10 issues and insights mumbai | 10 august 2019 …...the tiles on the terraces of the home are from...

Leading a large group through the lateSri Lankan architect Geoffrey Bawa’scountry home in Lunuganga, Channa

Daswatte, who worked closely with Bawa,makes references to Bawa’s affection forIndian design. He draws our attention to a wallhanging by Riten Mazumdar that looks like aRaza painting in its dramatic black and whiteand red design. Nearby are cushion covers thatwere designed for Bawa’s home by the wife ofthe late Charles Correa, Monika Correa. Theexhibition, part of a celebration of the centen-nial of Bawa’s birth that started last month(www.bawa100.com) threw a pointillist’s spot-light on Bawa’s furniture and lamps, a littleknown aspect of Bawa’s talent for creating atropical modernism in private and publicarchitecture that ranges from some of the mostelegant hotels in Asia to Sri Lanka’s parliamentto a Buddhist temple that seems like aJapanese scroll on a lake in Colombo.

Soon we are crowded around what looksas if it were a sleek leather chair imported fromItaly. It is in fact, Bawa’s take on the Roorkeechair, used in the British Raj. There is anotherMazumdar masterpiece on Bawa’s bed, whichhas the word ‘Ram’ written repeatedly inDevanagari script as if it were a geometric pat-tern. If Fabindia were to recreate it, it wouldbe a runaway best-seller.

When I meet Daswatte a few days later at aclient’s home that he designed in Bengaluru,it is almost as if we have been transported bya machine that freezes time and space. In amodern bungalow that seems a country estateeven in Hebbal, the throttled bottleneck onthe way to Bengaluru airport, Daswatte picksup where he left off. The tiles on the terracesof the home are from Athangudi in TamilNadu, made by the master craftsmen whosework adorns many a Chettinad mansion. Butthe tiles’ design, which marries Italy withsouthern India, is by the Sri Lankan artist LakiSenanayake. Daswatte suggested these to theowner of the house, Bimal Desai, one of thecountry’s largest beedi producers now betterknown as a leading proponent of mini urbanforests in Bengaluru and public interest peti-tioner to protect the city’s Cubbon Park. “Wehave taken something traditional like theAthangudi tile and made it contemporary,”says Daswatte. I sit under a large line drawingby Senanayake that is so vivid that I feel as Ishould lean forward to avoid brushing againstthe tree’s branches, but the subject that hangs

over our conversation is the savaging of sub-continental cities by real estate moguls andbrutalist public works department babus whoshow little respect for the local climate orthe need for the conservation of water bod-ies and trees.

Daswatte’s work as a founder of thearchitectural firm MICD Associates bringshim to India often as he completes workfor the Taj group in Sikkim, a restorationproject in Odisha, but the return to theDesais’ home makes him recall that he trav-elled as a young architect to the city with Bawa25 years ago to look at the restoration of a fortat the request of Bimal Poddar. “What a beau-tiful city it was,” he exclaims, as he describesdriving down roads lined with tamarind andmango trees. Today, the structure has literallybeen cut in half to make way for a highway.

Daswatte is a pragmatist who quicklypoints out that the city is still ‘very green’ and‘very civilised.’ Unprompted, he moves thediscussion instead to real estate developmentwithout regard to the need to preserve wet-lands — the subject of an exhibition inBengaluru earlier this month — that lead torecurrent floods as extreme weather eventscome bunched together in ever shorter cycles.In Colombo, he says, it took three floods beforethe government addressed the issue head-on.At a parliamentary inquiry a few years ago,Daswatte was grilled, not least because somecommittee rooms had been flooded and“chairs were floating in two-and a half feet ofwater”. Daswatte replied that the plans for SriLanka’s parliament, which Bawa designed,had recommended the dredging of land toallow for water to be diverted during mon-soonal downpours. In an echo of Krupa Ge’sharrowing book on the Chennai floods, RiversRemember, he says that “water doesn’t recog-nise boundaries”. It is also time for a funda-mental rethink on zoning: “The zoning lawslead to a huge sprawl of the city.”

Daswatte recounts how, even in suburbanand rural Sri Lanka, the profusion of individ-ual tubewells has led to water stress. This is arecurrent theme in India, where a Mint featurelast Saturday put Bengaluru first on the list ofcities likely to run out of groundwater, perhapsas early as next year. A Sri Lankan ministerhas called for rural housing to be more denselyclustered to make delivering and conservingwater and constructing sewage facilities easier.Daswatte exclaims in horror at reports of

“water trains” transporting water from villagesto Chennai.

We are interrupted from this vision ofurban collapse by lunch. Veena Desai comesout with a plate of delicate Gujarati kacchorisin her hand. Before us is a south Indian veg-etable kurma, green beans and aMangalorean fish curry in coconut milk sentover from her mother’s home. The family areeating inside to leave us to the interview butwe are joined by the family’s adopted straydogs, whose molten, pedigreed eyes glow like

jewels as the food moves from the servingbowls to our plates.

I ask him why so little public and privatearchitecture in India’s cities is rooted

in the tropics, by contrast to manySri Lankan hotels and homes. Itis a question he was asked a fort-night earlier at an ArchitecturalDigest talk in New Delhi. With animpish grin, Daswatte reports that

he “blamed it on Nehru, which isfashionable to do these days”. Then

he turns serious and observes thatIndia’s modernism was a conscious

break with the colonial past. “We hada more gentle path to independence.

We had the privilege of not having theburden of over-population.” Instead of a

focus on public spaces such as LeCorbusier’s Chandigarh or New Delhi's

Pragati Maidan, he observes that in Sri Lanka,modernism came via homes, iconicallydesigned by Minnette de Silva. She placed apremium, as Bawa and his successors woulddo, on ensuring that buildings had ample air-flow and did not require air-conditioning. Thiswas combined with a spare aesthetic that cel-ebrated local craft.

Can Bawa be described as Asia’s bestarchitect? Daswatte reframes my crude lis-ticle-styled question and makes the casethat Bawa, who died in 2003, could beAsia’s most influential. Avoiding com-

parisons of Bawa vs Correa (the twowere close friends) or Bawa vs the

Japanese, he makes the pointthat everyone from the often

insular Japanese to archi-tects in Southeast Asia andsouth India lay claim toBawa. Daswatte recountsthat when he was asked totalk about Bawa in Tokyo

some years ago, he calledsomeone he knew in the city

because he was sure the eventwould be poorly attended. The hall

was packed. On my way out, Desai shows me his densely

packed Japanese tree-planting technique thathe is recreating near one of the city’s railwaystations. A taxi then takes me to a shoppingdistrict at the centre of the city. The brutalistmetro station looks like a factory grafted ontoa carpark and flipped over. Water-tankersprowl the streets like rogue elephants, withtheir trunkS stuck on the back. The posh opti-cian’s toilet I duck into ran out of water hoursearlier. It is a reminder that urban apocalypsein India is nearer than we think.

I t was hot, that evening of May 22, 2004, aday before the United ProgressiveAlliance (UPA) was to be sworn in. This

was the first major tryst of the Congress partywith coalition politics at Delhi. As televisionchannels were going wild speculating aboutwho was going to get what portfolio, PranabMukherjee was sitting quietly in his smallstudy in his Talkatora Road residence, goingthrough various reports on the functioningof the Union home ministry; a few party sen-iors had confidently told him that he wouldbe India’s Union home minister in a few

hours. Kashmir had seen a terror attack andsome news channels — confident that theywere interviewing the next home minister —even aired some comments from Mukherjeeon the attack.

Late in the evening, as those channelsflashed the portfolios of the new ministers inManmohan Singh’s council, againstMukherjee’s name the legend said: DefenceMinister. There was an air of disbelief atTalkatora Road. His close aides, under the mis-taken impression that the Ministry of Defencewas a portfolio a notch lower than the Ministryof Home, were both shocked and indignant.

But what did the man himself do? He took10 to 15 seconds to digest the new situation. Wentto the toilet. Came back and ordered his assis-tant: “Connect me to the defence secretary.”

Pranab Mukherjee, then the most experi-enced minister in the UPA, knew that slipperypatches abound in the corridors of power —and you must take what you get, there is notime to ponder over unfulfilled possibilities.

That trait has paid off. He might have failedto become the Prime Minister of India. But hedid become the President. And now he is aBharat Ratna.

What would Pranab Mukherjee have toldthe Congress party to do on Article 370? It’s

an easy question to answer. And it has nothingto do with his visit to the Nagpur headquartersof the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).He would have told the Congress to quit shilly-shallying and support the government in thelarger national cause. Much in the way he dealtwith a group of Trinamool Congress MPs thatcame to meet him in 2009.

The UPA government was conducting mas-sive campaigns against Left Wing Extremists(LWE) in the Junglemahal areas of Bengal.Obviously this was hurting the TrinamoolCongress government that was supporting theUPA at the time. Mamata Banerjee sent a del-egation of MPs to meet Mukherjee to persuadehim to talk to P Chidambaram who was homeminister, and stop these campaigns. The del-egation was led by MP Kabir Suman, Bengal’sanswer to Bob Dylan and a vocal supporter ofdemocratic rights.

The group made its pitch to Mukherjee.“Dada, you have to tell the home minister toput an end to this state terror. This is just unac-ceptable”, said Suman, ill-advisedly, as hewrapped up the delegation’s collective view.

Mukherjee looked up and the light glintedoff his glasses. “Chharpoka!” (bedbugs), hesaid softly. “Peeshe peeshe marbo” (we willcrush them underfoot, one at a time) he

hissed and resumed his work. The delegationleft and Suman never went back to meetMukherjee again.

Of course, there is much about Mukherjeethat makes him an attractive mascot for theBharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But this worldview — that India is indivisible, there are nonationalities or self determination issues inthis country and those who question the statemust be crushed — is what brings Modi closeto Mukherjee. Ironically, Mukherjee himselfderives this from Indira Gandhi.

The man who has been bestowed theBharat Ratna turned down all mercy petitionsduring his tenure as President. In 2016 hesummoned the finance minister over theinsurance Ordinance, which the NDA gov-ernment was chasing as its first big-ticketreform move. He discussed fine print of theLand Acquisition Bill with the government afew months later. When the government sentthe contentious enemy property Ordinance(as the bill on the issue was stuck in a parlia-mentary committee) Mukherjee summonedhis team of legal experts and asked the gov-ernment for a clarification. It was all donewith complete cordiality. Home MinisterRajnath Singh visited him almost every weekand sat with him virtually the entire daywhen he lost his wife.

Mukherjee is not getting the Bharat Ratnabecause he sold out. He’s getting it becausehe made the most of the opportunities he got,without compromising his convictions.There’s a lesson in that, somewhere.

Making the most of what you haveThere is much to learn from Bharat Ratna Pranab Mukherjee

PLAIN POLITICSADITI PHADNIS

The first time I met Monika, the 15-year-old from Hutup, a village inJharkhand, she was defying soci-

etal norms by playing and coaching soc-cer and paying her way through school.She had told me she wanted to designclothes for small town girls like herself— fashion that would be acceptable intheir conservative society and yet be styl-ish enough to enable them to feel confi-dent when confronting city girls. Sometime ago, when a Muslim girl in her teamwasn’t allowed to play by her familybecause it meant wearing shorts,Monika’s innate fashion sense came tothe rescue. She asked her to wear leggings

under her shorts. Her ideas were freshand her confidence inspiring. I remem-ber thinking this feisty teen from a tiny,unheard of village would someday scalegreat heights. I didn’t realise how literallythis would come true.

Last month, Monika, now in class 12and still a soccer player and coach, wasselected to be part of an all-female sci-entific wilderness expedition, Girls onIce Cascades, in Washington, USA.Sponsored by BookASmile Foundationand mentored by the good folk of Yuwa,the award-winning NGO fromJharkhand, which uses football toempower girls to overcome violence andchoose their own futures, Monika spenttwo weeks on Mount Baker, an active vol-cano, learning about glacial ecology andglacier travel skills.

“In my village, girls hardly ever cameout and played, let alone follow theirdreams,” Monika told me after shereturned from the expedition. “I wantedto set an example for young girls, espe-cially the ones in Little Sunrise, the teamI coach.” Initially, it wasn’t easy. Monikahad neither walked on snow before norwas she used to wearing heavy trekkingboots. “Moreover, the other girls in myteam were much better dressed while allI had were my soccer jerseys,” she

recounted. Once again, Monika realisedthat her childhood dream of using fash-ion as a confidence-building tool for girlslike her had a lot of scope. “But since thebeginning, everyone there was so niceto me that I soon felt at ease with them.”

For Monika, the expedition was atransformational experience. “My self-confidence received a huge boost whenI completed the expedition,” she says.Her other teammates had much moreexperience of trekking on snowy terrain.“They were very fit too,” she said, addingwith satisfaction, “but I was as fit asthem.” After spending two weeks withher teammates, all from different statesin the US, Monika found that as girls,they too faced all manner of challenges.“Breaking stereotypes, rising above gen-der biases and living one’s dreams is dif-ficult for girls no matter where they live— if they can do it, so can we.” she toldme. “Now that I’m back in Hutup, theseare the stories I tell to the players I coach.”

Monika still wants to be a soccercoach and fashion designer for ruralgirls. But now she also wants to inspireother girls in her village to spread theirwings and explore the world. “I want totell them my story,” she said. “Maybe itwill give them hope that any dream isachievable for a girl from Jharkhand.”

Scaling new heights, literally!

My grandparents never discussedmatters political at homethough they must have grap-

pled with contrarian views seguingbetween the personal and the profession-al. When he retired in 1939 as an honoraryofficer from the British Indian Army — arare distinction at the time for Indian sol-diers — my paternal grandfather sailedto London to receive his Order of BritishIndia and the title of Sardar Bahaduraccompanied by a pension payable overthree generations. That annuity may havedwindled to a minuscule value in foreignexchange but still commands respect inthe clan. Around the same time mymaternal grandfather, who was serving

in the Ganga Risalla, a royal camel corps,was commandeered for action in theSecond World War, and held as a PoW inItaly. Photographs from the period showhim with a full beard over an alreadyreceding hairline, tall and strapping inthe manner of a native warrior.

Though they retired from service threedecades apart, both returned to theirancestral homes, fiercely loyal to the ideaof home and country. I kick myself nowfor not having the wisdom then to ask howthey reconciled to the idea of serving theimperial army while seeking liberationfrom it. How was one form of loyaltyreplaceable with another? With the bloodof fierce combatants in their veins, howcould they serve the very master fromwhom they demanded discharge? Bothled by example, the one stoic and hardy,the other via discipline channeledthrough horse riding, shikar and sartorialpreferences. Our generation was taughtto use gun — I chickened out — or cutlerywith equal felicity.

How did they view Independence, thecollapse of the princely order and the riseof a self-serving political class? How didtheir view of nationhood align with itsreality? One was too austere — and fierce— to ever let his views be known. The oth-er too gentle and mentoring to bring anegative discourse to the table. Were they

happy with the way their children’s livesshaped? Or disappointed by the shallowambitions of their grandchildren?

My own father, I would like to believe,reflected their aspirations for the forth-coming generation. My father and I didmatch our wits over matters political,often from opposite ends of the pole. Ithought him liberal but inflexible; heconsidered me unorthodox but histori-cally illiberal. “Same-same,” my childrensaid. “Stop fighting.” We never did.

He too served the army and was post-ed in J&K, but not in the valley. I touredSrinagar with him (also Ladakh andJammu). He viewed Kashmir as a betray-al, a sign of India’s weakness. The cost oflives in Kashmir agonised him. Let it beknown, civilian lives mattered, but sol-diers’ lives mattered more to him. So,what would he have made of the abroga-tion of Article 370 by sleight of hand?Would he have commended the move?Or been dismayed by what felt like a polit-ical rather than a statesmanlike maneu-ver? My inability to arrive at a conclusionindicates that though I knew him well,perhaps, after all, I did not know him wellenough. A historical wrong may havebeen righted by a party flexing its musclepower, but the way it was undertakenwould, I believe, have saddened my fatheras much as his forebears.

A historical wrong

PEOPLE LIKE USKISHORE SINGHPEOPLE LIKE THEM

GEETANJALI KRISHNA

10 ISSUES AND INSIGHTS>

MUMBAI | 10 AUGUST 2019

LUNCH WITH BS > CHANNA DASWATTE | ARCHITECT

The pattern istruly extraordi-nary. All highly

successful Indianprime ministers — thetwo-term ones that is— have got their poli-tics absolutely rightand their economicsabsolutely wrong.

Mr Modi is noexception, as his vari-ous aggressive politicalinitiatives show. Theruthless reduction ofJ&K to a UnionTerritory is the latest in

a long line of such initiatives.The pattern was set by Jawaharlal Nehru. He was, in

every way, a fantastic man who, even though his govern-ment didn’t have enough money to think big, alwaysthought bigger than big and deeper than deep. But, alas,he completely messed up India’s economy by insisting onan autarkic, capital-intensive investment model.

His daughter Indira Gandhi was exactly the same. Shewas a brilliant political leader and for a brief while made usall very proud. But like her daddy, she messed up the econo-my with her emphasis on public ownership of industrial andfinancial resources. If Nehru had created the problem ofwrong allocation of resources, Indira Gandhi worsened it.

P V Narasimha Rao tried to fix the allocation problembut only half-heartedly. He therefore fell between two stoolsand was not re-elected for a second term.

Then there was Manmohan Singh who also served twoterms. But he failed to fix the Nehru-Indira allocation prob-lem in which an increasing proportion of national resourcesalways gets misallocated.

In 2014 along came Narendra Modi. Everyone thought hewould direct resources where they would be used most effi-ciently. But he carried on with the Nehru-Indira policies andhas disappointed everyone. He has, however, avoided theNarasimha Rao trap. He was handsomely re-elected in 2019.

The real structural problemSo in economic terms, India has remained completelyunchanged since 1957. It therefore continues to wastenational savings, which have always been inadequate.

Economists know this and love to talk about economicstructures. However, each economist has his own interpre-tation of the term and there is no consensus on what con-stitutes a structural problem.

Being economists, they also deliberately miss the pointthat the real structural problem is not economic but polit-ical. This is because both the Constitution and the electoralsystem emphasise equity over efficiency.

This has resulted in every 10-year period of good growthbeing followed by a decade-and-a-half of wasting the fruitsof that growth on distribution. This, if you ask me, is thereal structural problem, not some intellectually attractivebut practically useless economic hypothesis. Our politicalsystem acts as a major drag on the economy.

We are well and truly stuck. Or, to use Gunnar Myrdal’sfamous 1967 description, India is a soft state. Later, LeeKuan Yew said the same thing about India.

What Modi must doSo what can Mr Modi do within these constitutional andpolitical constraints? Indeed, can he do anything at all?

The technical solutions provided by economics are wellknown. But as all prime ministers have known, they arethe least of their problems because the real opposition ispolitical, and the most difficult ones of these are posed bymembers of the ruling party.

Nehru faced it and had to force the pace because hisparty was snapping at his heels. Indira Gandhi too wasunder attack by her party colleagues and changed the DOSof the Indian economy.

The same thing happened to Narasimha Rao and toManmohan Singh. Both would have liked to make a cleanbreak from the Nehru-Indira model but it was the Congressparty that prevented it. It seems likely that Mr Modi facesa similar problem — if not from the BJP, certainly fromthe RSS.

After all, as we all know, it is always more difficult toconvince your friends when they have old-fashioned views.

What I would suggest therefore is an economic chintanshivir where a genuine attempt is made by the governmentto educate its supporters. This shivir should pass a resolu-tion that reverses the Congress party’s Avadi resolution of1955. It must hand the baton back to the private sector.

Or, if I may, Mr Modi must pull off the economic equiv-alent of his Article 370 coup. No one thought it was possible.But Mr Modi showed that it was.

This is what he must now do with the economy — movethe government out of the way in the same spirit as hemoved Article 370 out of Kashmir’s way.

Needed: A 370type job on the economy

Averting urban apocalypse

MARGINAL UTILITYTCA SRINIVASA RAGHAVAN

Daswatte tells Rahul Jacob that it is time to radicallyrethink zoning laws and heighten protection forwater bodies to save our cities

ILLUSTRATION:BINAY SINHA

In the midst of a demand slump, the like of which the economy has not seenfor some time, there will be many experts offering reasons and solutions. Thisis a modest contribution to the debate. Indian consumers are up to their neckin debt (refer “Borrowed money” in Ruminations, May 25). EMIs (equated

monthly instalments on loans) have been taking an ever-larger share of take-homepay because a steadily larger share of consumption has beenfuelled by borrowedmoney. Making matters worse, many people are paying EMIs on loans taken for lakhsof houses or flats lying incomplete for years.

Second, consider the effects of lower inflation. Pay hikes get smaller, so the eas-ing of the EMI burden that used to happen over time is now absent. Also, becauseinterest rates too have come down, people are pushed to save more for their sen-ior years, and spend less now. Third is the negative wealth effect. Real-estateprices have dropped by 25 per cent and more. Stock market indices too are lowerthan they were a year ago, and many mutual funds have given poor if not negativereturns. When people feel poorer, they spend less.

Fourth, the employment structure has changed because there are fewer women inthe workforce. Whatever the mix of reasons (women studying for longer, gentrification,lack of safety during the commute, and a shortage of work available), there are now few-er working adults in the typical family. This must affect family incomes. Fifth is the pos-sible impact of people living longer. The population in the 60+ age group is growing atabout twice the overall population growth rate (more than 35 per cent in a decade). Thismust raise health costs for families as they take care of the elderly. Consider the sharpincrease (154 per cent over four years to 2017-18) in household debt for reasons other thanhousing, vehicles, consumer durables, and education. Some of this might be for marriagesand other social occasions, but some would certainly be to cover medical bills.

Sixth is the point that Rathin Roy made on this page yesterday, that much ofthe demand for goods and services is confined to a thin upper crust. Not as thin ashe says, because the consuming cohort is 30-35 per cent of the total population. Asan indicator, the 2011 Census showed that 21 per cent of the 246 million householdsowned a powered two-wheeler. That percentage would be appreciably highertoday, as about 6 per cent of households — 17 million in 2017-18 — have been buy-ing two-wheelers every year. Only some of that would be replacement demand. Still,Dr Roy is right that the spending cohort is not growing fast enough. One reasonwould be that the growth of labour-intensive manufacturing (which has the capac-ity to deliver a living wage rather than just a minimum wage) has not been able tocreate a larger spending category at the lower-middle class level. The gig economy,typically with lower productivity and therefore incomes, is no substitute.

Finally, there is the transition in agriculture. Farmers now produce more thandomestic markets can absorb. In the absence of exports as a sufficiently largespillover outlet, the changing domestic demand-supply balance has created pricepressures that limit farm incomes despite higher production (which comes withhigher costs and more variable prices, and therefore greater uncertainty). Again, iflabour-intensive manufacturing had succeeded, and pulled people into factoriesfrom farms, there would have been fewer farm mouths to feed.

It boils down to the changes needed to facilitate wage-intensive manufactur-ing (including labour law reform, a competitively-priced rupee, efficient infra-structure, supply-chain development, etc). The government has an agenda onsome of this, but — to take one example — it is not enough to reduce multiple labourlaws into four codes. Mere compilation/number reduction without a change in thecontent of the codes will make no difference. Under pressure to revive the econo-my, the government might look for quick fixes. That's understandable, but no oneshould labour under any illusions. Without structural change, sustainable eco-nomic growth will continue to trend downward.

WEEKEND RUMINATIONST N NINAN

Fixing the demand slump

EYE CULTUREUTTARAN DAS GUPTA

On the first Sunday after Imoved to the NationalCapital Region nearly six

years ago, a friend offered to take meto Old Delhi for a special treat. I didnot know where I was going — I was-n't even familiar with the roads orareas in my new city. And, I wasdown with a severe case of nostalgiafor my hometown, Kolkata. But myfriend promised that the place shewas taking me to that morningwould be a perfect antidote. “You'lllove it!” she said. We boarded a yel-low line metro from Malviya Nagarto Chandni Chowk, and then took arickshaw to Daryaganj. Our destina-tion that morning was the weeklybook market.

My first instinct was to comparethis temporary market to the morepermanent one on College Street incentral Kolkata. As a student, Iwould frequent the shops selling sec-ond-hand books in the localityaround Calcutta University, oftendropping into the famed CoffeeHouse for a chicken kaviraji orParamount for green coconut sher-bet, having purchased a coveted vol-ume. Perhaps quite naturally, myfirst reaction that Sunday was oneof disappointment. “That's it?” Isaid, standing on the footpath oppo-site Delhi Darwaza and casting aglance towards Netaji Subhash Marg.But my disappointment was soonbelied; like every treasure of Delhi,Daryaganj revealed itself to me slowly, over the years.

A couple of years after my firstvisit, I began taking people to themarket when they asked me to showthem around my adopted home-town. Not only outsiders visitingDelhi but also natives who wereeither unaware of this urban treasureor had never visited it despite know-ing about it. For booklovers, ofcourse, this was a treat, but also forthose planning to pick up stationaryat a discount. At least two shops onNetaji Subhash Marg sell paper bythe kilo. There are also notebooks tobe got, as well as pencils, pens, ink,folders — all the paraphernalia withwhich you need to clutter your writ-ing desk before you can call yourselfa writer.

But this privilege will be denied toold timers such as me or newcomersdiscovering our city. The HindustanTimes reported on August 3 that fol-lowing a July order of the Delhi HighCourt, the temporary shops whichoccupied the footpath along NetajiSubhash Marg every Sunday would

not be there anymore. “The ordercame in response to the Delhi trafficpolice submitting a report to thecourt suggesting that the [road]... isa very busy road which sees hightraffic volumes at all times and thatbook sellers occupy the footpath,leaving no space for pedestrians,”the report said.

Over the years, I developed a pro-tocol of how I would show peoplearound this place. The trip would usu-ally begin on a winter afternoon, nearthe Delhi Darwaza, about which thereare several urban legends. I wouldbegin by narrating the most famousone: “If you happen to find yourselfaround these parts on a rainy evening,do not seek shelter under the DelhiGate,” I would tell them. “The roofleaks, and what drips on your head orshoulder will not be water — butblood.” The legend was that the sonsof Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’, the lastMughal emperor, were hanged herein 1858, after the British recapturedDelhi in the First War ofIndependence. I’m told the story cansend a chill down your spine even ona sunny afternoon.

Once you had bought yourbooks and stationary, it was quitenatural that you would be hungry.And then, I would take you — no,no, not to Moti Mahal, where butterchicken was apparently invented— but to Changezi Chicken. If youwere accompanied by one or morewomen, you could enjoy lunch inthe relatively quieter mezzaninefloor. Else you would be confinedto the ground floor. The usualorder: A quarter plate of changezichicken, khamiri roti, and zafranikheer for dessert. The legend is thatthe recipe apparently travelled toIndia with the Mongol conquerorGenghis Khan. This is, of course,sheer mythopoeia — Genghis Khandid not attack Delhi; Timur did in1398, capturing the city andunleashing a massacre.

Of course, I have a personal leg-end as well. On my first Sunday atDariyaganj, as I was perusing thestock of one of the booksellers, Icame across a hardbound copy ofIain M Banks's Whit (1995). Flippingopen the book I found that the half-title page had the author’s auto-graph. “How much for this?” I askedthe disinterested bookseller, myheart almost in my mouth. “Fiftyrupees,” he said, nonchalantly. Iquickly took out a crisp note andhanded it over to him. A minute lat-er, I was excitedly showing my loot tomy friend and she was smiling. “So isDaryaganj better than CollegeStreet?” she asked. In some ways,yeah, it was.

OPINION 11>

In a tribute to VG Siddhartha,Captain Gopinath of Air Deccanwrote, “Before (Café) Coffee Day,

even in the South, the middle classwent to Udupi hotels to read papersover coffee and chat and sip coffeewith friends. The Udupi hotels werethe favourite hangout places forKannada writers. The journalistsand writers of English press wentto a few select coffee houses in thecantonment area. The modernyouth never visited them.Siddhartha changed all that — theentire cultural landscape — throughhis ubiquitous coffee shops, both inthe South and the rest of Indiawhere very few drank coffee (but)

spent hours over books or laptops orsimply unwinding with friends”.

When little-known entrepre-neur Siddhartha opened his firstCafé Coffee Day (CCD) outlet atBrigade Road in 1996 at Bangalore— which was fast developing intothe “pub capital of India” at thetime — youngsters at first sneeredat the idea of spending hourshanging out over a coffee butrealised pretty soon that “a lotcould happen over coffee”. Coffeeand an hour of internet surfingcost ~100 — not cheap by the stan-dards of those days (no wonderCCDs were initially called ‘inter-net cafes’) but then nobody gaveanyone dirty looks for hangingaround for hours over that cup ofcoffee, nobody frowned when youjust sat there sipping the coffeeand doing your assignments andyour homework in the ambientair-conditioning, nobody chidedyou for talking loudly or laughingor just sitting there watch theworld go by. Nobody disturbedyou if you were there with a girl; noone bothered if a foreigner just satcross-legged in one cornerimmersed in a philosophical tome.

CCD birthed a completely newphenomenon in the India of the90s: “my-space, my pace”.

Barista followed. Then CoffeeBean & Tea Leaf, Costa Coffee,Georgia Coffee, Gloria Coffee, Coffeeby Di Bella, Café Mocha … McCafe.And of course, Starbucks. But CCDoutpaced them all. By 2008 CCD hadopened 595 outlets; by 2012, thecount was 1400; today in 2019 CCDhas nearly 1700 cafes, around 48,000vending machines, 532 kiosks and403 ground coffee selling outlets. Bycomparison Barista has today just220 outlets; and Starbucks 136.

CCD’s biggest achievement hasbeen to get a predominantly tea-drinking country (especially theNorth & West) to take to coffee withsuch gusto. The introduction of amenu of choice that ranged fromCafé Latte to Café Americano toCafé Mocha to Macchiato to aVanilla Cappuccino in hot coffeesto Café Frappe to Dark Frappe toKaapi Nirvana in cold options wasquite a leap forward from theNescafe hot coffee that used to beavailable in plastic cups from vend-ing machines at airports and offices.Teas are available too, but coffee

was, and remains, king at CCDs.More exotic introductions followedover the years … Devil’s Own CocoaCream, Tender Coconut Lemonade,Tropical Iceberg, Cool Blue … plus awhole range of breads, munchies,meals and desserts that ranged fromFrittata Omelettes to Spicy SrirachaChicken to Peri Peri Ciabatta to WokTossed Oriental to Rice Sizzle DazzleBrownie. CCD evolved as it reachedmore diverse audiences in morediverse geographies, offering a newexperience not just in beverages but also more exotic and invitingfood choices that were both aspira-tional and a tad more expensive,hence premium.

Most importantly, CCD pio-neered the ‘hang-out’ generation inIndia over the past two decades. Itintroduced free wi-fi (initially forlimited time) but then kind of madeit as a standard offering. I personal-ly attended at least two meetingswith VG Siddhartha in 2011/12 oncreating wi-fi hotspots at all CCDs.Siddhartha was fully cognizant ofthe value of the wi-fi freebie toyoung millennials. We discussedvarious advertiser funded modelsto make the wi-fi free to all CCD cus-tomers, while concurrently offeringthird-party brands a captiveyounger audience. I remember

sharing my experience of keitai (killtime) from Japan and how the cof-fee shop culture had mushroomedin that country because of young-sters just sitting around and literal-ly killing-time on their mobilephones. Siddhartha had been fasci-nated. I did not however need topreach to the converted.

The coming in of Starbucks didshake-up CCD somewhat. The glob-al brand's offering was much classier,albeit costlier. But the better heeledcustomer almost immediatelyswitched loyalties. While there havebeen claims in media that 94% of allCCDs are cash-positive on a stand-alone basis, I would take that statis-tic with a pinch of salt. Of late CCDhas started to lose momentum. Toomany stores. Sparser foot-falls.Somewhat frayed interiors. No newinnovations on the menu. A brandbeginning to look somewhat stag-nant, weary and tired.

I don't know where CCD isheaded. I do hope it survives. Andprospers. It really has been one ofthe best Indian brands created postliberalisation. A brand that‘youngifyed’ India and let a lot hap-pen over coffee.

The writer is an advertising and media veteran

Email: [email protected]

A lot can happen over coffee

The irony is that till the precip-itate evacuation of pilgrimsand tourists that prefaced the

“integration” of Jammu & Kashmirby parliamentary vote, the Valleywas having its best summer seasonsince the killing of terrorist-turned-martyr Burhan Wani in July 2016.

The hotels and houseboats ofSrinagar were packed, hardly aspare room available in Gulmargand Pahalgam, and the bazaarsbuzzed with shoppers and holiday-makers. Friends and colleaguesreturning from vacation reportedthat (despite the paramilitary pres-ence) a mood of relative calm pre-vailed. No major protests or encoun-ters took place and travel to the

Mughal gardens and monumentsin provincial districts of Anantnagand Baramulla was unhindered.

Perhaps it was this lull, a fleetingillusion of normalcy, that promptedHome Minister Amit Shah to exe-cute his elaborate plan of “unify-ing” Kashmir with India — part of along-held BJP promise to abolishits special status — with electrifyingstealth and speed. Almostovernight the Valley went dead, aneerie chill wind funnelling themight of the Indian state with mas-sive troop reinforcements.

It may well be that Article 370serves no particular purpose inensuring the security or progress ofthe Valley's Muslim majority; butrevoking it by smothering their voic-es — and arresting their leaders — isanother turn of Narendra Modi'sHindutva juggernaut moving inex-orably forward. The withdrawal ofspecial status for J&K has foundboth popular and political supportamong opposition parties — divid-ing the Congress in its ranks —because many regard it as an unfairprivilege. (Swathes of voters whohanded the BJP its spectacular vic-tory in May tend to regard manyValley-dwellers as spoilt, self-serv-ing and unpatriotic.)

While dumbing down the J&Klegislature from statehood to unionterritory —and unshakably puttingit under New Delhi's thumb for theforseeable future - Mr Shah in theRajya Sabha thundered: “[Kashmir]was heaven on earth and will remainso … Give us five years and we willmake Jammu & Kashmir the mostdeveloped state in the country.”

Mr Shah’s reference to Kashmiras paradise (albeit a bleeding, vio-lent one) isn't new. Further fishingin troubled waters he evoked aclichéd vision of akhand Kashmir:“When I talk of J&K, Pakistan-occu-pied Kashmir (PoK) and Aksai Chinare included in it. Don’t you con-sider PoK a part of J&K … I will givemy life for it … We are ready to giveour lives…”

Therein lies the rub: Amit Shah’snationalist rhetoric supersedes hisknowledge of topographic groundreality. Anyone who has been toMuzaffarabad (as this columnisthas) will testify how dull, dusty, andfeatureless the hilly area on thebanks of the Jhelum is. Its Mirpuriinhabitants don't speak Kashmiribut a dialect of Punjabi, akin toDogri and other hill dialects of theJammu region. Nor do they bearany resemblance to the people of

the Valley being, as one analystwrites, “culturally and linguistically… totally different from Kashmiris.To that extent the term PoK is also amisnomer and should be appropri-ately called PoJ&K.”

The contrast between PoK andthe Valley is so glaring that it ispatently obvious why no one reallywants PoK (except possibly AmitShah) and everyone down the ageshas coveted the fabled vale of alpinemeadows, saffron fields, lake-stud-ded peaks, and picturesqueshikaras and houseboats. CertainlyNehru’s sentimental attachment tothe land of his forbears led to expe-dient political compromise as did“Sher-e-Kashmir” SheikhAbdullah's grasp in founding aregional dynasty.

The ban on outsiders buyingproperty is an old restriction and,in fact, led to the advent of house-boats as popular holiday homesfor colonial administrators andoutsiders. (Similar restraints existin many northeastern states andalso in parts of Himachal Pradeshand Uttarakhand.)

Despite the prime minister’sassurances of investors' summitsand a host of opportunities for thedisaffected Kashmiri youth, devel-opment in the Valley has beenskewed since the rise of insurgencyin the late 1980s. While it is true

that J&K is ahead on social indica-tors as compared to backward partsof the country (thanks to generousinfusions of Central subsidy) thereare few jobs outside the govern-ment sector, no industry to speak ofother than tourism, fruit-growingand handicrafts, and zero invest-ment in skill development or busi-ness promotion.

Corruption has grown manifoldduring decades of militancy and on-and-off civil administrations havebeen paralysed by the overwhelm-ing dominance of armed forces.

Most small businesses thatflourish during the summer'stourist season wait for a surge ofvisitors in late August-September,when the Valley’s gigantic chinarscatch fire in a blaze of breathtakingautumn colours.

An enthusiastic young entre-preneur I know who has convertedhis charming family house and gar-den on the shores of Nigeen Lakeinto a successful small hotel wastelling guests in June that he wasforced to turn down bookings as hewas full up till October.

But a sudden blast of chill windfrom New Delhi has ruined hischances of profit and struggle inholding his family legacy together.There are many such who face anuncertain future with frustrationand hopelessness.

Chill wind in the Valley Bookish nostalgia

Volume VII Number 2

MUMBAI | 10 AUGUST 2019

At the risk of drawing the charge of schaden-freude, let me note some delight at theamount of time, attention and emotion I saw

the Pakistani National Assembly spend over intri-cacies of the Indian Constitution last week.

This meltdown over the Indian decisions onArticles 370 and 35-A were striking for a bunch of rea-sons, and cheap partisan thrill isn’t one of them. Itwas, first of all, the incredible irony for a nation,where a ruler is often known by the constitution hejunks or writes, showing such concern for India’s.

The high point for me, of course,was Imran Khan himself accusingIndia of violating the SimlaAgreement. I track Pakistan poli-tics like it was India’s “internalaffair” and have no recollection ofa ruler there swearing by what theyoften describe in their politicalrhetoric as an outdated and irrele-vant piece of paper.

Even better, it came within daysof the fast-bowling genius — nevermind the bottle cap — himself say-ing just days earlier, from the WhiteHouse that India and Pakistan hadfailed to resolve Kashmir bilaterallyfor 70 years, so the “most powerfulman”, you Mr Trump, should mediate.

Now, the three solemn bilateral agreementsbetween the two countries over 31 years — Simla(1972) to Lahore (1999) and Islamabad (2004) — addup to just a handful of pages. And, diplomatic ver-biage and platitudes apart, all three rest on one cen-tral pillar: Settling all issues, including Kashmir,bilaterally. Other Pakistani leaders have also freelybroken this commitment. But, since Zulfikar AliBhutto signed the Simla Agreement, none of the 12Pakistani chief executives — elected, re-elected ormilitary — has explicitly junked the SimlaAgreement. That pretence is maintained.

The Lahore and Islamabad declarations essen-tially reaffirm the bilateral commitment of Simla. Bystating publicly to the world that both countriescould not resolve Kashmir bilaterally and that MrTrump should take over, Imran became the firstPakistani leader to formally disown the three earli-er agreements. Having torn up the Simla Agreementand thrown its shreds in the reflecting pool, he is nowcharging India with violating it. It may sound like Iam turning the knife, or a cheap shot, but this is theexact definition of nau sau choohe kha kar billi hajjko chali (the cat goes for a holy pilgrimage after eat-ing 900 rats).

The substantive point here is, the fundamentalstrategic and political equation on Kashmir has

now fully reversed. Since 1947, it is Pakistan that set

the pace. It invariably made the first move. Withsending the pillaging and raping raiders in 1947 to theregulars in mufti as (Op Gibraltar,) and then tanks intoKashmir (Op Grand Slam) in August-September 1965.Pakistan made all the first moves on Kashmir untilthe Simla Agreement 1972.

Seventeen years of peace followed, but Pakistanwas preparing, and not for permanent peace. Itwas developing its nuclear deterrent, and then,fortuitously, helping the US-led coalition win theCold War against the Soviets in Afghanistan.

Nukes were ready by 1989, coin-ciding with the Soviet defeat. Onejihad won, to the west, a nuclear-armed Pakistani establishmentwas now ready to launch anotherto its east.

And then Kargil, the IC-814hijack, attack on the IndianParliament, 26/11 in Mumbai,Pathankot, Pulwama and so on,Pakistan made every single movefirst and India was left searchingfor a response. We will debate theprudence of India’s latest turn atanother point. But we mustacknowledge that for 70 yearsIndia had been the status quo pow-

er, despite its size and muscle, whereas Pakistanworked steadfastly to alter it. Last week, Indiachanged that.

Now Pakistan is struggling for a response.Because its strategic establishment’s head isn’t wiredfor response, it is already over-loaded with proactivemischief. A week after Imran dissed in Washingtonthe Simla, Lahore and Islamabad Agreements,Narendra Modi has rewritten the Indian playbook bynot protesting, but, in a dramatic (devious it wouldseem if you are Pakistani) way, agreeing with him. Ifthose agreements made Pakistan and the globalcommunity believe that Kashmir’s final status wasstill open to debate and negotiation, that miscon-ception is now buried. So are the agreements, Imranwas right.

Pakistan has to now find a new set of ideasbeyond its standard operating procedures (SOPs):Provoke, deny, offer to help, negotiate, let thingscalm. Repeat... In the past India sought the bigpower help to press Pakistan to mend its ways.Now, Pakistan is doing so.

And realising its limitations and diminishedstature. It is such a basket-case now, it is barteringits economic sovereignty for $6 billion from theIMF. For simplicity of understanding, this is lessthan the amount ArcelorMittal is paying to buy thebankrupt Essar Steel. Its politics, society, institu-tions are all broken. Balochistan it can handle enpassant. But Pashtuns’ uprising is mainstream,

mass-based, and peaceful.The one leverage it has with the world, becom-

ing Afghanistan’s local guardian and helping MrTrump flee without seeming to do so, comes witha big price. If Pakistan has to deliver onAfghanistan, it cannot be distracted in Kashmir. Itcannot fight a two-front battle. Not with theFinancial Action Task Force deadline for meetingits commitments against terror just weeks away.This isn’t what he was mentally prepared for. It isalso beyond his capacity. We should qualify this,however, by adding that he isn’t the one taking anycalls here. It is the powers that be in GHQ. Do theywant action on both fronts?

Former Pakistani diplomat Husain Haqqaniused a line in an article for ThePrint that I

wish I had conjured up. He said that for Pakistanistrategy was always to “internationalise” theKashmir issue and India fought to keep it bilater-al. But the Modi government has now reducedKashmir to an internal affair in both India andPakistan.

In India, it is being debated and contestedbetween the Modi majority and the vocal politicaland intellectual minority which sees the actionas undemocratic. In Pakistan, it is now about, howdid this happen, how did the “No 1” spy agency inthe world fail to get a whiff, did someone sell out,what the hell to do now? That exasperation echoedin Imran’s outburst in his National Assembly,when he asked, so what do you want me to do?Attack India?

It isn’t my argument that everything is perfectin India, or with the latest moves on Kashmir. Justthat it isn’t relevant to where Pakistan finds itselftoday. The more it pretends to mourn Article 370(which it called illegitimate in the past), the moreit extols the jailed mainstream Kashmiri leaders(whom it called stooges) and the more it screamsabout civil liberties in Indian Kashmir, the moreridiculous it sounds.

Think about it. Protesting the arrest of someseparatist usual suspects and the detention ofsome political leaders in Kashmir when you havethrown two former prime ministers (Nawaz Sharifand Shahid Khaqan Abbasi) and one former pres-ident (Asif Zardari) in jail and banished another(Musharraf) into exile. Nawaz’s daughter and themain opposition leader Maryam is now in jail, too,as is Rana Sanaullah, former deputy chief minis-ter of Punjab, three other MPs from Nawaz’s party,two Pashtun MPs, among others. None of these(apart from Nawaz) is convicted. Most haven’teven been put on trial. Most have been locked upfor months, and in real jails.

This isn’t working for Pakistan. The status quohas shifted. Either Pakistan accepts it, or launch-es into something reckless. Or, pray for things real-ly going out of control in the Valley once restric-tions are lifted, leading to an almighty popularinsurrection where Indian forces lose their nerve.That is now Pakistan’s only hope.

By special arrangement with ThePrint

NATIONAL INTERESTSHEKHAR GUPTA

YES, BUT...SANDEEP GOYAL

Pakistan gets a Modi yorkerUntil now, it was Pakistan that always set the pace on Kashmir.Modi has turned the tables by scrapping Article 370 and Pakistan isstruggling for a response

AL FRESCOSUNIL SETHI

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DELHI THE HINDU

SATURDAY, AUGUST 10, 201910EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

Vanshaj Ravi Jain

The publication of the International Court of Justice’saward in the Kulbhushan

Jadhav case on July 17, 2019 washeralded by both India and Pakistan as a victory to their side; thetruth probably lies somewhere inbetween. The award vindicated India’s claims on merit, concurringthat Pakistan was guilty of multiple violations of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations(VCCR): by failing to inform Mr.Jadhav of his rights under Article36 of the treaty, by neglecting tonotify India of his arrest withoutdelay, and by denying him consular access. Nonetheless, the ICJ rejected India’s claims on two crucial grounds: fair trial rights andremedy.

The bedrockMuch of India’s case hinged on Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights(ICCPR), which guarantees individuals the right to a fair trial. Byconvicting Mr. Jadhav through amilitary tribunal, using video evidence of a confession obtained under coercive circumstances, andby denying Indian consular offi��cers the opportunity to arrange forhis legal representation, India ar

gued that the Pakistani state hademployed an unjust procedure inhis trial. Predictably, however, theICJ chose to hinge its jurisdictionin this case on Article 1 of the Optional Protocol to the VCCR, whichgrants the ICJ compulsory jurisdiction only over disputes arising outof the application or interpretation of the Consular Convention.The unfortunate consequence ofthis choice was that disputes pertaining to violations of other international law norms, such as thehuman rights obligations underthe ICCPR, were ruled to be outside the remit of the ICJ’s jurisdiction. India’s attempts to have theICCPR piggyback on the VCCR, byclaiming that the latter was also, inessence, a human rights treatyand by asserting that the inclusionof the ICCPR was necessary for aneff��ective remedy, were rejectedout of hand.

Issue of remediesThe more troubling aspect of theICJ’s award, from the Indian perspective, concerns the ICJ’s decision on remedies. It denied India’sprayer to set aside Mr. Jadhav’sconviction by the military tribunal, and for his release. Instead, itruled that the appropriate remedywould be for Pakistan to carry outan “eff��ective review and reconsideration” of the tribunal’s conviction and sentence. What thismeans, in simpler terms, is thatPakistan will have to provide Mr.Jadhav a judicial mechanism to assess the prejudice caused to himby a denial of consular access, and

to reconsider (and possibly alter)his sentence and conviction basedon its fi��ndings.

While not entirely unforeseeable, this decision is worrying forseveral reasons. First, this remedycarries a fraught history: it has only ever been used before by the ICJin LaGrand and Avena, which involved an identical denial of consular access to nationals of Germany and Mexico, respectively, bythe United States. Crucially, theunsatisfactory implementation ofthis remedy and the weak reviewmechanisms provided by the U.S.in response to the ICJ’s decision inboth cases have been widely notedin academic literature. Second,the remedy does little to accountfor the violation of Mr. Jadhav’sfair trial rights. This means thatthe review procedure Pakistanopts for might well be one carriedout by a military tribunal, and alsoone that continues to rely on theallegedlyforced video confession.But perhaps the most troubling aspect of this remedy, and the onethat makes it most ripe for furtherlitigation, is that it is intrinsicallyambiguous.

Apart from asserting that the re

view and reconsideration of Mr.Jadhav’s conviction “must be effective”, the ICJ has off��ered littleguidance on how it must be carried out. It is known, from the Avena judgment, that providing Mr.Jadhav access to a clemency petition (as Pakistani law does) is aninsuffi��cient form of review, since itdoes not entail the use of a judicialmechanism. The Pakistani Supreme Court, in Said Zaman Khanv. Federation of Pakistan, ruledthat the state’s civilian courtscould only review the decision of amilitary tribunal on the narrowgrounds of coram non judice (i.e.,an absence of jurisdiction) or malafi��des (bad faith). It is unlikely thatMr. Jadhav’s denial of VCCR rightsfalls under either category. However, the decision in Said ZamanKhan is under review, followingthe Peshawar High Court’s attempts to widen it in 2018, in theAbdur Rashid case.

Heading back to The Hague?The outcome of the latter casemay well portend the use of a civilian review mechanism for Mr. Jadhav’s case. Even if the Rashid casefails, Pakistan could potentially berequired to alter their laws to provide a more eff��ective review mechanism for decisions of militarytribunals: a fact alluded to by theICJ, which stated that “Pakistanshall take all measures to providefor eff��ective review and reconsideration, including, if necessary, byenacting appropriate legislation”[emphasis added].

Ultimately, though neither state

will admit it, the Jadhav decisionwill be a bitter pill to swallow forboth India and Pakistan. For Pakistan, making a signifi��cant alterationto its legal system would amountto an admission that the ICJ’s judgement was a public admonitionof Pakistan’s judicial review mechanism: a prospect Pakistan isunlikely to welcome. For India,any review mechanism that fails toacquit Mr. Jadhav will be seen asprocedurally unsound, and an attempt by Pakistan to further shirkits international legal responsibilities. It does not help that bothcountries have dug themselves into holes by thoroughly politicisingthe ICJ’s verdict.

The likely consequence is that,irrespective of what review mechanism Pakistan implements,both nations will be soon be back,knocking on the door of the International Court: the ICJ’s Statute allows parties to approach the courtagain, asking it to interpret itsjudgment. Signs of this outcomecan already be witnessed, with Pakistan refusing India unimpededaccess to Mr. Jadhav through anote verbale issued mere weeks after the ICJ’s decision. India’s counsel, Harish Salve, has publicly stated that the state will not hesitate toreturn to the ICJ if Pakistan’s conduct proves to be unsatisfactory. Itis increasingly likely that we haven’t heard the last of the Jadhav litigation. For now, however, theball remains in Pakistan’s court.

Vanshaj Ravi Jain is a DPhil candidate and

Rhodes Scholar at the University of Oxford

Not the fi��nal word from Islamabad and DelhiThere are already signs that the Kulbhushan Jadhav case between Pakistan and India might return to the ICJ

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more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

When we describe India asa democracy what do wereally mean? Are we re

ferring merely to a system of popular sovereignty founded in universal adult franchise? Or are wesuggesting something more — perhaps an assurance, grounded inthe Constitution, of a set of rights,of the rights, among others, to afreedom of expression, life andpersonal liberty, and equal opportunity and status?

These are questions, as AstraTaylor argues in her remarkablenew book, Democracy May Not Exist, But We’ll Miss It When It’s Gone,that we must perpetually ask ourselves. If nothing else to remindoneself that while there can bereasonable disagreements overhow a republic ought to be structured, seeing democracy as purelyan enforcement of majoritarianwill, where the only end in mind isthe selection of a representativegovernment, leads to selfrule “becoming not a promise but acurse”. Evidence throughout history has shown us that just resultsdo not necessarily follow from asimple guarantee of equal statusenshrined in a right to vote. Thewealthy and the dominant classesfi��nd uncanny ways to ensure concentration of power. Democracy,therefore, has to percolate beyondthe bare promises of formal political equality.

It is to this end that India’s Constitution provides a framework forgovernance by pledging to peoplea set of inviolable guarantees. But

realising the full value of thoseguarantees at times requires a parley with the state. It was one suchlong battle, fought over nearly twodecades, driven by the unstintingeff��orts of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, that resulted in theenactment in 2005 of the Right toInformation Act (RTI Act). By anyaccount, the law proved transformative to India’s democracy; it revolutionised the citizen’s ability toengage with the state, arming people with a mechanism to ferret outsome of the truth from the government’s otherwise secretive operations.

Deep-reaching amendmentsToday, though, the kernel of theRTI Act is under threat. Newamendments have been passedwithout subjecting the draft law toscrutiny by a parliamentary committee. A feature common to everylaw enacted by Parliament in itspresent session, this portends thereduction of governance to a formof democracy by crude acclamation. The changes made include analteration to the term in offi��ce ofthe information commissioners(ICs) and to the manner of determination of their salaries. In placeof the existing fi��veyear term accorded to the Central InformationCommissioner (CIC) and the various ICs the law grants to the Union government the power to notify their terms through executiveregulations. What is more, theamendment deletes the RTI Act’smandate that the salary paid to theCIC and the ICs ought to be equivalent to that paid respectively tothe Chief Election Commissionerand the Election Commissioners(ECs). Now, the salary, allowances,and terms and conditions of service of the CIC and the ICs will bedetermined by executive guidelines.

On its face, a reading of theseamendments might not strike usas being especially harmful. Thechanges may appear to be nothingmore than matters of legislative niceties. But the RTI Act is not an ordinary statute. It is a law that enlivens and animates the basic rightto freedom of information. Although such a right is not enumerated in the Constitution, the Supreme Court has repeatedlyaffi��rmed its position as intrinsic tothe right to freedom of expression(for example, in PUCL v. Union ofIndia, 2004).

It might be diffi��cult to see themerit in this fi��nding if we take democracy to mean governance bythe many and nothing more. Butas the courts have wisely recognised, information often acts as agreat leveller; it helps anchor democratic action. Therefore, for democracy to be valuable, citizensmust possess a right to freely express themselves. It ought to follow then that it is only when citizens have a right to know what thestate is up to, where governance istransparent, can their speech havegenuine meaning; only then canthey constructively participate inthe veritable marketplace of ideas.

It was with a view to giving effect to these constitutional promises that the RTI Act was formulated.Extensive debate was held both in

Parliament and within parliamentary committees before it was decided that public authorities oughtto be mandated by law to making aseries of voluntary disclosures ontheir structure, their functioning,and their fi��nancial management.Besides this basic directive, citizens are also empowered underthe RTI Act to seek and obtain anyinformation from public authorities, barring a few exempted categories such as information whichmight aff��ect the sovereignty of thecountry or private informationwhich might have a bearing on aperson’s right to privacy.

Ferreting out the truthThis freedom to secure information that the law provides has, inmany ways, redesigned the structure of India’s democratic governance. It has helped open the government up to greater scrutiny.For example, it was through a response to a request made under theRTI Act that it was discovered thatbetween 2006 and 2010 morethan ₹��700 crore had been divertedfrom Delhi’s special componentplan, intended for the development of Scheduled Caste communities, to projects related to theCommonwealth Games. More recently, an exposé by Rohini Mohaninto the horrifying processes ofthe “Foreigners Tribunal” in Assam was made on the back of securing information through theRTI Act. Even there, as Ms. Mohanhas pointed out, only fi��ve out ofthe 100 functioning tribunals replied to requests for copies of theorders delivered.

It is when a plea for informationgoes unheeded that the CIC andthe ICs play an especially vitalrole. Should the initial request forinformation made to a public information offi��cer, designated byeach public authority, fail, the pe

titioner is entitled to lodge an appeal to an authority within the department concerned. Should thatentreaty fail too — and it often doessince this is a virtually illusory remedy — a further appeal can bemade to the offi��ce of the CIC or theState Information Commission.

Until now, the RTI Act grantedan acceptable level of independence to ICs. By placing theirterms of service on a par withthose of the ECs the law insulatedthe ICs from political infl��uence.This protection was not dissimilarto the autonomy accorded tomembers of the higher judiciary.The basic idea remained the same:security in offi��ce is imperative ifmembers must intervene withoutfear or favour to ensure that thelaw’s mandate is met.

It could well be argued that theRTI Act, in its original form, wasfar from fl��awless, especially in thatit did not do enough to open uppublic authorities to completescrutiny. But the present amendments, far from strengthening theexisting regime, subvert the independence of the information commission. The delegation of thepower to fi��x the tenure and the salaries of the CIC and the ICs to thepolitical executive places the information commission’s autonomy ina state of peril. With the witheringof that independence, the right tofreedom of information also begins to lose its thrust. Ultimately,therefore, the new amendmentsrepresent a classic piece of totalitarian legerdemain. Democracy,to borrow the American philosopher Cornel West’s conception,demands a “leap of faith”. If thenew amendments are allowed tostand, making that leap becomesall the more implausible.

Suhrith Parthasarathy is an advocate

practising at the Madras High Court

Incisive interventions that blunt the RTI’s edgeWith the kernel of the Information Act under threat, the independence of the information commission is in peril

Suhrith Parthasarathy

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Pakistan’s stance

Strange as it might seem,the reverberations over theCentral government’sdecision to abrogateArticles 35A and 370 andredesignate Jammu andKashmir as a UnionTerritory appear to be feltmore in neighbouringPakistan than in theKashmir Valley itself(Editorial, “Kneejerk”,August 9). A fl��urry ofactivity has been witnessedin Pakistan — expulsion ofthe Indian envoy, bilateraltrade coming to a halt, andeven a refusal to grantconsular access toKulbhushan Jadhav. What iseven more of an oddity isPakistan which hasabsolutely no locus standias far as Kashmiri aff��airs areconcerned also threateningto take the matter to theUnited Nations Security

Council. India has to thwartall eff��orts by Pakistan tomeddle in our internalaff��airs.C.V. Aravind,

Bengaluru

■ Before it rushed ahead withsnapping trade ties withIndia, debtridden Pakistanshould have understood thattrade is a basic need foremployment and incomegeneration for its people.Also reorganising its ownState is India’s internalmatter. Even on thediplomatic front, the rest ofthe subcontinent hasrecognised this as fact.Pakistan must shun its policyof statesponsored terrorismas it is already on the grey listof international donoragencies for terrorfi��nancing.It should continue to engagein talks with India at thebilateral level and resolve all

pending issues.Harvinder Singh Chugh,

Jalandhar City, Punjab

Bank nationalisation

None can dispute thebenefi��cial impact of banknationalisation on the Indianeconomy but let us not forgetthat everything is transient inits time and place (Editorialpage, “Economic milestoneand a poignant anniversary”,August 9). There are obviousunwanted consequences anddevelopments that call forchange now. Therecommendations of theNarasimham Committees onbanking sector reforms inthe 1990s deserve a closerlook. The point of nonperforming assets, theinherent defi��ciency of publicsector banking in many areasand new issues require aholistic look. Other issuesinclude mergers of banks,

the structure of nonbankingfi��nancial companies andsmall and mediumenterprises, holisticconsolidation in banking andindustrial structures. Changeis of the essence. K.U. Mada,

Mangaluru

■ The fact that much of thegrowth of agricultural creditsince 2001 has beencornered by “big agribusiness farms andcorporate houses located inurban and metropolitancentres” goes against thebasic credo ofnationalisation. Other pointsin the article highlight theneed to expand the ruralbanking network andinstructional credit. Thatprivatisation of nationalisedbanks is a panacea for all theills of the banking sectorwould spell disaster for the

trees is Manipur’s greenambassador”, August 9).However, the gesture of theManipur government inmaking her a greenambassador, off��ering 20saplings to her and extendingher other concessions, willgo a long way in not onlyassuaging her distraughtfeelings but also making itclear that there exists agovernment that cares for itscitizens. That the ChiefMinister himself intervenedin the matter is gratifying.The incident needs to behighlighted in all educationalinstitutions so that theyounger generation isencouraged to do its bit inthe protection of theenvironment. V. Subramanian,

Chennai

rural economy. It would befar more prudent to correctsystemic faults that havecrept in the sector in thecourse of the last 50 yearsthan reversing a policymeasure that has madefi��nancial inclusion a reality.Even merger to create a fewleviathans may prove to becounter productive.Kosaraju Chandramouli,

Hyderabad

Green ambassador

Striking a balance betweenenvironmental concerns anddevelopment is no doubtdiffi��cult, but the photographof a nineyearold girl inManipur crying over felledtrees as a result of a roadwidening project in that Stateis anguish and distress thatanyone who isenvironmentally consciouscan understand (‘Life’ page,“Girl who cried over felled

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

It is possible to argue that there is no need to create

new criminal off��ences for ‘lynching’ and ‘honour

killing’ because they remain plain murders. These

are already punishable with death or life imprison

ment. Yet, mob lynching and murderous attacks on

young couples in the name of preserving family or com

munity honour have emerged as preponderant social

evils. It is but inevitable that societies come up with

new ways of combating such hate crimes. Rajasthan has

made bold to grapple with these two crimes by passing

special penal laws. Vigilante mobs have unleashed a

wave of crimes in the name of cow protection and pre

venting the sale of beef or transport of cattle; the spread

of rumour and attempts to establish sectarian domi

nance have also contributed to this disturbing pheno

menon. The Supreme Court zeroed in on the nub of the

trend when it spoke of “rising intolerance and growing

polarisation” in a judgment last year. It also mooted a

special law to criminalise it and “instil a sense of fear”

among those too quick to form a lynch mob. The pas

sage of the Protection from Lynching Bill, 2019, makes

Rajasthan the second State, after Manipur, to imple

ment the suggestion. A positive feature is that it closely

resembles the Manipur law in the way “lynching” is de

fi��ned. It covers any act of violence, whether spontane

ous or planned, by a mob on the grounds of religion,

race, caste, sex, place of birth, language, dietary prac

tices, sexual orientation, political affi��liation or ethnici

ty. And two persons are enough to constitute a ‘mob’.

According to the State’s Parliamentary Aff��airs Minis

ter, 86% of mob lynching incidents reported in India af

ter 2014 were in Rajasthan. The Bill says that when a

mob attack ends in death, it is punishable with life im

prisonment and a fi��ne of up to ₹��5 lakh. There are lesser

terms for causing injuries. As directed by the Supreme

Court, the Bill provides for appointment of a nodal of

fi��cer to prevent lynching and for district police chiefs to

act as coordinators. It ensures compensation to victims

and rehabilitation measures for those displaced. The

opposition BJP, on expected lines, contended that the

Bill was being brought in a hurry to please a commun

ity. However, it is a fact that Muslims have been prime

targets of lynch mobs. The party’s fulmination against

the other Bill that prohibits interference in the “free

dom of matrimonial alliances in the name of honour

and tradition” was equally bereft of substance, as it cit

ed societal norms and cultural practice to oppose the

progressive law. In eff��ect, it was batting for khap pan

chayats that seek to interdict intercaste marriages. The

Bill provides for both death and life imprisonment for

killing in the name of honour, but it is doubtful if courts

will look at all such murders as among the ‘rarest of rare

cases’ that warrant the resort to the death penalty.

Taking on the mobRajasthan’s laws on lynching, ‘honour killing’

are inevitable responses to rising hate crimes

Prime Minister Narenda Modi’s address to the na

tion on Thursday may not have reached its prim

ary audience in Jammu and Kashmir which was in

blackout. But he did well by speaking out on his deci

sion to revoke its special status, and divide it into two

Union Territories. Considering the secrecy and disin

formation that preceded the decision that he rightly

characterised as historic, and the triumphalism among

his supporters that followed, the address was reassur

ing. The promises he made will be checked against de

livery in the coming months, not only by the people of

J&K but also by the rest of India and other countries. In

his 37minute address, Mr. Modi promised restoration

of statehood to J&K once normalcy returned, a partici

patory election, and growth in employment, commerce

and opportunities in general for them. The PM urged

industrialists to set up shop, and fi��lmmakers to shoot

in the Valley, and asked people there to integrate with

the global community. He even off��ered a catalogue of

products and services that could make the State attrac

tive in the global market. While these are desirable ob

jectives, the PM could start with what is exclusively

within his powers to eff��ect — to call for fresh election

and restore statehood at the earliest. While an elected

government itself will be a sign of improvement in the

situation, it will also make normalcy more organic. Re

vocation of statehood was unjustifi��ed in the fi��rst place,

and its restoration must be immediate.

What actually triggered separatism and terrorism in

J&K — whether the special status and autonomy it was

granted by the Constitution, or the gradual erosion of

these concepts over decades — is a diffi��cult question,

but the BJP has always claimed to have known the answ

er. The PM reiterated that position, stating that Articles

370 and 35A gave only “separatism, nepotism and cor

ruption to the people of J&K”. Additionally, he also said

these were hurdles in the region’s development; and

now that these are removed, an era of development and

progress could be ushered in. While the charges of cor

ruption and nepotism are true to an extent, there is no

reason to suggest that J&K has been any worse than oth

er States in this respect. The implied reductionism in

the address that political aspirations may be a price

worth paying for material progress may not be a demo

cratic path to progress. No other formation in India is

more vociferous than the BJP on questions of culture,

heritage and faith. National integration is essential for

peace, stability and progress, and uniform develop

ment across regions, but this is not synonymous with

an enforced cultural homogeneity. J&K needs a repre

sentative government and full statehood urgently for

normalcy and integration with the Indian Union.

State of the UnionEarly elections and full statehood are essential

to the total integration of J&K with India

THE HINDU DELHI

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CMYK

A ND-NDE

GROUND ZERO

At 34, Sangeeta Kale from Maharashtra’s Beed district is a motherof two collegegoing sons, aged 19

and 17. Married off�� to a sugarcane cutter at the age of 13 even before she hadhit puberty, Kale had little inkling of thehard life ahead. Kale, who had her fi��rstchild when she was just 16, workedthrough her pregnancy with husbandSadashiv in the fi��elds of western Maharashtra, sometimes spending up to 16hours cutting and loading the cane cropinto trucks during the harvestingmonths — October to March. Her life remained the same after her fi��rst and second deliveries and subsequent years.

However, she found the routine backbreaking work daunting on days hermenstrual cycle set in, as the fi��elds hadno toilets. She couldn’t take leave forfear of being heavily penalised. Finally,fed up with these troubles and other recurrent gynaecological issues rangingfrom white discharge to pain, Kale underwent hysterectomy — uterusremoval surgery — last July.

Just like Kale, many women, some ofwhom are just in their 20s, in Beed haveundergone this lifealtering procedure,which is otherwise prescribed only for ahandful of medical conditions and oftenperformed as a last resort.

What is even more shocking is thatKale was the seventh woman in her extended family, living in Beed’s Umrad Jahagir village, to have undergone the operation. “Frustrated with period pain,white discharges and foul smell, when Iapproached a doctor, I was told my uterus was damaged and hysterectomy wasthe way out,” says Kale.

The droughtstricken Beed district inMaharashtra’s Marathwada region cameunder the scanner this May after reportscame to light about the unusually highrate of hysterectomies among its women, especially among those who migrate to neighbouring districts to workas sugarcane cutters.

State fi��gures say that in three years(20162019), as many as 4,605 womenhave had their uterus removed in Maharashtra. Civil rights organisations allegethat the hysterectomy rate in Beed is 14times more than that for the State or thecountry. In Umrad Jahagir village wherethe Kales reside, the number of ‘wombless women’ now stands at 50.

Pushed into debtSitting on the fl��oor of her tinroofedshanty, Kale, slightly under fi��vefeet tall,points towards her back and knees.“The uterusremoval surgery has nodoubt relieved me from the menstrualcramps and vaginal discharge, but it hasbrought along back and joint pain. Onmany days, the pain is unbearable. It’slike I have aged at a greater speed,” shesays.

“The doctor assured me that removing the uterus was the best option.Though I was taking medication, my infections were recurring. I had alreadyundergone a sterilisation surgery, sothere was anyway no scope of havingmore children. Hysterectomy seemedlike the right thing to do. But later, theaftereff��ects started,” rues Kale, whomissed out on the last sugarcane cutting season as she was bedridden forthree months after the procedure. Herdecision to undergo the procedure hasbrought not just health issues but severeeconomic distress to the already impoverished household.

Her husband holds her responsiblefor the debt of ₹��2 lakh that has piled onthem. At fi��rst, he blamed her oneoff��leaves from work. Then, he pointed fi��ngers at her for the ₹��30,000 that they hadto borrow for the hysterectomy. Thetaunts have gotten worse since they missed out on the last season of sugarcanecutting.

Kale relied on the testimonies of herfour sistersinlaw and two of theirmothersin law, who had all beenthrough the procedure, when she gotadmitted to the Veer Hospital located onthe BeedJalna road for the surgery.“None of us has ever been to school. Butthe doctor is educated. His word was assuring for us,” she says.

Kale’s sisterinlaw Vaishali, 33, wasalso advised a hysterectomy when shesought medical help after grapplingwith vaginal discharge and recurrent infections for years. “I was told my uteruswas damaged and getting it removedwas best. I had two sons, so we thoughtthe most important job of the wombwas done,” says Vaishali.

Scores of women in Beed off��er a similar narrative. Shockingly, most don’thave medical reports or any papers toshow the history of their treatment.

Their individual stories all follow apattern. Women would commonly consult their doctors for health issues lasting up to a year, but then complain ofrecurrent infections. Sooner or later,hysterectomy would be recommendedto them as a permanent solution.

However, they were never told howthe surgery could lead to hormonal imbalance, calcium defi��ciency and constant body ache, among other things.

In Beed, open defecation remains aground reality. Many households dohave built toilet blocks built under the

government’s Swachh Bharat schemebut their members still defecate in theopen due to lack of water. For the women in the district, it is a vicious cycleas they have no sanitary facilities eitherat their workplace or at their homes.And the nature of work in a sugarcanefi��eld has only worsened their situation.

An estimated 56 lakh people, including pregnant and lactating women, migrate from Beed to other parts of Maharashtra, and border areas of Karnataka,to work as sugarcane cutters. Hailingfrom a region that is perennially under aspell of drought and not having manyavenues of employment, Beed residentscontinue to live in abject poverty andhave to rely on sugarcane cutting tomake a living. Traditionally, a couple ishired by a mukadam (contractor) as asingle ‘unit’, known as ek koyta (onesickle). The contractor pays them uchal(a lump sum) in advance, ranging from₹��80,000 to ₹��1.2 lakh, for a period of fourto six months. The pairs migrate afterDeepavali every year.

While a typical workday starts ataround 6 a.m. for the couple, the woman gets up earlier, at 4 a.m., and cooksfood for the entire family before she setsout. Children are left behind in temporary shanties near the sugarcane farmsas their parents toil under the sun.

Two-and-a-half tonnes a dayLaxmi Chauhan, 44, from Beed’s Vanjarwadi village and her husband Nanabhau, 45, have been migrating for sugarcane cutting for the past 25 years. “Wemanage to cut about twoandahalftonnes of sugarcane in a day. A tonne ofsugarcane earns us anywhere between₹��350 to ₹��400 depending on the seasonal rate,” says Nanabhau, a father of twosons, both in their twenties.

Soon after the birth of their children,Chauhan began experiencing pain inthe abdomen, which resulted in her frequent absences from work and low productivity. “Working during the menstrual cycle was anyway diffi��cult,” saysChauhan, adding that she had to makemultiple strikes with the sickle to cut asingle cane, a process which made herfeel further weak and unwell. It alsomeant lower earnings for the couple.

“We earned less than the uchal andhad to repay the remaining amount tothe mukadam. Also, when one failed toreport to work, the mukadam demanded a fi��ne of ₹��500, which had to be paidin cash and was distributed among other workers who took the extra workload,” says Chauhan.

Troubled by her own dwindling productivity and the couple’s mountingdebt, Chauhan fi��nally decided to see adoctor at the Veer Hospital in 2014. Following a sonography, she was told thather uterus had got swollen and thiscould lead to cancer. Within the nextfew days, the couple hurriedly collected₹��25,000 and Chauhan got her uterus removed, as advised by the doctor. Shewas hospitalised for seven days.

“Since then, my body has begunswelling and I am in pain every day. But

I feel better than before,” she says.Weight gain, which Chauhan has experienced, is another inevitable side eff��ectof hysterectomy. When asked if the uterus removal was at the suggestion of amukadam, the couple deny it. “Wetrusted the doctor’s word,” says Nanabhau, adding that they had sought helpwith the intention of getting medicaltreatment and not surgery. “When thedoctor told us about the risk of cancer,we did not want to take any chances,”he says.

Coaxed by contractors?Following reports on the high numberof hysterectomies performed in Beed,the Maharashtra administrationlaunched an investigation on June 18.Among the many aspects that the authorities are probing, one is whether themukadams push women to undergo theprocedure to ensure better returns.“There could be a nexus between profi��tdriven doctors and the mukadams. Thisdefi��nitely needs to be investigated,among other things,” says NeelamGorhe, who is heading the sevenmember investigation committee that willsubmit its report to the Chief Ministerand Health Minister this month.

A mukadam is a wellconnected villager who reaches out to prospective labourers from the nearby areas. With frequent droughts and failing crops, manycouples prefer to migrate for incomegeneration, even if they have acres offarmland back home.

“The poverty is so ingrained that theadvance taken by couples is exhaustedvery quickly. When they fail to cut sugarcane worth the advance paid tothem, we are left with no choice but to

pursue them to return the remainingmoney,” says Bappa Kotwade, 42, a mu-kadam from Beed’s Irla Dubba village.Having been a mukadam for the past 15years, he supplies up to 200 koyatas(couples) to sugarcane factories everyseason.

While some labourers are gadiwale(couples with a pair of bullocks and arented cart), some work as toliwale(groups that transport harvested sugarcane in trucks or tractors).

“Some men are alcoholics and recovering money from them becomes atask. Some couples disappear midway.There are some who never pay back. Wehave to be taskmasters to deal withthis,” says Kotwade, adding that theyforge longstanding relationships withthe labourers and keep paying themsmall amounts for food and health expenses to ensure that they come backevery season.

But it is not always hunkydory forthe labourers, some of whom have beenbeaten up and even illegally detained infactories when they failed to cough upthe money. “There have been murderstoo,” says Kotwade, citing a story of amukadam who had a scuffl�e with a labourer while demanding the money.“The labourer died due to serious injuries and the mukadam landed in jail.”

Kotwade, however, rubbishes the allegation that mukadams suggest hysterectomies to women. “It is a vicious cycle of hard manual labour, grindingpoverty and bad living conditions. Uterus or no uterus, they have to work toearn. Why should we tell them anything?” he says, adding that women havebeen undergoing hysterectomies foryears in Beed.

Let down by doctors?A muddy pathway through a farm inVanjarwadi leads to the house of SarikaChandrasen Kurlekar, a frail 32yearold. In the village, where 56 womenhave undergone uterus removal procedures, Kurlekar is the youngest to havebeen operated. She has never migratedfor cane cutting but, like all other women, had been complaining of continuous white discharge that caused fatigue.Her medical record from Matoshri Hos

pital cites “bulky cervix and persistentdemand by patient” as the reason forthe hysterectomy.

Ashok Anand, head of gynaecology atthe staterun J.J. Hospital in Mumbai, isamused at the reasons cited. “Neither abulky cervix nor persistent demands bya patient warrant a hysterectomy. Hersymptoms were more likely due to cervicitis, which could be treated throughconservative medication,” says Anand.

Since news on the hysterectomies inBeed came to light, questions have beenraised on the possible role of the medical fraternity in making women undergo the procedure. State data showedthat 99 private hospitals in Beed districthave carried out 4,605 hysterectomiessince April 2016. Eleven of these hospitals have carried out more than 100 hysterectomies in the threeyear period.

‘Gross exploitation’The top fi��ve in the list are: PratibhaNursing Home (277); Tidke Hospital(196); Shree Bhagwan Hospital (193);Gholve Hospital (186); and Veer Hospital(179). In comparison, 2,000odd hysterectomies have been performed in thepublic sector in the same period inBeed. “Instead of getting rational treatment in public healthcare facilities, thewomen are pushed towards irrationaltreatments in the private sector,” saysAbhay Shukla, national coconvenor ofthe Jan Swasthya Abhiyan. “It’s nothingbut gross exploitation of vulnerabilitiesof women and a failure of the state,” hesays. Activists also rue that the offi��cialcount could be underreported as thestate banks on these same hospitals tofurnish the fi��gures.

Local doctors, however, feel the criticism is uncalled for and insist that formost of the women who underwent thesurgery, their health warranted it. Gy

naecologist Madhav Sanap, who has runthe Shree Bhagwan Hospital since 1998,is prompt to assert that there may bedoctors who conduct unindicated procedures, but he is not one of them. “Ofthe 193 surgeries that I have carried out,only four were of women under 35. Ican provide history for each and everycase,” he says, while arguing that thehype around hysterectomies in Beed requires an indepth analysis. “It willprove that the district has rates comparable to other parts of the State,” he says.

Poor hygieneSanjay Veer, a gynaecologist and ownerof Veer Hospital, says no one goes underthe knife unless there is real suff��ering.“These women live in conditions of extremely poor hygiene. They don’t haveaccess to toilets. They can’t aff��ord sanitary pads. Open defecation is rampantin their villages as near the sugarcanefarms where they work,” he says.

“The core issues are poverty, illiteracy, lack of sanitation and access to water. Doctors are being made scapegoatsin this issue, which is largely a socioeconomic one and requires a larger solution,” he adds.

The National Family Health Surveydata show that the rate of hysterectomies in Maharashtra is 2.6%, while thenational average is 3.2%. But when itcomes to Beed, a 2018 survey of 200 women by Maharashtra State Commissionfor Women revealed the extent of theproblem as around 36% were found tohave had undergone hysterectomies.

According to Beed’s civil surgeonAshok Thorat, there is an absence ofenough data to carry out comparisonswith other districts in Maharashtra.“Our primary investigations haveshown that the prevalence of hysterectomies is 17 per 1,000 women in Beed.In some parts of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and other States, the prevalence isabout 50 to 60 per 1,000 women,” saysThorat, adding that a detailed survey isunder way to get to the root cause.

In fact, a circular dated April 16, hasmade it compulsory for private gynaecologists in Beed to seek permissionfrom a civil surgeon for every hysterectomy procedure barring emergencyprocedures, which have to be reportedwithin a span of 24 hours. The circularwarns doctors against portraying allkinds of tumours, growths and swellingon uterus as cancers.

“The number of hysterectomies hasgone down by 50% since we implemented the SOP [Standard Operating Procedure],” Beed’s collector Astik KumarPandey tells The Hindu. “Right now, allthe hospitals are under our scanner. Allhysterectomies in the past, especially ofwomen who are under 35, are beingscrutinised,” he says.

Activists say that the menace of unwarranted hysterectomies aff��ects notjust sugarcane cutters but women ingeneral. “Early marriages and childbirth, fear of cancer and the loss of wages during menstruation have all culminated in the high rate of hysterectomies.The government has no clue about theground reality as it has never maintained any data,” says health activist Abhijit More who terms Beed’s situation asa blatant violation of rights of womenliving in the district, who are uneducated and therefore illequipped to makethe right health choices.

Sarika Chandrasen Kurlekar, 32, among the 56 women in Vanjarwadi village who have undergone hysterectomy. * ARUNANGSU ROY CHOWDHURY

In Beed, a harvest of crushed hopesMaharashtra’s drought-stricken district of Beed hit the headlines recently when reports emerged of an unusually high rate of hysterectomies among its women,especially those who migrate to nearby districts to cut sugar cane. Jyoti Shelar pieces together their story as the State administration carries out an investigation

<> Early marriages and child

birth, fear of cancer and the

loss of wages during

menstruation have all

culminated in the high rate of

hysterectomies

Abhijit More

Health activist

Six out of the seven women from the extended Kale family in Umrad have undergone hysterectomies. * ARUNANGSU ROY CHOWDHURY

<> The surgery has no doubt

relieved me from the

menstrual cramps and vaginal

discharge, but it has brought

along back and joint pain

Sangeeta Kale

Beed resident

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10 issues and insights mumbai | 10 august 2019 …...the tiles on the terraces of the home are from...

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