K.R. Gouri Amma was born at Cherthala in a family of radical background in July 1919. Ever since 1917 with the origin of the Sahodara Samajam movement of K. Ayyappan, and the Coir Factory Workers Association founded by P.K. Bava under the inspiration of Sree Narayana Guru, Cherthala taluk had become the melting pot of the politics of radicalism prevailing the time. K.R. Gouri Amma passed B.A., B.L. and started her career as a lawyer. In 1947 she became an activist of the banned Communist Party and underwent imprisonment and torture.

K.R. Gouri Amma was elected to the Travancore-Cochin Legislative Assembly in 1952 and 1954. In 1957 she was elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly. Since then she has been continuously elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1960, 67, 70, 82, 87, 91, and 2001, excepting in 1977. In 1957, 67, 80 and 87 Governments, she served as Minister. She is at present serving as Minister in the United Democratic Front Government.

In the first Communist Ministry, K.R. Gouri Amma served as Minister for Revenue, Excise and Devaswom from April 1957 to July 1959. It was she who piloted the revolutionary Land Reform Bill for the Communist Government. One of the first things the Communist Ministry did was to promulgate an Ordinance banning evictions of all tenants and kudikidappukar throughout the state. In due course a comprehensive Agrarian Relations Bill was drafted and piloted by the Minister for Revenue, K.R. Gouri Amma. The Bill sought to confer ownership rights on land to tenants including sharecroppers and fix a ceiling for the land a land owner could possess. It had also provisions for distributing the surplus land taken from the landlords to the landless poor. The vested interests rallied around them all kinds of reactionary, religious and communal forces and launched the so-called liberation struggle. The Government was successful in passing the Agrarian Relations Bill in the Assembly before it was dissolved. But the Bill failed to get the Presidents assent.

The 1960-64 United Front Government (anti-Communist) prepared a new Land Reform Bill giving several concessions to the land lords and taking away many of the benefits conferred upon the peasants in the Agrarian Relations Bill. The people of Kerala and K.R. Gouri Amma had to wait for another ten years before a Land Reform Bill abolishing landlordism and giving land to the tillers was passed and fully implemented. In 1967 elections the Left Democratic Front Government under the Chief Ministership of E.M.S. Namboodiripad came to power. In it, K.R. Gouri Amma served as Minister for Revenue, Sales Tax, Civil Supplies, Social Welfare and Law form March 1967 to October 1969. She moved a number of progressive and radical amendments to the Land Reforms Bill passed by the previous Government. When it was implemented, landlordism was abolished in Kerala. 35 lakhs of tenants and about 5 lakhs of Kudikidappukar were made owners of their land. More than one lakh acres of land was declared as surplus land and was distributed among the agro-labourers in rural areas.

From January 1980 to October 1981 K.R. Gouri Amma was made Minister for Industries and Social Welfare, Vigilance and Administration of Justice. In the 1987 Government also she was made Minister for Industries and Social Welfare, Vigilance and Administration of Justice. During the 1987 elections she was projected as the candidate for Chief-ministership . But when the Ministry was formed she was side lined and later ousted from the Communist Party (Marxist).

In 1994 K.R. Gouri Amma formed a new political party, the J.S.S. -- Janadhipathya Samrakshana Samithi -- the organisation for the protection of democracy. Since its formation she has been functioning as its General Secretary. Though she is now 83, and is largely left alone to lead her party, she is still bold and active. The J.S.S. has a party journal, Janakeeya Aikyam. In the May 2001 general elections, K.R. Gouri Amma was elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly from the Aroor constituency with a majority of 12,342 votes. In the newly formed United Democratic Front Ministry she is the Minister for, Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Dairy Development, Agriculture Universities and Coir Development. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

AN AUTOBIOGRAPHYK.R.GOURI AMMA

Even a person who has lived an uneventful life for many a year will have a reservoir of memories that are interesting. He may not have directly encountered the whirlpools and quick sands of a very active social life. He may not have made any significant headway in the straight and the narrow paths of life. He may regard himself as a mere witness to history. Yet the surge and the waves of social change must have undoubtedly buffeted him. Social changes must inevitably have become experiential elements in his personality, wroughting changes in him. If pressed into writing an autobiography, the social conditions that had brought about a transformation in the way he viewed the world will undoubtedly constitute core chapters in his tale. In one way, the story of our society is a collection of our autobiographies. The history of our land is a bouquet of tales of people ranging from the most ordinary of men to the greatest intellectual of our times.

Malayalam language has been blessed with the presence of autobiographies of her great men, which is comparable to those on any othermajor language of the world. Autobiographies are bridges that establish a link between public life and the self. Autobiographies are repositories of the unique and particular culture of the motherland. Brilliant autobiographies of this ilk including life stories, memoirs and histories written in Malayalam have enriched our language. What then will be new in my autobiography? My story will not be a mere picturisation of my private self. It cannot be. My story is also the story of a house, an age and its growth. It will encode a tale of social relationships also subject to change. My autobiography will record the immense struggle that went a long way to establish the true, the beautiful, the infinite possibilities of the evocative word: human.

And at what cost! How many gave up their lives! How many sisters lost their honour in this struggle! The bodies of countless number of virile young men, subjected to the most excruciating torture were crushed to smithereens. Innumerable hearts were broken. This saga of blood, tears, courage, active masculine virtues and the inner reserves of a typically female strength shaped my life.

I may deviate from the usual laws of the autobiographical narrative in recording my experiences. I do intend to place on record all that I felt was important in my life and all that had influenced it. Sometimes these influences and experiences were so strong that it led to my crossing new thresholds - it shaped me- a self both public and private. At this point of time, I look forward to the future with contentment and hope. I may lack the spontaneous richness of language that characterizes the narrative(s) of the historian, the researcher, or the anthropologist. This work is primarily written for my readers. The prioritization of the reader helps me to outline the implied aims of the reader. S/he should concentrate on the universalisation of some of the key experiences involving the crisis I faced and resolved, the strength of experience I gained, the struggle I initiated in the light of experience and the upheavals these struggles caused in the socio-political fields.

I begin from the memories of a night. It was just five days after the firm pledge that was a glorious milestone in not just my history, but Keralas or even Indian history. The atmosphere reverberated to the joyous celebration of the masses. The world intensely watched the events that had unfolded and what was to follow. Many analyzed the nuances of our each and every word.

The year was 1957, the month April and the date the 10th. The morning was a very active one. The discussions were serious. The words were carefully chosen and arranged. For the first time in my life, I was tense. As I looked at the piece of paper, I felt that each letter had taken on a life of its own and was engaging me in intimate conversation. The paper. Which paper? The paper was an important document. The paper was drawn up after much thought, after much debates and discussions. The paper was to be made public on the morrow. When it did, what would be its impact and repercussions in the social sphere? It was aimed at dislodging an ancient monolith. I examined each and every word carefully. I analyzed the sentence structures to determine whether words were used in their proper positions. The dark night brought a spell of sleep that tried to seal my eyes at first slowly and then hastily. I resisted the onslaught of sleep with my entire heart and soul.

Beyond my bedroom, in the huge bungalow and out in the city, all were at peace. I, alone, could not sleep. Silence lay heavily in the compound. A vehicle roared past. I switched on the light once more and read the document. It looked O.K. I kept it on the table. Then I lay down. A slight doubt assailed me. I got up and switched on the light to read it word by word. It was well constructed. I lay down once more.

I tried to keep sleep at bay. When the document is made public on the morrow, there would be, without doubt, a lot of reactions. The repercussions would be immense. What would be the thoughts of the man of the soil whod realize that for the first time in his life, he could squat on the soil on which he had spent time and energy?

Men who toiled and lived on the produce of the soil should not be thrown out of the land on which they worked. It was in the interest of social change that they should be encouraged to continue working on the land. Indeed such a step was imperative for social progress. The document had a wide reaching influence. For the first time in the history of Kerala, a Government was bringing out a law that gave the laborer who tilled the soil, a gift - an ordinance that prohibited eviction. Are the poor, the wretched and the damned people of the earth passing in a ceaseless procession through my heart? Are their jubilant greetings echoing in the recesses my brain? Who are they? Let this document be made public on the morrow. I wonder if they remember all this now.

Ive told you of my response to the ordinance. But its equally important to know how the people reacted to the ordinance. I need to say also why such an ordinance had to be framed. But before I do that, I need to touch on the laws of ownership of land that was followed till the ordinance came into force.

Though the state of Kerala had been formed by merging the erstwhile Travancore, Cochin and Malabar states, the social conditions and culture of the people had not been successfully amalgamated. Three systems of administration, laws and beliefs co-existed in the state, for the social rights and the way of life were different in the three states. Unification was neither simple nor welcome. Formulation of laws had to be very carefully planned and carried out. The main root of my tension could easily be traced to the immense responsibilities of my job as Revenue Minister that was like walking a tight rope. The laws regarding ownership of land in Malabar was different from those in prevalence in Thirukkochi. Within Malabar itself there were subtle differences. But there was a strong agricultural movement in Malabar, which had a long history. The vast province of Malabar was more or less in the hands of very rich jenmis (land owners) of whom the Kavalappara, Nayanar family and Zamorins were the most prominent.

They gave the land on mortgages and on rent to people who had to work the land while they relaxed on the fixed money the labourers had to pay them. The land holdings were so vast that most jenmis could not determine the extent of their holdings. Though the lands that were near their holdings were not theirs by right they were often ceded to the landowners. Land surveys and measurements were not conducted accurately and sometimes never conducted at all. Those who had migrated from the south to Malabar were often not given legal documents to prove ownership.

The heavy rents the peasant had to pay, the constant threat of eviction, land tax based on agricultural revenues, which the peasants had to cough up, the interest on loans, poor harvests and the fall in the price of agricultural produce nearly broke the back of the poor farmers. Their condition was further exacerbated by the payment of vashi, poli, mukkal, sheelakashu, adiyanthirapanam, tharakachanam, kalapanam, kazhakapanam and thirumulkazcha - all feudal tithes levied by the landowner.

The peasants were forced to present the lions share of their produce to the landowner if he were well or sick and whenever there was a feast to mark birth or death or commemoration day and if there were visitors in the manor. On occasion of birthdays, or the day prior to the time that the jenmi observed the oblation of the manes, the peasant had to show his loyalty by ceding the fruit of his labor to his feudal overlord. Above all this, the peasant had to be a glorified cowherd, act as sentry, bow low and move out of the way when the jenmi passed, submit to whatever the jenmi decreed, foolish or other wise. He had to cut a ridiculous figure in a dirty mundu barely covering his knees. Thus the peasant was but a slave of his jenmi. It was impossible for the peasant to exist without the command of the jenmi. He was under nourished, his hut lacked basic comforts, he had to remain illiterate, his children could not play without the express command of the jenmi. The agricultural movement in Malabar had a glorious history of having strongly protested against all these injustices. Yet the peasants problems had not been solved. The primary demand of Agricultural Land for the peasant had not been met.

The Malabar Kudiyan Law passed by the Madras government for the Kudiyans of Malabar worked, in effect, to the benefit of the jenmis. Even before 1947, ideas of land reform that was being implemented in various other states, had become a widely accepted idea in Malabar. The Congress passed many a declaration and resolution. The British administration was deliberate in the implementation of the laws of land ownership. They did not disturb even a stone in the foundation of the jenmi structure but only reinforced it. With the help of adhikaris and pattels, they made the feudal system more stringent. Even after independence, the lot of the peasant did not improve, for no new laws were formulated for them. The first communist ministry that was sworn in on April 5 1957, proclaimed the prohibition of eviction ordinance on the sixth day of its assuming power.

This ordinance ceded the land to the one who toiled on it and put a stop to the right of the jenmi to evict the tenant and the kudikidappukaran at his will and pleasure without notice. The Travancore Government passed a law in 1949 that stopped all execution petitions of the court. However this law affected only the tenants. In Travancore and Cochin, there were more kudikidappu peasants than in Malabar rather than the more disadvantaged Kudiyan. Though the jenmi had no right to evict them, they were often provided with help to carry out unlawful eviction. The common belief of the peasant was that all land belonged to the jenmi and that they were allowed to farm on the land, because of his graciousness.

Though the Travancore State levied taxes from the jenmi for his land holdings, the peasants still groaned under the taxes they had to pay their jenmi, such as Varam, tax on salary and shambalacheetu. In Kochi too there were a lot of kudikidappu peasants. Cherthala was then part of Kochi. Hence the laws regarding ownership of land that prevailed in Kochi was followed in Cherthala.

Cherthala is a long strip of sandy area between Kochi and Alleppey - a land where coconut plantations and industries flourished. To the west of Cherthala stretched the Arabian Sea and to the east lay Vembanad Lake. The chief agricultural crop was the coconut. The income and the employment of the people were bound up with the coconut. On the banks of the lake and by the sandy shores of the sea, the coconut tree grew in profusion. But in interior Cherthala, cultivating the coconut did not bring good results. The soil was infertile. In the summer, the trees required watering. So coconut cultivation was expensive in this area. Moreover it was hard work and who was willing to work? Definitely not the jenmi for he required others to do the back breaking work of planting coconut trees, nurturing them and working on the soil for good results. This led to the establishment of the kudikidappu system in Cherthala. The kudikidappukar had no right to either more pay or to claim the land for themselves. They existed merely as slaves working unceasingly for the benefit of the jenmi. They were, to top it all, at times evicted forcefully from the land- a night- mare that all kudikidappukar feared.

The jenmis elicited from the kudikidappukar a contract that stated that the kudikidappukaran would leave the land whenever they were asked by the jenmi to do so without even being recompensed for the physical labour they had put in on the jenmis land. After toiling for years on the soil and making it yield by constantly nurturing it, the kudikidappukaran may be asked to leave by the jenmi when they least expect it. Many cases that I dealt with when I practiced as an advocate was to do with this issue. When the Paattakudiyayma law was passed, most Paattams became Varams. Varam was no right at all. Hence a holder of a Varam could easily be evicted. In those times there were no holdings for paddy fields, neither were there any permanency for peasants.

Another incident happened to worsen conditions. Before the First World War, coconuts fetched a good price in foreign markets. When the war progressed, the prices crashed and by the time it limped to the end, the demand for the coconut evinced by foreign markets had dwindled considerably. The farmer could not meet his expenses by selling his produce. At a time that agriculture itself was looked at askance, it became difficult to pay Paattam and they ran up arrears of the rent. But by ME 1116 the price of the coconut slowly picked up. The landowners immediately raised the Paattam of the land and insisted that the arrears were paid, failing which the tenant was to be evicted. Very many cases were filed and the tenants were harried and victimized. The existing laws offered them no protection. More atrocious still was the social slavery that was imposed on the peasants as a whole-whether well to do or not. The worst of these was ayitham.

As the workers belonged to the lower castes, it was considered a sin even to touch them. The edicts of the higher castes denied the lower castes even basic human rights. There have been many directions to solve the inequalities in the socio-economic and educational fields and attendant problems. However they did not take into consideration the lot of the man who tilled the earth- the peasants and the kudikidappukarans.

When Panampally Govinda Menon was the Chief Minister of Thiru-Kochi, he passed a law prohibiting eviction, but it was easy to by pass the law because of its many loopholes. By invoking the law, many evictions were in fact done. Emotions ran high and many agitations were organized. Yet there were even further instances when the wrath of the jenmi ended in the kudikidappukarans house going up in flames.

After the 1954 elections, Pattom Thanu Pillai became the Chief Minister of Thirukkochi. His political party was Praja Socialist Party. Right up to the elections, the Congress was totally opposed to the P.S.P. After the elections, when it was discovered that the Congress had no majority, they quickly changed their tune. They promised unconditional support to the P.S.P. Panampally Govinda Menons explanation on this volte-face that the interests of the country are more important than interests of the party is a memorable one.

Thus with Congress support, the P.S.P ruled alone. P.S.Nataraja Pillai was the Revenue Minister during Pattoms tenure. He moved some bills introducing changes in the agricultural sector. Yet these bills were quite inadequate for they did not contain a single practical direction to improve the lot of the peasant. The bills granted right of ownership to those peasants who could prove that they were Paattakar and kaanakkar for twelve years. The bills did not cede rights of ownership to those who had kaivasha kudiyayma.

The bill sought to limit the right of the tenant farmers. Neither the peasants basic problems nor their solutions were discussed in the bill. Consequently it did not even graze the feudal system in Thirukkochi. However it did have repercussions for it created a furor in politics if not in the social system, with the Congress withdrawing its support. Stalwarts in P.S.P like Vayala Idikula, Kodakara Kesava Menon and T.S. Ramaswamy joined the Congress. The result - the collapse of the Pattom Ministry!

Then the ministry of Panampally Govinda Menon came into power. This ministry could not but touch on the agricultural bill before it began operations. They sent the Nataraja Pillai bill to the select committee. Panampally called a select committee that had a majority of Congressmen in it. They proved ineffective for many a time there werent enough members present-let alone a full chorum. Comrade T.V. Thomas presented a resolution in the Assembly demanding that the number of members of the select committee be reduced. The resolution was passed, following which the key question was discussed. The bill was then presented in the assembly and was hotly debated. Once more the ministry tottered, tried to sustain itself but ultimately fell.

Two ministries fell victim to the Agricultural Bill. Presidents rule was imposed on Thiru Kochi. The Advisor was P.S. Rao. The Raja Pramukha position prevailed and hence he ruled as an autocrat. He refused to succumb to pressures and indoctrination. His rule prioratorized the bureaucracy.

In those times, there were many strikes in which thousands participated with fire and fervor. Laborers, farmers, agricultural laborers and the laborers who toiled in plantations in the shadow of the Western Ghats - in short, all those who wanted a change in the existing scheme of things took part in these strikes. The strikes struck terror in the hearts of the oppressors (those with vested interests). The Communist party, which gave a clear direction and a strong leadership to the malcontents, was growing from strength to strength.

The Congress meanwhile was slowly realizing that P.S.Rao was not one who would submit tamely to flattery, pressure or indoctrination. This made him very unpopular among the Congress men. On the other hand the Communist party became popular because of its commitment and encouragement of the strikes of the people. Intellectuals, artists and writers took fire from the agitation of the masses to which the Communist party gave leadership.

From 1948, there were many who were ready to sacrifice all for the party. They were the treasures of the Communist party. The base of the party among the masses gained in strength and extent. To the leader of the times, the people were of primary importance. They cared neither for their homes nor wealth nor even for themselves. The party can be justifiably proud of its leaders who were the epitome of self -sacrifice. More and more classes of people came forward to do whatever they could to strengthen the party and the popular agitators. The party progressed in all fields! There was zest and inspiration everywhere - not just in the political sphere, but also in the cultural sphere - especially in literature and arts. It was in these circumstances that elections were held in 1957.

People like me did not know that the party would come into power. I was not very much bothered about winning or losing at elections. I had contested in 1948, when I first joined the party at a time when the party faced a host of difficulties and obstacles. I was then around 26 or 27. I was asked by the party to be a candidate for the 1948 elections. I obeyed. Then I worked hard. I wanted to do whatever job the party assigned me, to the best of ability, methodically and fully. It was not allied to winning or losing. That was and still is my nature.

During 1948, the atrocity against the party defied description. If you were called a Communist, you are immediately surrounded by police- men and by thugs. It was the Congressmen who gave them the leadership. Though I failed to get an assembly seat in 1948, from 1952 I have never known defeat. I used all elections to bring people together politically and to enlighten them. The party too progressed by bringing people together by organizing strikes for common causes and by providing leadership. In the 1957 elections, party cadres, naturally, looked for success.

I contested from the Cherthala seat. The Cherthala constituency consisted of Pattanakad, Kadakarapalli, Cherthala town, Cherthala south, two Panchayats of Thannirmukkam and Vayalar. The success at elections did not cause any sense of superiority in me. I did not feel any strange emotion. I felt proud, however, as a communist, about the partys sweeping victory and its wonderful progress. The meeting of the representatives and leaders of the party chose me as the female member of the ministry. At that moment, what filled my mind was the vision of the strikes the agricultural workers were organizing on Koches fields in Cherthala Taluk. They were not merely of my party - peasants of all kinds were fighting for their rights amidst persecution and threats. Solving their problems was the most important thing on the agenda.

On April 5, 1957, we were all sworn into office ......

I reached the Secretariat. At first I was lost amidst the files for I knew next to nothing about office administration. I was bound to the people, whose lives were entangled in the file rather than its technicalities. As one who knew their pain and their travail and who had done her utmost to solve their dilemma, it was easy enough to study the files. Even then, the lot of the peasants as thought and as emotion plagued me. I held discussions with the party leadership and with the leaders of the Karshaka Sangham like E.Gopalakrishna Menon, Pandalam P.R.Madhavan Pillai and C.H. Kanaran. I consulted my department heads. As a result of all these discussions, an idea began to form in my mind. The idea took shape in words, in sections, in legal document and became complete on April 10th.

Even before then I had a strange affinity with the agricultural laborers. Why? There may be many answers to the question. But for me, there was just one answer. I was born in a peasant family. The foundation of my tale rests on this. On April 11th, the ordinance was made public.

Why did I begin my tale with April 11? It is a day that has lived long in the minds of the peasants and Kudikidappukars and the poor agricultural workers. The ordinance was the corner store of all subsequent land reforms. The ordinance was a mighty blow struck against the monarchy, the feudal system and the social condition of the time. It was a day that was destined to remain forever fresh in my memory.

I am of Chetrthala. I was born in Viyathara in Pattanakadu on 19th Mithun 1095 (Malayalam era) in the star Thiruvonam. I was born into the social conditions characteristic of the system of jenmis eight decades ago in the family home known as Kalathil Parambil. Cherthala is part of Karapuram and Karapuram is part of Alleppey District. Vaikam also was part of Karapuram. Probably Karapuram is the corruption of the word Kadalpuram.

The biggest jenmi conglomerate of Karapuram was the Thirumala Devaswom. They were Gowda Saraswath Brahmins of Goa who were forced to flee their land during the regime of Hyder Ali. They were afforded refuge by the Maharajah of Cochin during Hyder Alis invasion of Malabar. Hyder Ali penetrated to Malabar and reached Kochi. The land extending from Chellanam to Pattanakadu in the South was ceded to the fleeing Gowda Saraswaths free of cost. Most jenmis were those who rented land from the Thirumala Devaswom. Kandalothu Vallas, the famous jenmis of the Kanjikuzhi area gave vast areas of land in Karapuram on rent to the commander-in-chief of the Cochin army--Paliath Achan. This was later given to Urrayma temples and this formed part of their riches. These temples and the land ownership were peculiar to Cherthala alone. Among Christians, M.C.M. Anthraper was an agricultural overlord. He did not give the land on rent. The rest of the Christians in the area were people who had converted to Christianity under the influence of various foreign Christian missionaries.

The existing lands of the entire taluk of Cherthala belonged to about twenty jenmi families and devaswoms like Thirumala Devasom and others devaswoms of the same type. Most of the jenmis belonged to the higher castes. The traditional rituals and dogmas that governed these communities were essentially those that were totally detrimental to those of the lower castes. In Cherthala the system allowed the people of the higher castes to economically and socially exploit the workers belonging to the lower castes. The workers were slaves who were denied the right of ownership of land. They were not allowed to build a hut of their own without the permission of the overlord. Apart from the clothes they put on, they often had no other clothes to don.

More pitiful yet was the fact that those born in the lower caste had no right of way. The present generation might as well consider this a riddle. Yet it was true. The people of the lower caste could not use the highways. They could creep along narrow pathways, their overlords allowed them to use. They were not allowed admission in schools. They were banned the use of the public pool. They were not allowed to step into temples. They had no right to government jobs. The demon of ayitham dogged the steps of the people of the lower castes.

Compared to other provinces in Travancore, Cherthala had a high incidence of casteist attacks, economic exploitation and social injustice. It was the organization that sprouted against the economic/social exploitation and discriminations that later led Kerala on the path of social revolution. It was the Ezhava leadership, branded as lower caste by the higher echelons of castes that led these organizations. Most of the leaders were of rich families who were intellectuals and scholars. To disprove the label of lower caste that was given to the Ezhava by the higher castes, a Shawndika Dharma Paripalana Yogam was formed in 1068 (ME). In ME 1078 in Cherthala, the Karapuram Ezhava Samajam was established to enlighten the Ezhava community on evil social practices -- the denial of education, the continuance of social inequality, denial of progress and denial of the freedom of movement -- the community suffered from. Later the Samajam brought out a journal called Karapuram.

The Karapuram Sahodara Samajam that was formed in 1092 (ME) raised the clarion call Imprison the caste demon. The Karapuram Ezhava Yuva Jana Seva Sangh was formed in 1095 (ME) to put in practice Sree Narayana Gurus theories of abstinance from liquor and the right of all Hindus, irrespective of caste to worship in temples. In 1105 (ME) a branch of S.N.D.P. was established in Cherthala in response to Gurudevs call to organize and gain strength. The jenmis began a counter propaganda alleging that the S.N.D.P. organization was the organization of a bunch of atheists. They argued that those who joined the group were in danger of losing their property and their temples. Once powerful they would turn autocrats. The first All Travancore Revolutionary Samaj was formed significantly in Koikkal Maithan, Cherthala, which was the venue chosen to commemorate the Martyrs day subsequently.

The meetings of the organization mentioned above were first conducted in Kalathil Parambil, my home. My father, Kulathil Parambil Raman was the organizer, committee member and treasurer in most of these groups. Foreign dignitaries and some of the most famous people of Kerala stayed with us. Sree Narayana Guru and the famous poet, Kumaran Asan who traveled extensively to enlighten the Ezhavas, have stayed in my house. My father had acted as host to very many great people including Erode Ramaswamy Naykar, Sri. T.K.Madhavan, Sri.N.R. Krishnan, Sri. Sahodaran Ayappan, Sri.P.Kesavadev, Sri. Mithavadi C.Krishnan, Sri.C.V. Kunjuraman, Sri.R.Sugathan, Dr.E.Madhavan, Sri. Krishnan Ayyappan and Sri. V.K.Velayudhan.

Many young men inspired by the idealism of these stalwarts came forward with the determination. They included Sri. Punnashery Rama Krishnan, the noted lawyer, Govindan, Sri.K.K.Shankaran, Sri. K.C.,Kuttan, Sri. P.G.Padmanabhan, Sri.N.Raghavan and Sri.K.Krishnan. Most of them stayed at my home for long periods of time. They worked unceasingly to realize the dreams of their leaders.

My mother was then the president of the womens group. The chief discussion of the womens group was centered on the role of women in fostering and developing the social renaissance. My mother and her friends tirelessly undertook a door-to-door campaign to collect money and rice to help the agitators and the volunteers who were giving their time and energy for the cause. They also debated the miserable state of women. In all these activities infinite care was taken to assure the active participation of the backward and working classes.

My house was full of people, full of life and full of noise. In the outhouse of Kalathil Parambil, my sisters had their music lessons; in the portico the distinguished guests were forever engaged in their deliberations; under the gooseberry trees in the compound to the north of the house, the workers who made rice from paddy had a field day working and talking. To the west of the house men and women were engaged in the task of preparing food for every one. Food for the distinguished guests was prepared in the kitchen. My elder brother, Vasu, was in charge of the agricultural labourers. There were very many cows and cowherds apart from ducks. Together they produced an entire range of sounds from quacks and moos to the staccato arguments of the workers, serious tones of discussion and the musical tones of my sisters engaged in singing. I thrived on an entire sea of sounds.

My house became a public arena - a commune. Whenever there was a respite from social work, my father initiated literary meets attended by everyone interested in literature. Many common people and the agricultural workers were encouraged to attend these sessions. My father was a hard working agriculturalist. He used to get plenty of paddy and about 50,000 coconuts. Fish grew aplenty in the canals as did ducks. Moreover paddy was sown in the land in October. My father spent a lot of his income to foster the growth of the organizations. In those times neither paddy nor coconut fetched a decent price. Money was scarce. To pay the feudal dues to the Thirumala Devaswom, whose land we had rented and to fulfill the obligation of the tenant, my father had to strive hard. In those times, only those who had land had the right to vote. My father bought some land in Kulavamkodam to gain the right to vote. My father directly supervised the work on the field and lands. He would go to the agricultural land very early in the morning. He visited the paddy fields to minutely examine the work in progress. He made a point of fondly asking about the welfare of the people who worked on the soil.

In the midst of all his work, at a time when inequality and slavery was rife, my father actively attempted to end these social evils by being involved in various committees that fought for bettering the lot of the peasants and the down trodden. I feel proud when I remember my fathers unceasing labor to fulfill his dreams. My mother too had helped my father a lot in his work. My mother, Parvathy, was born in Kadakarapalli Kochuveli House. She had ten children. I was the first to be born in Kalathil Parambil. I was named after Gouri Amma, the mother of Chithra Gopal whom my father admired as the first Ezhava woman to have got the B.A. degree.

In those times Ezhavas were not allowed to watch Kathakali performances. In 1048 ME, this ban was challenged and a Kathakali club was formed in Kadakarapalli. My father too formed a Kathakali club consisting mostly of family members. This was a new venture in Cherthala taluk and under its auspices many Kathakali performances were staged in Cherthala. My father scorned the order that instead of the glittering crown that are so much part of the Kathakali costume, crowns made of the spathe of areca palm be used in performances by and for the lower castes.

Then arose another problem. There was none to play the chenda, the drum used for Kathakali performances. Very few people of the lower castes knew to play this musical instrument and those of the higher castes would not come to play the drum for the Kathakali meant for the Ezhavas. To solve this problem, my father himself learnt to play the chenda. He became an expert. Father went with the Kathakali clubs to play on the chenda.

The challenge my father raised in the social and cultural field, made the jenmis and the higher castes restive. On the other hand my father looked after the interests of the poor, their weddings, their health care, their education and their protection.

In those days Ezhavas and other people of lower castes were not allowed to enter the law court. If need arose to file a case, there was a lot of practical problems and plenty of mental tension too. In Cherthala, the people of lower castes were made to leave their petition on the althara to the east of the courtroom proper. The peon had to be bribed if the harji was to be brought to the notice of the court. People of lower castes were not allowed to enter the courtroom for it would then lose its purity. To the east of the Cherthala Karthyayani temple there was a board that warned Ezhavas and other lower castes of walking further into sacred grounds. My father was very hurt by the board and the ban. Not merely the temple but the temple grounds was out of bounds to the Ezhava. My father racked his brain to solve the cruel injustice of the higher castes.

In those times, the police sub inspector of Cherthala was a person called Marthandan. The government doctor was a native of Mavelikara - Dr. Kochupappu. My father joined hands with Marthandan and Dr. Kochu Pappu to destroy the board on the temple grounds. He sought also to beat the ayitham practised in courts. He tried to make his elder son a lawyer but my brother did not pass his examination. Not to be deterred, my father then got the lawyer Krishnan Ayyappan of our community to practice in Cherthala court. My father himself got the lawyers office ready for Krishnan Ayyappan, complete with glass lamps, tables and chairs. He was forever proud of the office the very existence of which was a sweet revenge for the way Ezhavas were once treated.

These are but a few examples of the relentless struggle my father waged against the supremacy and the injustice of the higher castes.

A strong protest against the system of ayitham became stronger among the untouchables. They slowly learned of their bonds. The social life of Cherthala was in a state of flux because of the nation wide freedom movement and the evocative and the strong social reform movement led by Sri Narayana Guru. Many discussed the idea that the workers were not slaves, though untouchables. My father impressed his visitors with his theory that unless untouchability and the rigid hierarchy of the caste system were challenged, the poor would never be truly free. Wealth and position might be ones but unless the stigma of caste was removed, the future held no promise. He told his friends that their selfless activities would help their children and their grand children to live as free human beings. My father tried to put in practice the message of Sri. Narayana Guru - to become enlightened by learning. Women too were encouraged to learn Sanskrit. I have heard my mother read Amarakosam. He found time not only for his activism and learning but also for recreation.

The western boundary of my birth- place, Viyathara was the Arabian Sea. To the east beyond Karinilam lay Pattanakad. To the north lie Andhakaranazhi and to the south, Vettakal. Here the majority of the people were the Ezhavas and other untouchables. Around Viyathara the higher castes were the majority. If the untouchables moved east along Parapalli embankment, he did so at his risk for he had to make way for those of the higher castes. The high castes usually produced an Oho sound, hearing which the untouchable should make way for him-even if he had to jump into the water to do so. Otherwise there would be hell to pay. Seeing an untouchable, let alone touching him required a ritual, cleansing bath. That was tradition!

Not many dared to raise their voice against the denial of the right of way to the untouchable. Ayitham was sanctioned by religion or rather superstition that decreed that touching a person of higher castes was a sin, which, in turn, would lead to sickness. To protest against the superstition that limited freedom of movement, what the untouchables required was reasoning power which was possible only if they were educated. It was this education that was provided by the Karapuram Seva Sangham and the S.N.D.P.

Another social evil of the time was the ban against wearing of the upper cloth. This was applied to all women of lower castes who could not cover their breasts. Their mundus similarly could not extend below their knees. The garments of young girls were folded and tied girdle like around the waist, extending not below the knees and leaving the breast bare. Women of lower castes were not allowed to tie their hair up properly but gather it up in a sort of untidy top- knot. My childhood naturally was taken up with an awareness of social inequities and a strong desire to protest against them - indeed it shaped my character.

In 1083 M.E, the Dewan of Travancore, Sri.P.Rajagopalachari allowed admission of the untouchables in some government schools. The Brahmin teachers who taught Sanskrit often threw the cane at the untouchable boys to punish them, if required. Ayitham victimized the untouchable for no court or proof or witness was required to punish him. Hindus of higher castes cruely participated in putting the untouchable down. In those days the untouchables went to the school in a group. The reader should know the social condition of the times to understand my tale - the story of my birth, growth and influences. Exploitation, slander, terrible tortures, violent, casteist attacks and indifference were the lot of the downtrodden.

My grand father was called Kochukrishnan. A title was conferred on his family, Kadapurathu Thandanmmar a title given by the King himself. They were competent, rich and powerful. Perhaps, because of this, they emerged as leaders of the community. My grandfathers family was well known and respected and was called Anjalikadu of Menakkodam, West Thuravoor. Popularly the house was called Veetil Thandar. My grandfather was as powerful a patriarch of the family as he was of the community.

In his time, the Marumakkathayam -- the succession of the nephew -- not the son, existed with old property laws and laws regarding marriage. In 1088 M.E. the Nair bill was passed which improved and changed these laws. However no attempt was made to form new laws for the Ezhavas. On the death of the husband, the wife had to leave with her children but without money or property. Marriages were not legalized and sharing family property nearly unthinkable. The Karanavars authority was absolute and cruel and often led to the degeneration of the family. As a result of the lobbying of the anxious Ezhava leaders, in 1093 M.E. an Ezhava Law Committee was formed and in 1101 ME, the assembly passed the Ezhava Bill.

My grandfather had opposed the ancient tradition of Marumakkathayam long before any bill regarding it was formed. He was firm in his resolve that his wife and children should not suffer such deprivation. He bought three quarters of an acre of land in Viyathara and built a house for his wife and children. This is the home that I described in the earlier chapters as having been the venue of the meetings of various organizations set up for the social reformation, the place where great people met the famous Kalathilparambil.

It was in 1108 M.E, thirty years after the establishment of S.N.D.P. that Dr.Palpu, the hope and pride of his community and one of the most progressive minded of persons, inaugurated a branch of S.N.D.P. in Cherthala. Sree Narayana Guru had wanted a branch to be established in Cherthala. At first the activities of the S.N.D.P. yoga was slack for it had to face a lot of obstacles. C.Kesavan, who was asked to solve the problems that the branch of S.N.D.P. suffered, went on a door- to- door campaign and helped the S.N.D.P. branch to establish itself. My father and my brother-in-law, M.R.Krishnan, the husband of my elder sister Narayani Amma, helped him in this work.

The first agitation that the S.N.D.P. yogam organized was to gain, for Ezhavas and other untouchables, admission to the schools owned by the government. The usual routine that the agitators followed, was to submit a representation to the prajasabha that met once a year. To represent the Ezhava community there were six members elected through the S.N.D.P.branches while other untouchables had two representatives each as nominated members of the prajasabha. Mahakavi Kumaran Asan, as the General Secretary of the S.N.D.P. branch was nominated every year to the prajasabha. The agitation for the admission of the untouchable, inside the prajasabha spread to the public via the S.N.D.P. branches. Thus in Cherthala too, there were lively discussions on admission to schools. As the debates grew hotter and the government was forced to realize that justice was on the side of the agitator, the votaries of the higher castes came out with the threat that they would boycott schools. The hand of the government was stayed by the threat and the untouchables had to shelve the demand for education. The Dewan, Sri.P.Rajgopala Achari found a solution by allowing Ezhavas and other untouchables to study in some government schools. But those schools were boycotted by the students of high castes. That is, in protest against the admission of the untouchables, the higher castes went on a strike.

When an order was passed ordering the students who had stayed away, to report back in their school or else face expulsion from school, most crept back stealthily, with great discomfort. Later school admission was offered to all untouchables in other schools too. However as it was difficult to find employment even if the student worked hard, the interest in learning waned. Nor were the parents interested in educating their children. Around this time there was another demand - that the tuition fees collected from the untouchables should be lowered. The other side argued that it was a sin to ask for lower fees and if this were allowed, the people of higher castes would also want the same concession. The government allowed this too. Orders were passed that fee concession be allowed to all who produced the village officers certificate regarding the financial position of the student. However it was difficult to obtain the certificate of financial state of the student from the village officer of higher castes. Because of the difficulties and because of expenses, very many people decided to do without education.

After the agitation of admission to schools, there were agitations to procure jobs in government service. This too, was opposed by the higher castes. They threatened to disrupt the government if the untouchables were admitted. Then Sri Kumaran Asan met Sri.P.Rajagopalachari to acquaint him of the gravity of the situation. The Dewan agreed with Asans arguments. Following this, my sisters husband - N.R.Krishnan, was appointed in government service. After this many untouchables entered government service. Yet the resistance, nonco- operation and the boycott that the upper caste leaders initiated was terrible.

The demand of the untouchables, that government jobs must be in accordance with the population ratio, provoked irate declarations from the higher caste spokesmen that government service is not a zoo for the various caste animals. This clash of ideology heightened until communal representation was accepted. It was the same organization that worked for the school admission/ government jobs of the lower castes that also led the temple entry demand. Finally on the month of Thulam, 1112, M.E. the temple entry proclamation allowed the lower caste the right to worship

Seventeen years before my birth, the S.N.D.P. was established. Thirteen years after my birth, the S.N.D.P. branch of Cherthala was a strong organization that did not brook any attack on the untouchables. The community hitherto steeped in the dirt and muck of social evils, superstition and slavery was shaking it off to achieve progress.

Other problems of the day were related to the observance of Kettukalyanam, therandukalyanam and pulakuli. Even if the family was reduced to begging, Kettukalyanam was to be performed in a grand style. To save time and money, often nearly fifty to sixty girls had their thali tied by the same person, at the same time. As to who should tie the knot was often as not dictated by tradition. Girls of a particular family usually had their thali tied by men of a particular family. Kettu Kalyanam had to be performed before puberty, that is, when she is below the age of 11. Girls who did not have kettu kalyanam were supposed to bring disgrace to the family. With the development of the S.N.D.P and the growth of independent and rational thought, Kettukalyanam and other customs of this like were rejected as a meaningless ritual.

A strong demand for associations began to grow among the workers of Cherthala and under the auspices of the S.N.D.P., the associations began to form and gain in strength. Along with basic human rights, the rights of the worker and the subsequent struggle to gain their rights, began in small measure. The awareness of rights was evinced by women as well as men. They formed womens groups. Many associations took the initiative to spread awareness of inequality, untouchability and other social evils among the common people. In support of these associations and to spread its message, many an educated Ezhava woman took to the streets in the Taluk centres and also in suburban areas. In this regard I need to mention the names of Mannanthara Parvathy Amma, Karthyayani Amma, Tapaswini Amma, and Muthukulam Parvathy Amma.

Like the Karapuram Sevasangh, the Sahodara Sangh and the S.N.D.P. the womens group was also full of vitality. Parvathy Amma was born in the illustrious and rich Mananthara family of Thaneermukkam. Her father, Kunjankunji was one of the earliest coir merchants with trade relations with a British company. Parvathy Amma gained scholarship in logic, grammar and in works like Sree Ramodantham Krishna Vilasom, Reghuvamsam, Naishadam, Magham and others. It was Parvathy Amma who established the S.N.V. Sadanam in Ernakulam. She was married to Sri.Ayyappankutty. The other ladies in the group were also well educated and they exposed the shallowness of observances like thirandukalyanam, Kettukalyanam and other such social practices. They waged a war against the belief that ayitham was what God had ordained. They opposed the very ancient and half naked mode of dress that was considered the norm and promoted education. The work of associations was tied up with promotion of education and cultural activities. The pace of the social reform movement increased when promotion campaigns were conducted along with agitations. The movement for school admission for the untouchables that created waves both in and out of the prajasabha led to the establishment of missionary schools. Many children of the lower castes were admitted in these schools and it was the functioning of these schools and the awareness they inculcated that led to the admission of the children of the lower castes to government schools.

Though jobs in most government departments were open to all, the Revenue Department proved to be an exception. In those times, the Devaswom Department and the Revenue department were one. The offices of the Revenue department took care of Devaswom matters too. As the untouchables were denied admission in temples, they were also denied jobs in the Revenue Department. From the Peshkar to the village officer, all were members of the higher castes.

An agitation was launched to form two separate departments- the Devaswom Department and the Revenue Department- rather than retain one that spanned the two departments and to allow the untouchable to work in the Revenue Department. This agitation went by the name paurasamathwa vadam or the equality of citizens argument. The government firmly stated that this was impossible for temple lands were considered PandaraPaatta lands and thus part of the Revenue Department, something that had happened when Mr. Munroe was the Dewan. The argument that the disadvantaged raised was that the Revenue Department had to be bifurcated for the benefit of the majority. The argument gained strength in the prajasabha and the government was soon convinced. In 1098 M.E. a royal proclamation resulted in the establishment of the new department - the Devaswom Department and untouchables were appointed in the Revenue Department. The success enabled them to work together in the political arena in later years.

In the days when monarchy and the ascendancy of the jenmis were in force, village officers were mere pawns in the hands of these powers. The jenmis gave feasts and gifts to the village offices in order to ask favors they would not be able to deny. For Onam, the amenable village officers were given Onakkodi as well as Ona sadhya. Village officers of higher castes were given food in the home of the jenmis while untouchables took their food in the padippura. At a later time, they were given their food in the chavadi. With the collapse of the monarchy and the jenmi system, this custom came to an end.

In 1934, the Congress Socialist party was formed. They were against the rule of the Dewan. At the same time, the higher castes supported the Dewan in the name of nationalism. To support the Dewan meant supporting monarchy. In effect they were against adult franchise, temple entry, school admission and jobs for the untouchables. Politically, the Congress Socialist party examined these issues and gave their support to the poorer section of the population i. e. to the majority. Naturally the majority included the untouchables who held leftist, progressive views and who were the organizers of associations of workers - even if it could not be called trade unions. The S.N.D.P. was the association that fostered these progressive unions and the majority supported by the Congress, included ofcourse the Ezhavas. The Congress Socialist party did not mean to the people of Travancore, what it meant to the people of Malabar or Cochin. Yet the Congress did have links with the labourers association of regions like Cherthala, Allappuzha and Kollam. The leaders of the Congress Socialist party were in touch with the leaders and the workers of the S.N.D.P. who had close associations with the labourers. Thus the community, made volatile by Sree Narayana Guru, Mahakavi Kumaran Asan, Sri.T.K.Madhavan, Sahodharan Ayyappan Sri.C.V.Kunjuraman and others, was exposed to the politics of the Congress party.

The untouchables came to believe more and more in the Congress party as they supported their agitation for various cases. I need to explain the result of this blind belief. What I mean to do here is to give an idea of the development of the political consciousness of the community. The first example I can cite is that of my elder brother who was chosen the founder leader of the Agricultural Workers Union. My brothers political views, social consciousness and views of life had often clashed with my fathers. This led to a clash of ideology at home. I, naturally, supported my brother.

Like other small children, I was also sent to a kudipallikudam. It was in Karapally, a place not far from my home. I still remember my journey to the school, proudly arrayed in a new frock and mundu and clinging to the finger of my master, Puppu Sir. I still remember the intense excitement and pride of those days.

The kudipallikudam I was sent to, was a solid structure of granite - not a coconut- leaf- thatched, dilapidated structure that the word invoked. One room of the school was reserved for the women in the neighborhood who came there to observe Shashtivratam. As we fashioned letters on the sand, the sound of their combined chants of Haraharo hara found its way to our hearts too. The kudipallikudam was a far cry from the nursery schools of today. Education was harsh and grim for there was no attempt to understand the childs mind. The alphabet was taught not with love, kindness and understanding but harshly, with the cane.

With the growth of political consciousness, the various groups of the S.N.D.P. Yogam leaders worked for the parties they believed in - Congress, Congress Socialist party and the Communist party and in due course became leaders in the political party of their choice. They later formed trade unions and other progressive parties. In short, the activities of the S.N.D.P union helped the agricultural workers movement in Cherthala acquire power and prestige that it did not gain elsewhere. Even the talks of Comrade Sugathan and others of the S.N.D.P in Cherthala were subtly different from those of S.N.D.P. leaders elsewhere. My fathers ideas of equality differed subtly from my elder brother, Achyuthans ideas of equality. This dialectical difference was but natural. What these facts point to is to the class and caste dialectics that operated in the S.N.D.P. union.

I was very good at studies and emerged as the top in class. I learnt to add, subtract and read and found the key to the multiplication table. From the kudipallikudam - about which my memory is hazy, I proceeded to the Kadakarapalli Cormansseri Government Primary School. My elder brother, Vasu, took me to school. I could have joined in the third or fourth standard if my capabilities were taken into account. However I was admitted in the second standard for it seemed that I was too young to be admitted in the higher classes! I stayed with my uncle and aunt in Karikanezhathu at Kadakarapalli. Though my uncle was a strict disciplinarian, he was very kind to me. I didnt stay long with my uncle for I soon shifted to Kochuveliyil, where my grandparents stayed. Ive mentioned them in an earlier chapter. My stay with them bought my grandfather closer to me. I passed my second and third classes while I was staying in Kochuveliyil. After the class three exams, I got my certificate and reached home. My father felt that I would not study if I stayed at home. I was to young to be sent far away. Then my father hit upon an idea - I was to be sent to a convent.

However I was sent neither to a convent nor to a distant place. I was sent to Parayil Bhakthivilasm School not far away from the home and the hearth. The school was a mile and a half away. Crossing the Parapalli embankment to the east of Kalathilparambil and a marshy area, it was possible to reach the school. I was not sure of the way. Many friends joined me in the walk to school. To the young, friends are those who influence their culture and out look especially at school. I quickly adjusted myself to the circumstances of the new primary school, quite forgetting the circumstances of the kudipallikudam.

I finished my primary education. Now what? That was the next question. Thuravoor was quite close to my place. The school in Thuravoor was owned by the Thirumala Devaswam and had vast buildings and many students from far flung places. I stayed in a Sadanam in Thuravoor, which was established by Sri.Manakkodam Kesavan Vaidyan, whom I have mentioned earlier. The manager was P.K.Raman.

Kesavan Vaidyan was a very famous ayurvedic physician whose book Panchakarma is one of the most invaluable works of ayurveda. He was a very close friend of my father. Kesavan Vaidyans father, Uzhuthummel Kittan, took an active part in the formation of the Kathakali club and in the building of many temples. Sri. Kutti, who got the Veerasringhala from the Maharajah of Cochin was Kesavan Vaidyans uncle. They were all social reformers and activists.

Law and order and collection of taxes were in the control of the officers of the Mandapathu Vathukal. Their conduct was bestial to say the least. They preserved law and order by forcing people to dip their hands in boiling oil, in trial by ordeals or by pouring molten lead on their hands. They punished people by tying grind-stones on their backs and thus causing them to be bent double. The untouchables transferred their ownership deeds of their land in the names of the people of higher castes or even in the names of temples to escape from the officers of the Mandapathu Vathukal and their harsh punishments. Apart from land tax, the Mandapathu Vathukal officers levied taxes that everyone had to pay, Thalakaram and an even more obnoxious one -- the mulakaram i.e. taxes on breasts. There was even an instance in Cherthala town, where an Ezhava woman, persecuted by these officers, cut off her own breasts and offered them to these officers in an act of revenge. The house of this brave woman came to be called mulachiparambu (or the land of the woman of the breasts). This land was bought by Kesavan Vaidyan. He built a house, as a memorial to the brave woman to whom it belonged. The punishments I mentioned existed, unchallenged, until 986 M.E, when the Dewan of Travancore, the Mr. Munroe tried to put a stop to it. But Rani Lekshmi, the ruler of the land did not allow it. Kesavan Vaidyan was a scholar who appreciated fine arts and literature. He spread the greatness of Asans poetry both through lectures and through recitations. It was this philanthropist who in later years built a sadanam for the students of Thuravoor School.

I was interested in sports as well as in studies. I was also fond of making friends. My elder sister, K.R.Narayani Amma was a fashionable lady who was a music scholar well versed in vocal as well as the fiddle and the harmonium. She was married to an engineer who was working in a Petroleum company in Iraq. The marriage however did not last long. She was then married to N.R.Krishnan, a well-known lawyer in Cherthala. An orator and a writer, N.R.Krishnan came to know father through his work for the Ezhava community. Sri.Krishnan often came to Kalathilparambil. He was a member of Sreemulam Prajasabha, the State council and the assembly for a long time. N.R.Krishnan was also one of the founderleader of the Sree Narayana Medical Mission General Hospital.

While studying in Cherthala, I experienced first hand, the cruelty of the casteist system. Mahakavi Kumaran Asan, who combated the caste system with the weapon of poetry, stayed in Cherthala for a while. His messages inspired the untouchable with confidence. Even so, the sarcasm and the reaction of the higher castes caused great grief. Sri.K.P. Shastrikal, the great poet and critic; Sri.Madhavan Pillai, the Mathematics scholar; Sri. Prabhu; and Sri. Johnson; all taught me in Cherthala School. I was the only girl who continued education in college after passing the tenth standard from the Cherthala School.

My fathers dearest wish was that I should become a lawyer. The lawyers profession was a respected one in those times, more perhaps than it is now. That was not the only reason that was behind my fathers dream. He had to wage a long war against inequality and social evils and often he had to depend on lawyers for the legal battle.

My father approached the court to establish the rights of the Kudiyans and to gain basic human rights. What was most important in such cases was a dependable lawyer. It was in such a circumstance that the lawyer, Krishnan Ayyappan was brought over from Pallam to practice in Cherthala bar. My father made all arrangements for the change. Yet the demand was not met. Then, why not make a lawyer of his own daughter? As far as my father was concerned, it was a social need too.

Was this need met, when later, I became a lawyer? What were the problems I faced? What types of cases did I have to handle? All this can only be explained later. Now Im a student in Cherthala High School. Before I explain anything further of my student life, I need to say something about a communal fight.

In the sea -shore, to the west of my village - Viyathara, lived a Christian jenmi called Azhikkal Anthappan. In that area the majority of the people were fisher-folk. They were Latin Catholics. They lived in crowded conditions in the seashore between Azhikkal and Purakkad. Azhikkan Anthappan lived like a naaduvazhi, a king in the Christian-majority area to the South of River Anthakara and east of Viyathara. He had plenty of land and many boats and fishingnets. It was Anthappans father who acquired all these lands. The fisher folk were very poor and were all Anthappans tenants. They lacked land, boats and nets. They depended on Anthappans mercy to call their soul their own. Anthappan regarded them as his slaves. They went in Anthappans boats to sea to fish with Anthappans nets. The money the fish they bought in fetched went directly to Anthappan. In return for their work, they got a mere pittance. Not only did he force the fishermen to obey him in every respect, he also used them as pawns to attack others. If Anthappan asked them to beat up some one, theirs was not to reason why. If they refused, they were thrashed and driven out of their homes. They would not be allowed to pursue their work. Thus Anthappan reigned over the sea and the seashore. The fisher-folk were neither educated nor did they know the way of the world.

To the east of the Azhikkal bund, in the Viyathara area, the Ezhavas were the majority community. However there were also a smattering of other communities such as moopans, Konkanis, and pulayas. Anthappan hated the Ezhavas. Anthappan was spoiling for a fight and tried to incite the Ezhava community by abusing Ezhava women and beating up Ezhava men. The abuse against the women did not stop at words. At times young, beautiful Ezhava women were dragged away and subjected to worse insults by the rogues in Anthappans pay.

The family of Pappu Vaidyan lived in isolation in the midst of the Christian majority area. There were very few Ezhava families in the area. Pappu Vaidyan was a close associate of my father and a regular visitor to Kalathilparambil. He had no peace because of Anthappans constant threats and provoking behavior. Pappu Vaidyans sister was about to be married. On the night before the wedding, something happened.

The preparations of the wedding were almost over. A few people were around to organize various things for the big event the next day. There were a few women too in the house. At night when the bride stepped out of the house to answer a call of nature, some people, who like vultures, were lying in wait in the dark, jumped on her. The assailants were in Anthappans pay. They grabbed the girl and made off with her to the west of the village. The bride and her family wept and wailed. The house was in disarray. The relatives of the bride pleaded for her release but the assailants did not relent. Their plan was to carry off the bride by boat to the north.

Things having progressed so far, the desperate father told my father what had happened. My father was already worried about the nefarious activities of Anthappan and his supporters. When he saw what had happened to the bride, he knew that it was time to act. He had to secure the brides release but she was being taken north in a boat. There werent any Ezhavas who knew to row in the sea. There were however some Arayas who lived to the north of Andhakaranaazhi who were capable of meeting Anthappans seadogs more than half way. These Arayas were in touch with the S.N.D.P. Union. Without any delay, they were called and a party set out to reclaim the damsel in distress and to deal with her abductors. Anthappans gundas were speeding north but the Arayas boat was not far behind them. They strove to overtake the gundas boat and were successful. There was a fierce combat at sea at which Anthappans hooligans were wiped out. The Arayas brought the bride safely back to Kalathilparambil. The marriage was to be performed according to schedule but at Kalathilparambil - not at its former venue. Vaidyan and his family gained courage.

The marriage was performed with due ceremony at Kalathilparambil. Pappu Vaidyan was frightened of staying at his home for Anthappan and his entourage created a lot of problems for him. As my father had sponsored the very marriage he was at pains to stop, Anthappan had a grudge against my father. The communal friction between the Ezhavas and the Christians - increased. If the poor Christians came east into our territory, there were clashes. When they came east to fish in the canals, in the lake or in the bund they were often beaten up. Pappu Vaidyans wife and his sister, Koma, stayed with us. Some of their relatives joined them too. They used to help out with house - hold chores and were given food. One room in Kalithilparambil was given up for their use. Their stay, food and welfare had to be seen to. In the mean while one of the guests contracted typhoid. The burden of nursing too fell on our family.

In addition to all these petty problems, my father had to deal with Anthappans attacks. My sisters were of marriageable age and a rumor was afoot that Anthappan planned to abduct them. My father was forced to apply for police protection. As he had paid the money that was demanded, two policemen were sent to guard our house. My father has to shell out money, food and accommodation for these policemen. They were in our home for many years.

With the increase in hostilities, my father had to file many petty criminal cases. In this, he was helped by the lawyer, Sri.K.G.Kumaran, Devaki Chechis husband. My father realized that while taking steps for the encounter with Anthappan, it was equally important to deal with his hooligans too. In those times the Ezhavas of Thaikkal were well versed in martial arts and could hold their own against the hooligans. It was decided to give in marriage to some one in Thaikkal. My father conspired with Sri Thaikkal Kunjunni, an Ezhava stalwart. His son, Gangadharan was to marry my sister. However the son of Kunjunnis brother Parameswaran was older than Gangadharan. As social etiquette demanded that the elder brother be married before the younger, Bharathi Chechi was married to Parameswaran in a glittering ceremony.

Anthappan had a lot of income from his lands and from the fish, his men brought in every day. He was ready to brave all odds on account of his pride, his money and his prestige. As he knew homeo medicine, Anthappan was called doctor. He knew some English and this too served to increase his prestige.

One day Anthappans brother Azhikkal Joseph got into the house in which the Devadasis of Thuravoor Devaswam were staying. A devadasi is one who dances in temples to propitiate the deity. They were beautiful and stayed close to temples. Joseph happened to see these damsels bathing in the temple pond and decided to visit them that evening. The women raised hell and the Konkanis caught hold of the miscreant. Though Joseph was released, Anthappan wreaked revenge by attacking the home of the devadasis with an army of hooligans. The women were beaten up and their home burnt to the ground. A case was filed.

My father took up the case. To win the case, he used all his influence. My sister who was staying in Madathilparambil was teaching music to the daughter of a magistrate. My father was close to the magistrate. My father spent a lot of money and effort to win the case. I think Anthappan was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment in the Central Jail.

After the spell in jail, Anthappan did not attempt to pick up fights. Not only that, he wanted to be on good terms with my father.

The Konkani community played an important role in the social life of Cherthala. In the agricultural and industrial fields of Cherthala, the Gowda Saraswaths played an important role. Their head quarters was the Thirumala Devaswom Temple at Thuravoor. Thirumala Devaswom was a massive feudal organization. This temple belonged to the class of temples with vast land holdings. The property and the money of the temple was ceded to it for 1/6 tax. It was the Maharajah of Cochin who gave them land for, in those days, Cherthala was part of Cochin.

Until these lands were given to the Devaswom, it was part of crown lands. There were also a few farmers who worked the lands. Most of the land was a wilderness with a few marshy areas that could not be cultivated. However the land was fertile. When the maharajah gave the land to the Thirumala Devaswom, he overlooked the rights of the tenant farmers. They then became the Kudiyans of Devaswoms. There are many legends about the Devaswoms acquisition of the land. Let me recite just one.

In the place of the big temple that we see now as the Thirumala Devaswom Temple, there was a tiny one. It was a temple in the woods. A Konkani who had come from Mangalore stayed near the temple. He was poor and religious and was named Vellanayak. Every day used to visit the temple which is still seen to the west of the National Highway in Thuravoor. The temple priest also from Mangalore, wouldnt eat or drink before Nayaks visit. The regular visits of Nayak aroused the priests envy. One day, before Nayaks visit, the priest finished the temple rituals in haste, locked the temple us and rushed away. Nayak was so saddened and upset that he decided not to go back home until after hed seen and prayed before the deity. It was nothing short of a fast! As he sat waiting, an incorporeal voice asked him to go home. It said that divine sculptors were waiting in his home to sculpt an idol. He could worship it himself. Nayak returned homehappily and was further thrilled to see the sculptors waiting for him. They began work on the idol and locked themselves into a room instructing Nayak not to open the door for three days. Nayak waited impatiently, scarcely containing himself. However he opened the door before the stipulated time and saw the idol of Sree Narasimhamoorthy that was not fully finished. The divine sculptors who could not condone Nayaks disobedience said that they would not complete their work. The only course of action left to Nayak was to place the idol, incomplete though it was, in the sanctum sanctorum. However there was no temple worthy of the idol. Nayak approached the Maharajah of Cochin and recounted his tale. The Maharajah, whose sympathies were aroused ordered that an area of six square miles including paddy fields and agricultural lands be given to Thuravoor Thirumala Devaswom.

The administrative charge of this temple was vested in Ponveedars while the temple at Cochin was in the hands of Harishenoys. The quarrel between these families led to battles - both legal and physical and ended in court. The judgement decreed that the temples in Cochin would be under the control of the Konkanis in Cochin and that of Travancore would be under the control of the Konkanis of Travancore.

During the time of Shakthan Thampuran, the Gowda Saraswaths had a disagreement with the King himself. The Dutch gave the Konkanis the right to collect revenue from Cherthala and Mattancherry. They also collected tax on paddy fields in Amaravathy and looked after the administration of Konkani temples in the area. The Gowda Saraswaths also announced that the King could not levy taxes from them without the knowledge and consent of the Dutch and that if he did so, the Gowda Saraswaths had the right to appeal to the Dutch. As regards the temples of the Gowda Saraswaths, the King had no right at all to intervene without the consent of the Dutch. Whatever the reason, the Gowda Saraswaths did not enjoy the patronage of Shakthan Thampuran.

After his death, the next Maharajah tired to entice the Konkanis who had fled from Shakthan Thampurans massacre of their race to the safe haven of Travancore. Legend has it that the fleeing Konkanis took with them an emerald statute of Thirumala Devan. Its advent in Travancore brought the state a lot of luck. This idol was cunningly reclaimed by the Cochin State by enlisting the help of the priest. This led to a long and bitter legal battle between Cochin and Travancore. It ended in a compromise with the idol being re-installed in Cochin. The Maharajah of Cochin returned to Konkanis the riches seized by his predecessor to the Konkanis.

Thirumala Devaswom temple was the overlord of eight villages Thuravoor, Cherthala, Alleppey, Purakkad, Kayamkulam, Kollam, Kottayam, and Varapuzha. The temple administration was carried out by the representatives of the villages. Thuravoor had two representatives in the nine member strong committee. Only the representative of Thuravoor could become president. The extensive lands owned by the Devaswom and farmed by the tenants included paddy fields and coconut plantations. The farmers had to work long and hard on the marshy land to make it suitable for paddy cultivation. Because of their hard work, the land became fertile but when it started paying dividends there arose a claimant who was initially disinterested - the Thirumala Devaswom.

The Devaswom authorities exploited the tenant farmers in the name of their god. If by any chance the tenant displeased the authorities, he would lose his land. The lot of the farmer was pitiful for he lacked security. Often the farmer was not paid and if he was, it was but a pitiful recompense. Feudal rights allowed only 1/4 of the middle harvest to the tenant - which amounted to 1/16 of the rent. The situation in Vayalar was the worst. By 1958, the farmer heaved a sigh of relief for he knew that he would get returns for his labor. This was because of the Dehandaprathipahala Bill (The Bill for the Adequate Return for labor on the land).

The entire burden of farming fell on the farmer while the jenmi was always at hand to claim the lions share of the fruits of the labor. With the advent of the Paatta-Kudiyan law, the land taken as rent by the tenant farmer reverted to the Devaswom, for the new deed - that of Varam, did not guarantee the rights of the tenant farmer. My father too lost about a hundred acres of land. He had worked hard to make the land fit for cultivation, by draining it and dumping soil on it. He had made thirty- six acres of land by constructing bunds and canals. He reinforced the land by using planks of mango trees and coconut trees that prevented sinking and soil erosion. It even went by the name chaal nilam (the field of canals). The Shenoy muri, the other paddy field he owned also entailed a lot of work for it was there that the threshing was carried out. He had paid apart from the mandatory half of the produce, other feudal dues called Kavalpanku, Kalathilpanku and the lords share. Even so the land could and did revert to the devaswom.

Thuravoor and Viyathara still follow the system of Chettiviruppu. It is a notoriously backward area where modern system of agriculture has not been applied at all. They do not use chemical fertilizers or even new paddy seeds. There are plans for rural development but they are never practiced. There are plenty of coconuts trees in the area yielding a rich harvest, for Cherthala is a place that is particularly suitable for coconut cultivation. Yet it is often plagued -by diseases affecting coconut trees that are sometimes fatal to the trees. There is practically no industry in Cherthala. The spillway held out a promise to the farmer but without sluices, it could not help places like Viyathura. The roads remained underdeveloped and travelling is still a problem. Over population and under employment plague the land.

Though the people of Viyathura suffer all this, it has changed in one respect. Practically all the people in Viyathura own some land. All were at one time Paattakars or varakkars who got the land theyd worked on. This was because of the Eviction Prohibition Bill of 1957.

Apart from the Konkanis of Thirumala Devaswom, there was another community that established itself in Cherthala. They were the Kudumbis who were also called Moopans and who have settled in vast numbers in North Paravur, Ambalapuzha, Kayamkulam, Kollam and Kochi. They accompanied the Gowda Saraswaths in their flight south. They were influenced by the language and customs of the land of their adoption. They use a variety of pidgin Konkani that does not have a script. The women of the Kudumbi community worked as servants in the homes of the Gowda Saraswaths. The men did manual labor. Though the Kudumbis and the Gowda Saraswaths were Vaishnavite, the Kudumbis worshipped Kali too. They were a patrilineal group that allowed child marriages till recently. Re-marriages were not allowed. In the socio-political and in educational fields, the Kudumbis are backward. Very few of them are educated and officers are scarce. Kudumbi women do not wear a blouse but wrap the sari, sarong wise about them. In 1936, an association of young Kudumbis was established in Cochin and later in Travancore. In 1951, the two associations merged into one. Yet they have not achieved their rightful place in society. They have demanded that they be counted as scheduled castes. In reality their lot is worse than that of the scheduled castes.

Another, inseparable part of the Thirumala Devaswom was the devadasis. There were many devadasis in the temple. They were given accommodation within the temple premises. They were not allowed to marry and were supposed to be virgins whose purpose was to dance before the deity. The dance was performed at night after the athazha puja was over and the god was replete. The dance of the half naked devadasis was enjoyed by the temple administrators as well. Though virgins, some devadasis have had children. I have heard that the origin of the Amaravathi Street of Cochin is intimately connected to the Devadasis. The devadasi system has now died out.

The farmers were forced to supply vegetables and rice for the daily feast at the temple. All Konkanis could take part in the feast but not people of other castes. Konkanis of other places also came to Thuravoor for the daily feast. After the land reform, this system underwent a change for no longer was the temple as rich as it once was.

The prosperity of the Thirumala Devaswom was due to the peasant. The temple grew rich by exploiting the peasant. Ive already mentioned how they forced my father into giving up most of his land. The difficulty of being a farmer is enough to deter anyone but why were so many people ready to take up agriculture? The answer is that there was nothing else to do. Agriculture helped my father to find financial resources in the very many battles he fought on political, social, economic and legal questions.

The farmers of Viyathura were always, in spirit, with the laborers who toiled in the field. They did not appoint managers to supervise the workers but dealt with them directly. The agricultural workers of the area were Ezhavas and pulayas. There was only one Christian family east of Viyathura bund- that of Varuthu Mappilla, whose oil mill took care of the demand of all the farmers of Viyathura. Apart from Varuthu Mapillas family, other communities like Velan, Kollan, Kuravan and Ezhavathi also stayed in Viyathura who were part of the social life of the area. The main occupation of the Ezhavas and the Pulayas was agriculture. The Pulayas were of two distinct groups. One group- Vettu Pulayas were like tribals for they wore a special kind of cloth. The women went about bare breasted. Both groups of Pulayas wore chains of beads around their necks.

Both men and women of the Pulaya community were hard working. They often sang songs to reduce the monotony of work. The main work of the Pulaya women were collecting the water lily, weeding the field, harvesting and catching and selling fish. Besides, they made mats out of the leaves of the kaitha and got money for that. They worked most days and were economically independent. A Pulaya groom was required to give money to the brides father. Perhaps the economic independence of the Pulaya bride was responsible for this custom. The wedding was finalized only after getting the consent of the jenmi of the bride and the groom. The jenmi had a more important role to play in the marriage than the parents of the bride and the groom. They were propitiated by gifts of tobacco to obtain consent for the marriage.

The agricultural workers often had to help out in the house of their lords. We had families of such workers who helped in domestic chores. One was Vavachettan and another was Achyuthan chettan and his wife. His mother Kochelachimamma also worked for us by washing the kitchen utensils, sweeping the floor and dicing vegetables. She reveled in doing all the work that came her way- including weaving coconut leaves that could be used to thatch houses. This was something that fetched money. She also found time to play with us. When old age and disease wore her out, she was bedridden. I remember visiting her and sharing her grief and pain. This type of behavior has gone out of politics now. Few politicians care to associate with the poor. On Kochelachimammas death, Achyuthan chettan cried inconsolably and would not be comforted by any, save my father who rushed there as soon as he heard the news. So firm and sincere was the landlord - labourer bond.

There were many such families near our home who considered us, part of their families. They depended on our family for food, clothing and even for their favorite betel-leaf. The Velans who scaled coconut trees, especially Kanda Muppar, was adept also in constructing fences with the coconut leaf. The women of the community were the washerwomen of the Ezhava community who wouldnt wash the clothes of any other community.

The Ezhavathis were the barbers of the Ezhava community. Like the Velans they wouldnt cut the hair of any other community. The Kollan community who made agricultural implements, were often paid in kind-they could claim a share of paddy after harvest. They were also given paddy on special occasions like Onam and Vishu. More than pay, the labourer looked upon the gifts in kind as a privilege and a symbol of their relationship with the house of the their landlord. Perhaps it is this special bond with my home that led to their sincere corporation with the S.N.D.P union when it was set up. Our help in securing jobs recompensed them. They also gained new clothes and food and for the first time in their lives got a decent pay.

The school I went to, which I mentioned earlier-the Cherthala English High School was near the Karthyayani Temple. Another ancient and famous place of worship in the vicinity was a Roman Catholic Church, called St. Marys Church. The church was established in the Mutusmana- the seat of an ancient and famous Namboothiri family, after they embraced Christianity. The church was built after many years following a quarrel in the church where the Namboothiri converts were wont to go. The church was far away and the families went there as a group. The time of the mass was changed to suit their convenience but they were often late for the service. One day these people were so late that they found, on reaching the church, that the service was over and that people were leaving. They decided on their way back that they could be spared further insult if they built a church of their own. This led to the establishment of the Matathu church, which resembled Pallipuram church, where they earlier used to attend service. The new church was established more than 900 years ago.

With development of the market and the influence of the church as well as the increase of money and lands, Christians became a very important factor in the social lif