10 gender-responsive risk and need assessment

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10 GENDER-RESPONSIVE RISK AND NEED ASSESSMENT Implications for the Treatment of Jusce-Involved Women Emi f Sasbury, Breanna Bre and Bridget Key1 When pperly uzed to iʦ llest potenal, a vted. gene rk and need ement instrument may drive neay every subsequent cminal jusce decion made on behf ousce- involved individus, galess of whether the instrument is conducted at the nt end of the stem during p-ial, or at e back end during pale or post-release supervision. Nely ery decision point is impved in some way m the asment information obned, whether that decision is made by a jud , pbaon officer, coronal counselor, pale boa or case manager.Wiout acarial risk and need ssment, our commues would undoubtedly be r less safe, and might s be under the umpon that "nothing works" to duce cidivism (Marnson, 1974). Of course, we know certain intervenons aa11all y Jo work to duce offender recivm under the right condions (Van Voorhis & Sisbu, 2014). The is a "science" behind such condions, and a body of empiric owled at must not be ignod in the connued theorec and pccal delopment of risk and need sment as a sh inqui . The principles of effective intervention (so referd to as the "Wt Wor" or Risk-NeedResponsivi model; And & Ban, 2010; Don & And, 2007; Gendau, Lie & Goin, 1996) have nsrmed the opeon ofthe corco tem r the better, dicng corconal s on (1) which offend- e to priorize r supervision and intervenon (k priple), (2) what pble, ong die many that offende have, to addss thugh intenon (eed prindple), and (3) the most effec modalies di which to t them et1eral nd efic 111si+i pri11dpl). When Ted Palmer ked the question of what metho work r certain offende under wch condions, he pioneered the exploon of the unknown "black box" of effecve intenon (Palmer, 1975). While neither sel nor my co•autho, pclaim to be as innove as Ted Palmer, it is nevertheless in this me vein tt gender-sponsive risk essment seahe ckle what wor r women offende in pacular. Given that we know women's lives prior to and during offending arc oſten ndameny diffent than men's lis, and the path to crimi behavior differ by gender, explo e opm conons r dieir effecve aent, with- out losing sight of the evidence supporng the gene prinples of effecve intervenon. Mo specificly schola who enge in nder-ponsive offender habilion eah pose die question, "If our crimin justice policies d pcedu srted t wi th women offende in mind, how ght th opete diffently to achieve positive outcom?" Parcularly sient r 220

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GENDER-RESPONSIVE RISK AND

NEED ASSESSMENT

Implications for the Treatment of Justice-Involved Women

Emily f. Salisbury, Breanna Boppre and Bridget Kelly1

When properly utilized to its fullest potential, a validated. general risk and need assessment instrument may drive nearly every subsequent criminal justice decision made on behalf ofjustice­involved individuals, regardless of whether the instrument is conducted at the fiont end of the system during pre-trial, or at the back end during parole or post-release supervision. Nearly every decision point is improved in some way fiom the assessment information obtained, whether that decision is made by a judge, probation officer, correctional counselor, parole board or case manager. Without actuarial risk and need assessment, our communities would undoubtedly be far less safe, and we: might still be under the assumption that "nothing works" to reduce recidivism (Martinson, 1974).

Of course, we know certain interventions aa11ally Jo work to reduce offender recidivism under the right conditions (Van Voorhis & Salisbury, 2014). There is a "science" behind such conditions, and a body of empirical knowledge that must not be ignored in the continued theoretical and practical development of risk and need assessment as a research inquiry. The principles of effective intervention (also referred to as the "What Works" or Risk-Need• Responsivity model; Andrews & Banta, 2010; Donta & Andrews, 2007; Gendreau, Little & Goggin, 1996) have transformed the operation of the correctional system for the better, directing correctional staff on (1) which offend­ers to prioritize for supervision and intervention (risk prit1ciple), (2) what problems, among die many that offenders have, to address through intervention (t1eed prindple), and (3) the most effective modalities widi which to t:irget them (get1eral t1nd specific 1espo11si11ity pri11dples).

When Ted Palmer asked the question of what methods work for certain offenders under which

conditions, he pioneered the exploration of the unknown "black box" of effective intervention (Palmer, 1975). While neither myself, nor my co•authors, proclaim to be as innovative as Ted Palmer, it is nevertheless in this same vein that gender-responsive risk assessment researchers tackle what works for women offenders in particular. Given that we know women's lives prior to and during offending arc often fundamentally different than men's lives, and the pathways to criminal behavior differ by gender, we: explore the optimal conditions for dieir effective treatment, with­out losing sight of the evidence supporting the general principles of effective intervention. Mon: specifically. scholars who engage in gender-responsive offender rehabilitation research pose die question, "If our criminal justice policies and procedures started first with women offenders in mind, how might they operate differently to achieve positive outcomes?" Particularly salient for

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