working as their role was declared to be redundant. Alongside with other

basic civil and political rights the right to form associations was banned in 1948. It was not until the

1970s that the first socially committed civil organizations managed to appear again, trying to re-

establish social work as a profession. 24 The organizations that were left to work on, like the

Hungarian Red Cross, had to embed the political ideological direction of the state or became Party-

directed puppet organizations, as it happened with the workers union and the Democratic

Association of Hungarian Women, the only womens organization allowed to exist.

3.3 War-Time Activities

Both world wars escalated social problems resulting in crisis situations where the role of social

organizations as crisis managers was important. Relief work and the distribution of support in kind

became one of their central tasks. War time social support of the families of soldiers, war veterans,

the injured and widows, however, was always distinguished from regular social support given to the

poor and marginalized.25 Between the two world wars there were still so-called help actions,

usually in times of famine, or for the families of war victims, initiated by private donators, such as

Mrs. Horthy, wife of the Governor26, that went hand in hand with the contribution of an established

association as well as local authorities.27

Besides organizing public charity, there were two initiatives, in the cities of Kalocsa and Ft, where

entire settlements were planned to be built to support those injured in the war and families of war

victims.28 The case of Ft is a good example of how such initiatives were aimed to offer help to a

23 Pik, Katalin: Ibid, pp.170-171 and 216.24 Pik, Katalin: Ibid, pp.318-324 and 338-352.25 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. p.143.26 Between 1920 and 1944 Hungary was led by a Governor Horthy, possessing wider rights than a Prime Minister and

contributing to a more centralized leadership of the country.27 Csizmadia, Andor. Ibid., p.130.28 Hmori, Pter. A fti Suum cuique-telep trtnete (History of the Suum Cuique Settlement at Ft),Honismeret.2001 (1). http://www.vjrktf.hu/carus/honisme/Ho000000.htm.


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selected section of society and how that was received by the general public. It was in 1921 that

Countess Krolyi initiated the idea of the Ft settlement. As a result of her financial support and the

Krolyi familys land donation a year later Governor Horthy could open the settlement with 18

houses. In 1939 the settlement possessed already 81 houses, in the early 1940s almost 100. While

being within the borders of the town the settlement had its own facilities, such as a primary schoolextended in the 1920s by an employment centre and in the 1930s by a health and a cultural centre.

Inhabitants could only be, in order of preference, those injured in the war, war widows, grown up

war orphans, war veterans and lastly others in need. At both Kalocsa and Ft strong rules

regulated the lives of inhabitants. They could become house owners only after having paid the

interest-free loan within 25 years and having passed a three year probation time. Readiness to find

employment, loyalty to the nation, a moral life style and neediness (having at least three young

children to support) had to be proved too.

The case of the Ft settlement illustrates well the character of social work in the 1930s and 1940s.

Built on a strongly selective system of acceptance clients had to demonstrate their worthiness for

support. While placing facilities such as the health centre within the borders of the settlement meant

daily contact between the population of Ft and that of the settlement, antagonism expressed

towards the crippled remained strong. Nationalist ideology behind social initiatives at the times

could be suffused by covert racism. Lack of financial support coming from local authorities, placing

German and Hungarian soldiers residence in an unusually high proportion to settlement lodgings in

1944 and wanting to convert it into a work camp as a solution to the Roma question in 1942 are

some of the cases in point.

3.4 Target Groups and Types of Organizations

Taking the target groups of non-governmental social care as basis for analysis four different sorts of

organizations will be presented: organizations for the poor, organizations for the protection of

children, workers organizations and womens organizations. While there could be many more

target groups established, social work directed at the poor and children, were among the most

important areas of social activity in the discussed period and thus will be discussed in detail. Being

among the most significant organizations doing social work in the field of poor relief and child

protection the social activities of the workers socialist movements and those of women will be

mentioned separately. Workers and womens organizations were among the most powerfulinitiators of social change in the 20th century. Some organizations exemplify typical forms of


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social work execution in Hungary while others show exceptionality in their structure and target

group choice.

3.5 Organizations for the Poor

All the four following organizations, chosen from the numerous ones active in the period of 1900-

1960 in the field of poor relief, exemplify different forms of cooperation between a non-

governmental organization and local or national authorities.

3.5.1 The Hungarian Red Cross

TheHungarian Red Cross (Magyar Vrskereszt), officially registered as theHungarian Saint

Crowns Counties Association of Red Cross (Magyar Szent Korona Orszgai Vrskereszt

Egylete) in 188229, dates back to the earliest among these four organizations. It is also the most

solid one since it has always belonged to an international network of Red Cross organizations, and

since 1921 theLeague of Red Cross Societies.30 As it is the one that survived historical and political

changes throughout all the decades in discussion its history provides a cross section of the

alterations, developments as well as backlashes in the history of non-governmental organizations

doing social work in Hungary. The organization, like many at the end of the 19th and beginning of

the 20th centuries, started to operate as a foundation with wealthy and professional members and

supporters such as Mrs. Veres, Hermina Beniczky, fighter for womens rights in education or

Professor Kornyi, a well-known doctor of the times.31 The first main activities of the association,

in harmony with the goals of the international Red Cross, were related to wartime care for the

injured and their families. Some data show the strength of the organization under the First World

War: it operated 1922 temporary hospitals with 1.400 professional and 10.000 voluntary nurses. 32

The organization established its social department in 1922. Aiming to work out a structured poor

relief system with the involvement of both civil organizations and state bodies it took up social

work in the field of poor relief in coordination with local authorities of the capital. In 1927 there

were 151 nurses working at district authorities in Budapest.33 The Ministry of Welfare and

29 Psztor, Imre. Honnan indult, merre tart a Vrskereszt? (Where did the Red Cross start from and where does it headto?) Budapest: A Magyar Vrskereszt Orszgos Vgrehajt Bizottsgnak Szervezsi s Ifjsgi Osztlya, 1979, p.19.

30 Psztor, Imre. Ibid. p.19.31 Psztor, Imre. Ibid., p.19.32 Psztor, Imre. Ibid., p.20.33 Csizmadia, Andor. Ibid., p.135.


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Employment sponsored the organization to collect national data on deserving and undeserving

poor in 1927, and their registry system, the so-called cataster of the poor, was taken over by the

capital in 1930.34 During the Soviet Republic and from 1949 on the organization was taken over by

the socialist state. In the 1950s theHungarian Red Cross was made to take part in state-run public

health programs, especially in the countryside, and had to narrow its international professionalcontact to Red Cross organizations from mainly Soviet-type states. 35

The history of the Hungarian Red Cross also sheds light on how the leadership of womens

initiatives and work could be taken over by men. Because of the existence of a Red Cross member

association in the Monarchy established by Austrians in 1867 the Hungarian organization was not

registered for three years as Red Cross. Meanwhile, it operated as a womens organization, named

Hungarian General Charity Womens Association (Magyar ltalnos Seglyezo Noegylet).

Interestingly, however, after having received authorization to establish an official Hungarian

branch, instead of the Womens Association, Emperor Francis Joseph asked Count Gyula Krolyi to

start a maleHungarian Red Cross association. 36 Also worth noticing is the fact, that female

leadership was given to the organization under the Soviet Republic in 1919 with Countess Krolyi,

wife to Mihly Krolyi, head of the Republic. 37

3.5.2 The Association of General Public Charity

TheAssociation of General Public Charity (ltalnos Kzjtkonysgi Egyeslet) established as

early as 1904 was also specifically targeted towards organized help for the poor. While in the

beginning it operated branches in each district of the capital its main activity focused on the

operation of the 5th District Public House (Nphz) opened in 1908.38 The facilities of the House

were financed jointly by the capital and the organization and thus could be used by the poor of the

entire capital. The association not only tried to harmonize its work with district authorities, manifest

in the fact that the director of the district council was the director of the association at the same

time, but it also tried to network with other civil organizations.39 It provided employment for the

unemployed old and alcoholics as well as those temporarily away from the labour market, such as

34 Csizmadia, Andor.Ibid p.135..35 Psztor, Imre. Ibid.pp.20-21.36 Psztor, Imre. A magyar s a nemzetkzi Vrskereszt mltjbl. (About the Past of the Hungarian and theInternational Red Cross). Budapest: A Magyar Vrskereszt Orszgos Kzpont Klgyi Osztlya, 1969, p.28.

Count Gyula Krolyi was member of the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament.37 Psztor, Imre. Ibid. p.37.38 Pik, Katalin: Ibid., pp.103 and105-109.39 Csizmadia, Andor. Ibid., p.136.


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pregnant women or young mothers. The employment of these women was further supported by

child day-care and a shelter for mothers. The House also had a public shelter, kitchen and a library.

An interesting fact about the organization is its highly democratic leadership structure. Positions in

its general assembly that functioned as the highest forum of the organization and in the directoratewere divided by men and women in a strictly equal manner with 60 men and 60 women in the

assembly and 10 men and 10 women in the directorate. The first director of the organization was a

woman, Countess Csky. 40

3.5.3 The Green Cross Movement

The Green Cross Movement (Zldkeresztes Mozgalom) provides a typical

example of how a civil initiative was taken over by the government and their facilities nationally

implemented.41 The Green Cross was established in 1925 with the support of the Rockefeller

Foundation to introduce the American system of public health demonstration districts42 in Hungary.

This system aimed to build a network of health centres in the countryside based on the English

model43. The first Hungarian health centres were set up in 1928 and 1929 in Mogyord and

Gdllo. The centres were supplied by a doctor, a district nurse and a so-called health guard who

was responsible for contagious diseases. Soon after the education of qualified district nurses started

theNational Public Health Institution (Orszgos Kzegszsggyi Intzet) was set up in 1927. Two

years later, Bla Johan, director of the Institution was authorised by the Ministry of Interior Affairs

to organize public health nationally. The Ministry ordered by decree the introduction of health

centres nation-wide in 1933. In 1934 there were 57 operating districts. The state initiated the

foundation of a Village Social Fund to support the work of health centres that financed homes for

district doctors, day-care centres and village dentistries. Doctors and nurses were employed by the

state. Although it was not a non-governmental organisation but a nationwide state program, it also

employed district nurses (300 by the end of the 1930s)44. Part of their task was social work, to take

up cases, to investigate claims towards the authorities. The nurses had a home-made journal, the

Zld kereszt [Green Cross], written by themselves.

40 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. p.134.41 Data in this passage is taken from Johan, Bla Dr.. Gygyul a magyar falu. (Healing Hungarian Villages).Budapest:Magyar Kirlyi Orszgos Kzegszsggyi Intzet, 1939.42 Public health demonstration districts provided local health care in the United States.

43 Health centres aimed to introduce public health care in the countryside. They not only dealt with clients healthproblems but collected information on their socia l circumstances as well and offered both medical and social assistance.44 Johan, Bla Dr: Gygyul a magyar falu. (The healing of the Hungarian countryside) Magyar Kirlyi OrszgosKzegszsggyi Intzet, Budapest, 1939, p.66.


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By 1939 when the entire health care system came under state control there were 246 operating

districts. Finally, in 1941 the health care work of the state-runNational Public Health Institution

was by state decree further supplemented by the work of theNational Association for Health

Protection, a civil organization also operated by the Green Cross and focused on social work.45

Bla Johan, writing about the work and history of the National Public Health Institution in 1939

devotes a passage to the discussion of the proper lifestyle for district nurses. 46 The pieces of advice

given are revealing about the gender norms weighing on professional women in the countryside.

According to Johan, nurses were to pay special attention not to lose villagers trust by causing

rumours about their lifestyle. To achieve this, single nurses were to live in simply decorated, white-

washed houses, preferably together with their mother. They were allowed to get married but could

retain their job only in case the couple was not able to live on the husbands salary.

A publication by theNational Association for Health Protection from 1942,47 providing directions

for the operation of district health protection offices, describes the purpose of each facility at the

Association. References to women and race in these descriptions give an impression of the

intersections and implications of gender and race in wartime Hungary. Besides a kindergarten and

day-care the Association had two facilities for pregnant women: a home to give birth and a mothers

shelter for homeless women with babies and unwanted babies. Guidelines concerning the treatment

of women at these latter facilities had a strong focus on the so-called legalization of the newly

born. This work, helped by a legal aid office as well, meant different ways of finding parents for the

child; either by adoption or by pressuring unmarried women to find the father of the child and get

married. The legal aid office and the mothers shelter were to find out about unmarried couples and

do everything to avoid children to be born out of wedlock, even by arranging official exceptions

from the ten-month waiting period between two marriages. These rules, however, did not apply in

case of Jewish women, since the Association was not to be involved in the marriage cases between

Jews and non-Jews. 48

45 Molnr, kos (ed).Zldkereszt s a trsadalom. Mukdsi tmutat az orszgos egszsgvdelmi szvetsgfikszvetsgei rszre.(Green Cross and Society. Guide for the Branch Offices of the National Association for Health

Protection). Budapest: Orszgos Egszsgvdelmi Szvetsg, 1942, p.11.46 Johan, Bla Dr.. Gygyul a magyar falu, p.69-70.47 Molnr, kos (ed).Zldkereszt s a trsadalom.48 Molnr, kos (ed).Ibid., p. 56.


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3.5.4 The Norm of Eger

Finally, theNorm of Eger (Egri Norma), established in 1927 in the provincial town of Eger,

provides a specific Hungarian example of cooperation between a non-governmental organization

and the state.49

Its initiator was a Franciscan priest, Oswald Oslay, who wanted to go beyond charityand find a structured solution to the problem of increasing number of beggars in the streets of Eger.

The city set up a complex system of social work bodies focused on the poor and old. A Committee

for the Assistance of the Poor was set up at the local council, whose director was the mayor and its

members were the following: The head of the local Welfare Office, five representatives of the local

council, representatives of the local religious and non-religious charity organizations, the head of

the local police station, doctors, and donors of bigger sums. Further support came from the

Franciscan Sisters Association for the Assistance of the Poor (Szent Ferenc rendi

Szegnygondoz Novrek Trsulata) founded by six sisters in 1930. They were also helped by lay

members, the so-calledLadies for the Treatment of the PoorandLadies for Charity Collection.

Through the collective work of the city and non-governmental organizations an old peoples home,

a shelter, and a womens hospital were set up. Within a few years this system was introduced in

almost all major Hungarian cities, like Szombathely, Esztergom, Kecskemt, Szolnok, jpest and

Pcs. As the Norm of Eger was thus extended, its name became the Hungarian Norm.

3.6 Organizations for Child Protection : The National League for Child Protection

In the 20th century child protection became one of the major and first professional branches of

social work in Hungary. 50 There were numerous organizations working in this field specialized on

various issues, such as child work, criminality, health or education. The strongest among them was

the National League for Child Protection (Orszgos Gyermekvdo Liga), established in 1906 with

the support of the Ministry of Interior Affairs. It was founded by Sndor Karsai, a civil servant of

public welfare and of associations and Count Lipt Edelstein-Gyulai, director of the White Cross

Association, offering free medical care for poor pregnant women. 51 The aim of the new organization

was to gain strength by establishing ties with the state and start a national fund for the support of

child protection run by non-governmental organizations. Among their most common services was

placing children into foster homes instead of giving financial support to families. Susan

Zimmermann, historian, points out that the League soon became a strong supporter of the

49 Pik, Katalin: Ibid., pp. 216-222.50 Pik, Katalin:, Ibid. p.123.


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authorities fight against child criminality.52 The League was authorized to take young offenders

into so-called correction institutes. They could also get police support for such actions whereby

the League soon gained a dubious name among the poor. During the First World War, by when the

League operated 50 institutions in the country, it tried to further expand its facilities. In 1913

together with other organizations they received a piece of land to create a Child Protection Centreoffering differentiated help to children of all ages. Unfortunately, this could not be carried out

because of war preparations in the country. 53 Always in cooperation with ministries, such as the

Ministry of Welfare, the Ministry of Trade, the Ministry of Education or the Ministry of Justice, the

League operated five nurseries, four foster homes, four correction institutes for children, a day-care,

two vocational schools and three medical centres.54 Between 1920 and 1930 they organized

holidays for more than 60 thousand children to Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium and England.

During these vacation trips 120 female voluntary workers were employed to take care of the

children. In 1924 it was the League that organised the 4th International Child Protection Conference

in Budapest.55 In the 1920s finding financial support for foundations became impossible for even

such strong organizations as the League. In 1934 the organization was thus integrated into the state-

run child protection services.56

3.7 Workers Organizations

Workers organizations and self-help movements formed a steadily growing presence among

associations at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. While not a workers

initiative the Settlement movement in Hungary provides the case of a specific local adaptation of an

international workers rights and welfare support movement.

51 Pik, Katalin:, Ibid. p.115.52 Zimmermann, Susan and Gerhard Melinz. Gyermek- s ifjsgvdelem Budapesten s Bcsben a dualizmuskorban, p.22.

53 Pik, Katalin:Ibid. pp.165-167.54 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. pp. 194-196.55 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. pp.194-196.56 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. p.237.


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3.8 The Hungarian Settlement Movement

The first Settlement program in Hungary57, aiming to support workers employment, legal rights,

social security and education, was created in 1905 in Cluj (Kolozsvr), Transylvania. The central

administration from Cluj was moved to the Hungarian capital in 1909 and a settlement project forindustrial workers was launched at the jpest slum area in 1912. The initiative, built on the English

Settlement pattern of Samuel Barnett and started by lawyers and social scientists in Transylvania,

provided the foundations for the Social Policy Institute at the University of Economics in Budapest

that was formed in autumn 1920. This also meant a special focus on the involvement of university

youth in active social work. Besides the social education of university youth the goals of the

settlement project in Hungary were threefold: 1.) to carry out practical social work among workers

in their own settlement areas, 2.) to gather experience through this work and influence the formation

of social laws as well as social work practice, and 3.) to influence positively the general public

opinion about workers.

The jpest Settlement had three main service bodies: The General Community Protection

Department observed the effects of social laws and organized family patronage. 58 This meant a

close observance and support of usually three worker families by a social worker of the

organization. The Public Education Department organized educational programs and seminars for

both workers and those supporting workers, for example, in the patronage groups and operated a

public library. There was a shelter for unemployed workers as well as daycare and a legal aid and

employment office. The third service was that of the Social and Health Department that ran a free

medical center and worked in close contact with the National Stefnia Association as well as the

National League for Child Protection. By 1935 there were further Settlements opened at different

districts of Budapest inhabited by poor people, such as the Settlement at Kozma street 59 and the

Vrosszl (Suburban) Settlement.

The speciality of the Hungarian settlement movement was that it aimed to support both industrial

and agrarian workers and thus developed two different branches. The Settlement project for

agrarian workers was started in the 1920s on farms around Szeged, in Southern Hungary. 60 The aim

of Gyrgy Budai61 and the university students of Szeged was to provide legal, social and basic

57 Ibid., pp.111-115.58 Pik, Katalin: Ibid. pp.199-203.

59 For a detailed description of the work and goals of the Kozma Street settlement see case study.60 Pik, Katalin: Ibid., pp.204-205 and Csizmadia, Andor. Ibid. pp.132-133.61 Gyrgy Budai was a student of humanities and an author, interested in people living on the Great Plain (Alfld) inSouth-East Hungary.


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health care services to the agrarian poor. In 1930, for example, they organized around 210 visits to

farms. They, however, faced much antagonism from society concerning the situation of agrarian

workers they made public. At the same time they had to go on inventing a unique form of the

Settlement program while practicing it. The small group therefore was unable to carry on its

pioneering work and was dissolved in 1933.

3.9 Womens Organizations

The history of charitable womens organizations originates from earlier than the starting time frame

of our research, but it is necessary to incorporate them into our overview as they represent a crucial

phase of development of social work. In the early 19th century Hungary, social work was initiated

by noble and bourgeois women.

3.9.1 The Charitable Womens Association

The earlier mentioned Charitable Womens Association (Jltevo Asszonyok) was founded in 1816

by Archduchess Hermina, who imported the constitution of a Viennese association, theKleine

Gesellschaft adeliger Frauen. Their initial aim was to help the impoverished wives and daughters

of the local bourgois society, consequently the target group and the circle of carers was from the

same social class.

The Association had two branches in the two, then still separate cities, Buda and Pest, but both

followed the same self-help principle, to provide work for those who could work (mainly in

embroidery and handicraft workshops and boutiques) in so called wage institutes following the

German institution of theErwerbhaus62. For the helpless little ones and the elderly the Associations

managed kindergartens (the first one was openedin Buda by countess Terz Brunszvik on a Swiss

example in 1828) and nursing homes. The foundation of the oldest Hungarian social institution still

functioning up to this date, theInstitute of the Blindis also connected to their name. Later they

moved into other territories as well, they took up the fight against begging by combining

administrative measures (first setting up a cataster of the beggars, then imprisoning or banning them

from a city) with social prevention (workhouses and aids). This work was not constricted any more

to women as a target group, but aimed at men as well.


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3.9.2 The Izraelite Womens Association of Pest

While the Charitable Womens Associations clientele was Christian, the Jewish community also

formed its own womens organization after the emancipation of the Jews in 1867. Charity, of

course, had been an important element of diaspora communal life much earlier than this date. TheIzraelite Womens Association of Pest(Pesti Izraelita Noegylet) was founded by Mrs. Johanna

Bischnitz. After collecting donations they handed out financial aid to the needy (mainly widows and

young girls), founded orphanages, a soup kitchen, a nursing home and helped the talented young

with grants, including one for Jewish midwives. Both associations shared similar qualities: their

members were volunteer women (although secretaries and patrons were influential men)

independent of the state, their financial means were based on donations, and the level of

institutionalisation (for example dividing the field to districts) and documentation grew with them.

After a while, however, the demands outgrew the scope of this initial stage of social work, and the

state began to take over its functions. At this point, the focus of power shifted and official men

became the leaders and theorists of social work.

3.9.3 The Social Mission Society and the Society of Social Sisters

There were exceptions to this rule: one important organization and a main theme in social work that

runs through time is child protection. To start with, the association we have to devote ample space

to, is the Social Mission Society (Szocilis Misszitrsulat) and its twin institution, theAssociation

for the Care of the Poor(Szegnygondoz Egyeslet). The Society was a strictly Catholic

organisation that grew to become one of the most important civil force in social work that

consciously called itself a collective of professional social workers. Its founder in 1908 was Edith

Farkas, who envisaged a double structure to her society: missionary sisters who belonged to the

Church and lay women as external members. Farkas spiritual leader was bishop Ottokr Prohszka,

a leading figure in the Catholic Hungary of the day. Their activities were planned and based on

professional principles. They at the same time took care of the future volunteers as well and

organised trainings in the first school for social work, the Social School (Szocilis Iskola) in

Budapest and in their House for noviciate sisters in the countryside. They founded homes for

destitute children and young girls, operated soup kitchens, spread their ideas by publishing a

journal, theBulletin (rtesto) and organised literary evenings and social meetings. During the First

World War they helped widows and soldier wives in the Office for the Protection of Women

62 Pik, Ibid. p. 41.


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(Novdelmi Hivatal). In the conservative interwar period they became very influential and got

ample support from government circles as well.

A famous member of the Society was sister Margit Sclachta, who became the first woman MP in

the Hungarian parliament in 1920. Following a split with her supervisor, the founder Edith Farkas,who opposed her second run for office, she founded her own religious organization, the Society of

Social Sisters (Szocilis TestvrekTrsasga). The Society also had missionary houses, and opened

a College for Social Work in Budapest in 1926. During her period in parliament Slachta proposed

the setting up of the institution of school nurses (that later became the institution of school doctors)

among other measures protecting women. 63

3.9.4 The National Stefnia Association

Identifying social work with child protection is an evident tendency in the history of Hungarian

social work, and a rewarding practice, as who would not agree that children are innocent and cannot

be blamed for their poverty (as opposed to the practice of selecting the true poor from the fake

ones). The second half of the 19th century saw the proliferation of ngos that were formed to deal

with social questions. Many of them set up kindergartens and day care for children of working

women (as theFrobel Womens Association, [Frobel Noegylet] or theHungarian Association of

Feminists, [Magyar Feministk Egyeslete]), orphanages or formed trainings for women. Out of all

these formations we must emphasize the role of theNational Stefnia64 Association [Orszgos

Stefnia Szvetsg] in Budapest, whose heir still functions in Hungary with very good results

(under the name: Vdonoi Szolglat District Nurse Care).

The Stefnia was formed in 1915 as an ngo for the protection of expectant and nursing mothers and

their infants. Although the founding fathers and main administrators were men, the heart of the

system, the district nurses were and still are women. While mother and infant welfare became a

state responsibility in 1917 by a Ministry of Interior decree, the organisation and the implentation of

the task was trusted to the Stefnia Association. Health and social care intermingled in their routine

and this forecasts a much later episode in the history of social work under socialism. The

Association trained infant care nurses, set up centres nationwide (several of them were financed by

the American Red Cross), to promote prevention and up-to-date infant care. Even a museum was

opened and propaganda materials were distributed. The number of nurses grew from the initial 117

63 Mona, Ilona: Slachta Margit. Budapest:Corvinus, 1997.64 It got its name from its patroness, Stephanie Belgian royal princess


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to 564 in 193065. Their scope of work was Budapest, and provincial towns and settlements with up

to 10.000 inhabitants and a few villages. Their greatest result was reducing the 19,54 % infant

mortality in villages to 13,47 % in a few years. The pronatalist policy of the age (and of all coming

ages) helped the Association get both state and other support.

The nurses had a complex view of family protection, as by visiting the clients it was impossible to

divide child, mother, family and society. They also served as a link to the authorities in legal,

childcare, employment and other cases. At the same time, they set up milk kitchens, home for

mothers, crches, day care centres and birth centres, and provided their clientele with free medical

services, legal advice, financial aid, layette loan, breast milk and formula supply. The countryside

equivalent of the Stefnia Association was the Green Cross Movement (Zldkeresztes Mozgalom),

detailed above under Organizations for the Poor.

3.9.5 Foundation for Helping the Poor

Finally, to finish our line of thought about the overlapping of health care and social work, and the

prevalence of childcare in social work, we have to leap several decades to the time of state

socialism. As it was pointed out earlier the communist take over in 1948 resulted in both banning

all non-governmental organizations in Hungary and eliminating social work. Health care and social

work were related already at the set up of the district nurse system, but in the 1950s social work was

simply merged into the former one. The institutions of social work became part of the health care or

educational system. However, it was also this set-up which opened a niche for the rebirth of social

work in the 1970s.

Social work, and the disciplines of sociology and social psychology were deemed undesirable under

socialism, but the infant age group in kindergartens and elementary school skipped the official eye.

Educational guidance centres were opened which used the methodology of social work and in 1972

these employed so called family care specialists to work with problem children (often meaning

poor, alcoholic or abusive family surroundings). This background of experts gave birth to the first

(still illegal and thus persecuted) social work non-governmental organization, SZETA (Szegnyeket

Tmogat Alap, [Foundation for Helping the Poor] ) in 1980. The main initiator was a woman,

Ottilia Solt, thus we include this organisation into our part on women organizations. SZETA was

part of the democratic political dissident movement, some of its members played a part in the

political changes after 1989. This small but influential Foundation collected donations, organised art

65 Pik, Katalin: Ibid., p.197.


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auctions to hand out aid, clothes and food to the needy, or provided them with free legal and

medical help. It was also Solt, who after the changes organised a practical social work department at

the Wesley Jnos College. That, however, goes much beyond the time limits of our research.

4. Gender, Class and Ethnicity-Based Differentiation in the Practice of Hungarian Social

WorkA Case Study of the Kozma-Street Settl ement, 1935-1945

4.1 Introduction

The main idea behind the settlement movement was to help the working classes in a so-called

democratic way by settling down social workers and volunteers in poor, working class residential

areas. In fact, settlement workers called the people they helped their friends and neighbours

since they thought that it was due to social disadvantages and lack of education that these people

happened to occupy an inferior position in society. Education and social care were seen to be the

means towards breaking down the walls between upper and working classes and towards lifting

up the latter group from their miserable position.

This case study aims to give an insight into the Hungarian settlement movement before the Second

World War with specific attention to the role women played in its formation and daily work. To see

the place and character of the Hungarian movement between 1935 and 1945 we first give an

overview of the beginnings of the international settlement movement and then turn to the Hungarian

case, the Kozma-Street Settlement, set up in the industrial outskirts of Budapest in 1935.

So as to provide a characterisation of the Kozma-Street Settlement Project this study addresses two

interconnected levels of social work practice: 1) the institutional and 2) the personal. To find out

how social work was defined on these two levels the investigation builds on two types of data:document analysis and oral history interviews.66

66 Document analysis includes reference to the work of the Kozma-Street Settlement and general descriptions about thegoals and strategies of settlement work. In particular, The Yearly Report of the Social Policy Department of Budapestfrom 1940 [A szkesfovros trsadalompolitikai gyosztlynak 1940. vi jelentse]. Budapest: BudapestSzkesfovros Hzinyomdja, 1941, an educational material about the settlement work Novgh,Gyula (ed.). TheSettlement: Training Material by the Public Education Committee of the Capital; [A Settlement: A Fovrosi

Npmuvels Vezetokpzo Tanfolyamnak eloadsai]. Budapest: Hollssy Jnos Knyvnyomtat, 1937, and apublication by the Kozma -Street Settlement describing their work to potential volunteers: The Social Working

Community of Kozma-Street [A Kozma-utcai Szocilis Munkakzssg Tagjai] (ed.). Is it Worth It? [rdemes?], 1942-44(?).


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4.2 The Settlement Movement Worldwide

The idea of settlement work dates back to the end of the 19 th-century in Britain. Social idealists,

like Thomas Carlyle, John Ruskin and Arnold Toynbee together with their students, were the first

ones who took part in the everyday lives of industrial workers and tried to understand and help them

from within. The first settlement was set up by Samuel Barnett in 1884 in Whitechapel, a London

suburb, and was named Toynbee Hall after Arnold Toynbee.

The settlement movement had from the very beginning two parallel aims. First, middle- and upper

classes, and especially university students were to get to know the living conditions of working

class people by settling down in their neighbourhood. Their sensitivity to social problems would

grow for the benefit of the whole society in the future. The second goal of the settlement was to

provide education and social help for the given community.

Soon after the offset of the first settlements many others were formed in England and throughout

the world. Women took on a major role in this work. Jane Addams initiated, for example, the

American settlement movement, and set up Hull House in Chicago based on her impressions in

Toynbee Hall in 1888. The Austrian movement was founded by Else Federn in 1901 and took on

child protection as its major task. Many settlements focused on so-called motherly tasks:

organizing child-care for working mothers or courses in cooking and housekeeping for young

women. Based on this practice a special form of settlement, the womens settlement, was created.

It, in fact, became the major type of settlement in the British movement. According to Rezso

Hilscher, founder of the first Hungarian settlement in 1912, out of the 42 settlements in Britain, 32

were purely womens settlements in 1937.67

4.3 The Hungarian Settlement Movement

The settlement-movement is a logical consequence of the critique of the social conscience which

follows the endeavour of liberal economics only serving individual interest and trampling under

foot the interest of the society.68

The words of Rezso Hilscher demonstrate well the ideological foundations of the settlement67 Novgh, p.10.


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movement. Besides aiming at the betterment of capitalist society, the settlement movement had

strong links to Christianity. This can be witnessed already at Toynbee Hall in England and later in

the American and continental movements.69 It is especially true for the Hungarian settlement

movement and can be grasped in the social work practice of the Kozma-Street Settlement.

The first Hungarian settlement was founded in 1912 in one of the heavy-industrial areas of

Budapest [jpest], by Rezso Hilscher and his students from the University of Economics. Their

group consisted of mainly male social workers and they worked with male workers and their

families. The jpest Settlement later became the centre of all the Hungarian settlement projects.

The Hungarian settlement movement had a special agrarian branch as well, founded by Gyrgy

Budai in 1926 in the area of detached farms near the Southern Hungarian town of Szeged. Besides

providing medical care and legal advice for poor agrarian workers they also carried out

ethnographic research.

By the end of 1930s in Budapest there were altogether eight settlements. Three of them were

continuously financed by the Welfare Department of the City Council of Budapest (the so called

9th Department) while the other five received occasional financial support from the capital. One

of them, the Cegld-Street Settlement, was actually founded by the City Council. The Kozma-Street

Settlement was established in 1935 on the initiative of some members of the female youth section of

the Social Mission Society [Szocilis Misszi Trsulat]. By 1939 the settlement was part of the

state scheme of welfare, and its original name, Home for the Care and Education of the People

[Npgondoz s Npmuvelo Otthon] was amended by the name of the capital. According to the

yearbook of the capital on its welfare activities, the Kozma-Street Settlement received state funding

to operate a kindergarten, a legal aid and employment office, and a health care centre for mothers

and small children. These facilities were supplied by a nurse and a kindergarten teacher. Altogether,

there were five full-time state employees, six people received state funding for their travelling costs,

twelve workers received a salary from the Public Education Committee of the Capital [Budapest

Szkesfovros Npmuvelsi Bizottsga] and there were fifteen additional voluntary workers.70

These data show that in case of the Hungarian settlements there was a close cooperation between

civil and religious organisations, the City Council (the state) and the public. This operational

structure was a very important feature of social work in the 1930s in Hungary. 71

68 Novgh, p. 7. This and the following translations are done by the authors.69 Although our Hungarian source names a Jewish settlement in London, the leading ideology of the settlement

movement was Christian socialism. See Novgh, p.10.70 A szkesfovros, p.149.71The roots of such an arrangement in the field of welfare between the state and the civil sector go back to the 1920s.The first initiative to unite these sectors was the "Norm of Eger" [Egri Norma]..


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The Kozma-Street Settlement was thus in many ways very similar to other Hungarian settlements.

Like all settlements, it aimed to break down cultural walls between the proletariat and the upper

classes. Also, its long term, idealistic goal was to engage people in the building of a Christian

Hungary based on the principle of humane understanding, in line with the leading ideology of the

mid 1930s. The Kozma-Street Settlement, however, differed radically from other Hungariansettlements in that its leader and most of its workers were women, and they put a special stress on

working with female clients.

4.4 Kozma Street: A Case for Womens Settlement

Since the Kozma-Street Settlement was led by a group of female social workers, the following

analysis tries to answer in specific what status and position female social workers had in this

context, unique in the Hungarian scene of settlement work

4.4.1 Accentuating Womens Gender- and Class-Based Difference

Feminist research has drawn attention to the fact that from the beginnings womens movements

relied on gender difference as an argument to fight their way into fields of public activity previously

closed to them. They

2005_the history of social work and gender in hungary 1900-1960

Documents