Contents

Foreword

Lord Robertson of Port Ellen, NATO Secretary General v

Amre Moussa, Secretary General League of Arab States vi

Dedication viii

Editorial for Hexagon Series xv

Acknowledgements xvi

Permissions and Credits xx

Prefaces 1

Impact of the Year 2001 on Multilateral Approaches to Armed Violence 3

Jonathan Dean

Jordanian Perception of Security Challenges in the Mediterranean 9

Kamel S. Abu Jaber

Risks of Conflict: Population and Resource Pressures 13

Sir Crispin Tickell

The Fall of Paradigms and the Challenge of Cultures Dialogue 19

El Sayed Yassin

Part I Introduction: Security and Environment Linkages, Conflicts in the Mediterranean (1945 -2001) and Conflict Prevention 25

1 Introduction: Security and Environment in the Mediterranean 27

Hans Günter Brauch, P. H. Liotta, Paul Rogers

2 Security and Environment Linkages on the Mediterranean Space: Three Phases of Research on Human and Environmental Security and Peace 35

Hans Günter Brauch

3 Conflicts in and among Mediterranean Countries (1945 -2001) 145

Frank R. Pfetsch

4 Prevention of Violent Conflicts: A New Task for Security Policy - Lessons Learned from Successes and Failures for the Mediterranean 157

Michael S. Lund

x Contents

Part II Security Dialogue and Concepts: NATO's Mediterranean Security Dialogue and Security Concept of the European Union 175

5 NATO’s Agenda and the Mediterranean Dialogue 177

Nicola de Santis

6 A Southern Perspective and Assessment of NATO's Mediterranean Security Dialogue 181

Mohamed Kadry Said

7 A European Perspective and Assessment of NATO’s Mediterranean Security Dialogue 195

Félix Sanz

8 The Future of the NATO-Mediterranean Dialogue 199

Ellen Laipson

9 The Security Concept of the European Union for the Mediterranean 203

Michael A. Köhler

Part III Conceptualising Security in the Post-Cold War Period in the North 235

10 Worldviews and Mind-sets: American vs. European Perspectives on Mediterranean (Environmental) Security Policy 237

Hans Günter Brauch

11 Globalisation, States, and Regionalisation: Analysing post-Cold War Security in the Mediterranean Region 267

Mehdi Parvizi Amineh and John Grin

12 National, Societal and Human Security: Discussion - Case Study of the Israel-Palestine Conflict 277

Bjørn Møller

13 Economic and Financial Globalisation: Its Consequences for Security in the Early 21st Century 289

Czeslaw Mesjasz

14 Military and Environmental Security: Revisiting the Concepts in the Euro-Mediterranean 301

P. H. Liotta

15 From Cooperative Security to Security Partnership in the Mediterranean 309

Antonio Marquina

Part IV Conceptualising Security in the Post-Cold War Period in the South 319

16 Conceptualisations of Security: A Perspective from the Maghreb 321

Béchir Chourou

17 Conceptualising Security by Arab Mashreq Countries 333

Mohammad El-Sayed Selim

18 Security Conceptualisation in Turkey 345

Mustafa Aydin

19 Conceptualising Security in Israel 357

Ephraim Kam

Contents xi

Part V Security Challenges in the Euro-Mediterranean Region 367

20 Missile Defence Programmes and Debates in the United States - Threat Perception on the MENA Area: An Assessment and Proposal 369

Hans Günter Brauch

21 Is there a Missile Threat for Europe? Justifications for a European Missile Defence in Europe and in the Mediterranean 411

Vicente Garrido Rebolledo and Belén Lara Fernández

22 Soft Security Challenges: Terrorism and Organised Crime – The Open Agenda 429

Alessandro Politi

23 Migration as an International and Domestic Security Issue 441

Catherine Wihtol de Wenden

Part VI Conceptualising Environmental Security for the Mediterranean Region 453

24 Environmental Security: Conceptual Contestation and Empirical Relevance in the Mediterranean 455

Stacy D. VanDeveer

25 The Political Ecology of Violence: Lessons for the Mediterranean 465

Colin H. Kahl

26 Environmental Conflict: Neomalthusians vs. Cornucopians 477

Nils Petter Gleditsch

Part VII Environmental Consequences of Wars in the Mediterranean (1940 -2000) 487

27 War Impacts on the Environment in the Mediterranean and Evolution of International Law 489

Hans Günter Brauch

28 Landmines from External Powers in World War II at El-Alamein in Egypt 513

Mohamed Kadry Said

29 Environmental Dimension of the Gulf War of 1991 523

Arthur H. Westing

30 Environmental Post-Conflict Assessments: A New UN Tool Developed by UNEP 535

Pekka Haavisto

31 A Question of Priorities - Adverse Effects of the Israeli -Palestinian Conflict on the Environment of the Region over the Last Decade 563

Robin Twite

32 Activities of the Multilateral Environmental Working Group in the Middle East Peace Process 573

Hiroshi Oka

xii Contents

Part VIII Population Growth and Climate Change in the Mediterranean 591

33 The Population of the Mediterranean Region During 1950 -2000 593

Hania Zlotnik

34 Climate and Climate History of the Mediterranean Basin 615

Hans-Jürgen Bolle

35 Impacts of Climate Changes and Sea Level Rise on the Mediterranean Coastal Zone 631

Dimitri Georgas

Part IX Desertification in the Mediterranean and MENA Region 643

36 Desertification: Global Degradation of Drylands 645

Monique Mainguet

37 Assessing Desertification in the Middle East and North Africa: Policy Implications 655

Mamdouh Nasr

38 Accelerated Desertification in the Deserts of Mauritania and China in the 20th Century 677

Monique Mainguet, Frédéric Dumay, Han Guang, Jean-Christophe Georges

39 Population and Land-use Changes: Impacts on Desertification in Southern Europe and in the Maghreb 687

Teresa Mendizábal, Juan Puigdefábregas

Part X Water Scarcity in the Mediterranean and MENA Region 703

40 Water Security in the Mediterranean and the Middle East 705

John Anthony Allan

41 Shared Groundwater Resource Management and Protection in the Mediterranean – A Joint Approach by United Nations Agencies 719

Branko Bošnjakovic

42 Water Accords in the Middle East Peace Process: Moving towards Cooperation? 729

Ines Dombrowsky

43 The Euphrates Issue in Turkish-Syrian Relations 745

Waltina Scheumann

44 The Nile Basin Initiative: a Catalyst for Cooperation 761

Henrike Peichert

Contents xiii

Part XI Food and Urbanisation in the Mediterranean and MENA Region 775

45 Population Growth and Food Security in the Countries of the Middle East and North Africa 777

Philippe Collomb

46 Mediterranean Countries and World Markets: Basic Foods and Mediterranean Products 813

Nikos Alexandratos

47 Implications of Declining Food Supplies: Food Security vs. Market Economy 827

Béchir Chourou

48 Increasing Urbanisation and Pollution in the MENA Region: Causes of Conflicts? 843

Djilali Sari

Part XII Outcome of Environmental Stress: From Natural Disasters to Disaster Prevention 861

49 Natural Disasters in the Mediterranean (1900 -2001): From Disaster Response to Preparedness 863

Hans Günter Brauch

50 Towards International Cooperation in Managing Forest Fire Disasters in the Mediterranean Region 907

Johann G. Goldammer

Part XIII Empirical and Theoretical Results and Conceptual Conclusions 917

51 Towards a Fourth Phase of Research on Human and Environmental Security and Peace: Conceptual Conclusions 919

Hans Günter Brauch

52 Security Concepts for Cooperation in the Mediterranean: Conclusions and Outlook for the 21st Century 955

Hans Günter Brauch, Mohammad El-Sayed Selim, P. H. Liotta

Abbreviations 991

Bibliography 1001

Biographies of Contributors 1091

Index 1105

Collection STRADEMED 1135

Hexagon Series on Human and Environmental Security and Peace (HESP) 1136

Foreword

Forewords can easily take on the appearance of simple afterthoughts.Certainly this particular foreword benefits strongly from hindsight. Justone short day after last September's NATO-sponsored CanterburyWorkshop on Mediterranean security, terrorists attacked the UnitedStates, and the global strategic landscape changed dramatically. Withone fell swoop, the subjects discussed and conclusions drawn at theWorkshop simply had to be viewed in a different light. I am sure thatyou, having lived through 11 September and the days that followed it,will appreciate this compilation of the Workshop's proceedings in waysthe organisers could have never imagined.

Well before 11 September - from the mid-1990s onwards - NATO had al-ready been looking at the Mediterranean region in a new light; no long-er just as the Alliance�s �Southern Flank�, as had been the case duringthe Cold War, but as an area with unique dynamics whose security andstability directly affect European security. That is why NATO launched,in 1994, its Mediterranean Dialogue with originally 5 countries from theregion. 11 September has underlined the great value of this Dialogue,and the need to intensify it as we - Allies and non-Allies together -- tacklethe threat of terrorism and other common security challenges.

NATO Allies are convinced that there is further scope for enhancingboth political consultation and practical cooperation with the seven na-tions that currently participate in the Dialogue: Algeria, Egypt, Israel,Jordan, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. It is clear to us all that pro-moting better mutual understanding and correcting misperceptions aremore important now than they were even a year ago. So that is what theAlliance is intent on doing, including by sponsoring such highly interest-ing gatherings as the Canterbury Workshop summarised in this volume.

March 2002 Lord Robertson of Port EllenNATO Secretary General

Foreword

Firstly, I would like to congratulate the authors for selecting securityand the environment as the main themes for this book, and for focusingon the Mediterranean as the geopolitical space for examining the inter-relations between these two important aspects of development and sta-bility. The challenges facing the Mediterranean are tremendous, particu-larly those highlighted in this book, and raising awareness of them is anessential step to manage them.

Throughout history, the Arab world and the Mediterranean region haveinteracted on many fronts. The political, economical, cultural, and envi-ronmental challenges seen by one have affected the other. The coopera-tion between the two, however, has been adversely affected in severalareas as a result of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and until this conflict isresolved progress in the region will undoubtedly be hindered.

Dealing with environment challenges through regional cooperation can-not be achieved under conditions of military occupation. In fact, as thisvolume shows, conflict within the region has generated additionalsources for environment degradation in the Eastern Mediterranean, es-pecially in Palestine. In view of this we believe that the role of the Euro-pean Union in the Middle East is crucial for the establishment of a re-gional environment security.

On its part, the League of Arab States has developed a significant inter-est in environmental issues in the Arab world and the Mediterranean re-gion, mainly through the work of the Council of Arab Ministers respon-sible for the environment (CAMRE) and the environmental relatedactivities of various Arab specialised agencies.

The League has also made significant contributions to the ongoing de-bate on regional security in the Middle East. I believe that security inthe region can only be achieved through the honest and mutual imple-mentation of the Arab Peace Initiative. This had already been unani-mously adopted during the Beirut summit in March 2002, and sup-ported universally. It called for the withdrawal of the Israeli occupyingforces, the establishment of a Palestinian State, and a fair settlement ofthe question of refugees, as well as the end of the Arab-Israeli conflictand the establishment of relations of peace.

If this initiative were to be accepted and implemented, the Arab worldwould engage in an immediate peace agreement with Israel, and wouldstrive to provide security for all the states in the region.

The League of Arab States has always attached great importance to itsrelation with Europe. The promotion of Arab-European relations consti-tutes a permanent item on the agenda of the Arab League MinisterialCouncil. In its ongoing efforts of reform, the League of Arab States iskeen to promote the Euro-Arab Dialogue on a new basis. The objectiveof the dialogue is to formulate the elements of a new multi-dimensional

strategic understanding between the Arab world and Europe. It alsocalls upon both sides to begin thinking about the prospects of initiatinga Euro-Arab partnership for sustainable development to be coordinatedby the European Union and the League of Arab States. The rich experi-ence of the European Union institutionalised relation with the regionalorganisations in Asia and Latin America can help in building the frame-work for such a partnership. In all cases, the League of Arab States willspare no effort in building bridges of collaboration and cooperationwith our European partners for the mutual benefit of all.

Finally, I wish to thank the editors of the book for initiating such an im-portant research project. This book will certainly play a vital role in giv-ing politicians and researchers ideas on how to deal with the risks of en-vironmental hazards and conflicts, and on ways in which regionalcollaboration can help abolish them.

August 2002 Amre MoussaSecretary General League of Arab States

Editorial

Hexagon Series on Human and Environmental Security and Peace (HESP)

This book series includes monographs and edited volumes that cross scientific disciplinesand develop common ground among scientists from the natural and social sciences, as wellas from North and South, addressing common challenges and risks for humankind in the21

st century.

The �hexagon� represents six key factors contributing to global environmental change �three nature-induced or supply factors: soil, water and air (atmosphere and climate), andthree human-induced or demand factors: population (growth), urbanisation (dwelling,pollution) and agriculture (food). Throughout the history of the earth and of homo sapi-ens these six factors have interacted. The supply factors have created the preconditions forlife while human behaviour and economic consumption patterns have also contributed toits challenges (increase in extreme weather events) and fatal outcomes for human beingsand society. The series will cover the complex interactions among these six factors andtheir often fatal outcomes (hazards/disasters, internal displacement and migrations, crisesand conflicts), as well as crucial social science concepts relevant for their analysis.

Further issues related to three basic areas of research: approaches and schools of environ-ment, security, and peace, especially in the environmental security realm and from a humansecurity perspective, will be addressed. The goal of the Hexagon series is to contribute to afourth phase of research on environmental security from a normative peace research and/or human security perspective. In this series, we welcome books by natural and social sci-entists, as well as by multidisciplinary teams of authors. The material should address issuesof global change (including climate change, desertification, deforestation), and its impactson humankind (natural hazards and disasters), on environmentally-induced migration, oncrises and conflicts, as well as for cooperative strategies to cope with these challenges inthe framework of international organisations and regimes.

From a human-centred perspective, this book series offers a platform for scientific commu-nities dealing with global environmental and climate change, disaster reduction, environ-mental security, peace and conflict research, as well as for the humanitarian aid and thepolicy community in national governments and international organisations.

The series editor welcomes original manuscripts as proposals. If they are considered ofrelevance, these proposals will be peer-reviewed by specialists in the field from the naturaland the social sciences. Inclusion in this series will also require a positive decision by thepublisher�s international editorial conference. Prior to publication, the manuscripts will beassessed by the series editor and external peer reviewers.

Mosbach, Germany, April 2003

Hans Günter Brauch, Free University of Berlin and

AFES-PRESS

Part II Security Dialogue and Concepts: NATO's Mediterranean Security Dialogue and Security Concept of the European Union

Chapter 5 NATO's Agenda and the Mediterranean DialogueNicola de Santis

Chapter 6 A Southern Perspective and Assessment of NATO's Mediterranean Security DialogueMohamed Kadry Said

Chapter 7 A European Perspective and Assessment of NATO's Mediterranean Security DialogueFélix Sanz

Chapter 8 The Future of NATO's Mediterranean InitiativeEllen Laipson

Chapter 9 The Security Concept of the European Union for the Mediterranean Michael Köhler

Satellite Image 3: Nile Delta and Suez Canal. Copyright DLR. Printed with permission of DLR-DFD.

5 NATO’s Agenda and the Mediterranean Dialogue

Nicola de Santis1

5.1 Introduction

During the last twelve years NATO has undergone amajor adaptation process to the new Post-Cold warsecurity realities, to continue providing security andstability to the Euro-Atlantic area. At its historic No-vember 2002 Prague Summit NATO has pushed itstransformation even further. In Prague the Alliancelaunched its second enlargement, it expanded its mis-sions, enhanced its military capabilities and strength-ened its partnerships. In an uncertain and fast chang-ing security environment, NATO embodies the trans-atlantic link and remains the cornerstone of Euro-Atlantic security. This transatlantic alliance is a uniquesource of political-military capabilities to manage suc-cessfully unpredictable crises and to build new part-nerships through a new cooperative approach to se-curity, while continuing to provide for the security ofits members. To do so, the Alliance has some keystrategic priorities.

� NATO must continue to meet the risks emanatingfrom instability and unpredictable security devel-opments likely to affect the security of its membercountries by developing the defence capabilitiesneeded to meet its new post-Cold War missions.

� The Alliance must continue to keep engaged itspartners in the Euro-Atlantic area and in the Med-iterranean, through the EAPC (European AtlanticPartnership Council), the PfP (Partnership forPeace) and the Mediterranean Dialogue.

� It must continue to intensify cooperation withRussia and the Ukraine.

� It should maintain an open door for future mem-bers, helping those aspiring to join the Alliance to

actively prepare for inclusion through the Mem-bership Action Plan.

� NATO must continue to work to promote thecomplementarity of NATO�s ESDI (European Se-curity and Defence Identity) and the EU�s ESDP(European Security and Defence Policy), avoidingunnecessary duplication with flexible arrange-ments to allow the European Allies to deal withmilitary contingencies when NATO as such willdecide not to act and without undermining the ef-fectiveness of the Atlantic Alliance.

� The Alliance must enhance the MediterraneanDialogue, moving from dialogue to partnership.

I will analyse the main facets of this new NATOagenda and its Mediterranean Dialogue initiative.

5.2 Political-Military Capabilities to Manage Crises

In this fast changing and unpredictable security envi-ronment, the first priority for NATO is to continueto develop those defence capabilities needed to man-age the full spectrum of its post-Cold War crisis man-agement missions. At the 23 April 1999 WashingtonSummit, NATO launched the Defence CapabilitiesInitiative (DCI), with an aim to achieve lasting im-provements of capabilities and interoperability.

At the November 2002 Prague Summit NATO'sHeads of State and Government adopted the PragueCapabilities Commitment (PCC), through which eachnation took the firm commitment to develop criticalcapabilities in four main areas: chemical, biological,radiological and nuclear defence: to protect our forc-es from new threats such as from weapons of massdestruction; command, communication and infor-mation superiority: to ensure that both sensitive de-liberations and operational communication are time-ly, reliable, secure and inclusive and make the best ofbattlefield information of all kind; effective engage-

1 The author's views are expressed on a personal basisand do not therefore necessarily represent the officialview of NATO and its member countries.

178 Nicola de Santis

ment: to enable our forces to engage effectively anadversary across the full spectrum of possible militarycircumstances; mobility, rapid deployment and sus-tainability of forces: to deploy rapidly our forces in atheatre of operations and to provide our deployedforces with the logistical support they need regardlessof the environment. These 400 plus commitments,one-third of which will be implemented before 2005,will significantly enhance NATO�s overall military ca-pabilities, for example: quadrupling the current totalof 4 outsize transport aircraft available nationally orcollectively to non-US NATO countries, increasing byaround 40% the non-US holdings of precision guidedweapons, increasing by 40% the number of air tankeraircraft available nationally or collectively to NATO'sEuropean member countries, accelerating program-mes to provide NATO with UAV�s and radar jammingpods and, last but not least, allowing nations to pro-vide NATO with guaranteed access to sealift for allmissions. NATO�s Prague Capabilities Commitmentwill also need to be mutually reinforcing with theEU�s Headline Goal, as the Alliance is working topromote the complementarity between NATO�sESDI and the EU�s ESDP.

But all of the above will not be achieved if NATOcountries do not spend more and better. The defencespending of NATO nations, taken as a share of theGDP, has fallen by nearly half during the last decade.Only 19 % of Alliance nations� defence spending goesto procurement and new equipment, while 40 % ofNATO defence budgets still goes to cover personneland infrastructure costs.

To address this issue successfully will not onlyhave positive effects on NATO but also on the EU, asthe deadline to equip itself by 2003 with a 60,000

men and women rapid reaction force, with the Head-line Goal, is not that far away. One thing should beclear: if the capabilities are available for NATO theywill also be there for the EU. But if the capabilitiesare missing for NATO they will not be there for theEU.

NATO capabilities are the reason why: the ColdWar is over; two major military crises such as Bosniaand Kosovo were managed successfully; Milo�evic isbefore the ICTY; NATO continues to provide for asecurity environment in which the political, socialand economic reconstruction of the Balkans can takeplace and why seven new countries decided to jointhe Alliance. NATO�s capabilities are crucial if the Al-liance is to continue to guarantee security and stabili-ty for the years to come.

In this uncertain security environment NATO mayagain need in the future to project military poweroutside the borders of its member countries, to dealwith new threats such as, for example, the prolifera-tion of weapons of mass destruction. It is vital there-fore that NATO possesses the military capabilities tocounter these new threats.

To this end, another important decision adoptedat the Prague Summit to meet future threats has beenthe establishment of the NATO Response Force(NRF), to provide the Alliance with rapidly deploy-able, high capability cutting edge to deal with the fullrange of today's threats. The NRF will enable NATOto react immediately with robust, tailored forceswherever it is called upon. It will also serve as amechanism for focusing and promoting capability im-provements, thus reinforcing the Prague CapabilitiesCommitment.

At the January 1994 Brussels Summit NATO�sHeads of State and Government acknowledged thethreat posed by the proliferation of weapons of massdestruction and their delivery means. The North At-lantic Council established the Political Military Groupon Proliferation to address the political dimension ofthis issue, while the Senior Defence Group on Prolif-eration was established to address the military dimen-sion of the problem.

At the April 1999 Washington Summit, NATOleaders decided to build on the decisions of the Brus-sels Summit and established a Weapons of Mass De-struction Center within the International Staff to in-crease the quantity and quality of information and in-telligence sharing among the Allies and, to increasethe public awareness on the challenges deriving fromWMD proliferation.

In June 2002 NATO�s Defence Ministers en-dorsed the NATO Nuclear, Biological and ChemicalDefence Initiatives, developed by the Senior DefenceGroup on Proliferation. These Initiatives were de-signed to serve as a first step in addressing the mostcritical deficiencies in NATO's NBC defences, em-phasising multinational participation and the rapidfielding of enhanced defence capabilities. They com-prise: a Disease Surveillance System, an NBC EventResponse Team, a Deployable NBC Analytical Labo-ratory, a NATO NBC Defence Stockpile and expand-ed NBC Defence Training.

We are confronted today with a diverse group ofstates seeking weapons of mass destruction and long-er-range ballistic missiles. These countries conceivethese weapons as a useable military tool against neigh-bouring countries, and as a tool of coercive diplomacy

NATO’s Agenda and the Mediterranean Dialogue 179

to: prevent the NATO Allies from coming to the as-sistance of friends, counter our conventional forces,break the cohesion of Allied coalitions. For exampleone can only imagine what would have happened ifMilo�evic had weapons of mass destruction at thetime of the Operation Allied Force, and what militaryand political consequences this would have had.

5.3 NATO's New Partnerships

But NATO is not only about military capabilities.This is the only international security organisationable to mobilise not only military but also politicaland diplomatic capabilities, to build new partnershipsin a cooperative approach to security, projecting sta-bility through dialogue and cooperation in the securi-ty field. With the end of the Cold War, NATO ex-tended the hand of friendship to all countries ofCentral and Eastern Europe, to the successor states ofthe former Soviet Union, and to Russia as well, open-ing an unprecedented new era of cooperation andpartnership throughout the Euro-Atlantic area.

NATO�s new cooperative approach to securityhas been inclusive rather than exclusive. It has beenaimed at not marginalising anyone in Europe butrather to include all in �variable geometry� partner-ships, going from the NACC, the Partnership forPeace, the EAPC, to the Mediterranean Dialogue withseven non-NATO Mediterranean Countries, to theNATO -Russia Council at 20; while at the same timeincluding in NATO three new members in 1999 andseven more in 2004, maintaining the door open forfuture invitations to join the Alliance through theMembership Action Plan. NATO also continues to in-tensify its cooperative ties with Russia and theUkraine.

Through PfP and the EAPC, NATO has promot-ed a new culture of cooperation throughout theEuro-Atlantic area, aimed at achieving: the democrat-ic control of the armed forces, the transparency ofdefence budgets and the interoperability necessary toallow our cooperation partners to participate togeth-er with NATO in crisis management and peace sup-port operations. In Bosnia and Kosovo NATO hasbeen able to organise under the unified command ofits integrated military structure, the formidable re-sponse of the international community to the Bos-nian and Kosovo crises, bringing peace and securityto a very troubled region, while also preventing theoutbreak of a third conflict in the Former YugoslavRepublic of Macedonia, in concert with the EU.

5.4 The Mediterranean Region and NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue

An important facet of NATO�s external adaptationand of its cooperative approach to security is also re-presented by NATO�s Mediterranean Dialogue,which was launched at the December 1994 BrusselsMinisterial meeting and currently involves seven non-NATO Mediterranean nations: Algeria, Egypt, Israel,Jordan, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. In today�spost-Cold War security environment, the Mediterra-nean is an area of central geo-strategic interest toNATO. Six of its member countries are Mediterrane-an nations, while all others have important and vitalinterests in the region. In addition, the Mediterrane-an has become the center of increased transatlanticcooperation in the security field within NATO andwith non-NATO actors of the region.

NATO has always been a Mediterranean Alliance.Since its inception, one of its most important Region-al Commands: AFSOUTH was established in 1953 inNaples, directly in the Mediterranean. We all recogn-ise today the importance of this choice, since theCommander in Chief of AFSOUTH has overall re-sponsibility for the theatre of operations in whichSFOR, KFOR and Operation Allied Harbour are de-ployed.

With the end of the Cold War, NATO has betterdefined its Area of Responsibility (AOR) and also itsArea of Strategic Interest (AOSI), encompassing to-day a broader area which includes the Southern andEastern Mediterranean, as well as South-Eastern Eu-rope up to the Caucasus.

Increasingly NATO must factor in developmentsin contiguous and adjacent territories surroundingthe Alliance, which are likely to affect its security. It isalso evident that the Mediterranean region is todaythe centre of interaction of socio-economic imbalanc-es, as well as of security-related issues, and that ten-sions and conflicts are often a consequence of the in-stability produced by turbulent political and socialchange in the region.

Moreover, the old distinction between Europeanand Mediterranean security has also disappeared dueto the grown volume of interaction between the twoshores of the Mediterranean in all sectors. Security inthe area has taken a different shape as a consequenceof the end of the Cold War. The �Southern periph-ery� of the Alliance has also been the centre of twoconflicts, in which we have seen NATO intervene inBosnia and Kosovo. NATO�s strategic realities haveevolved to the point that the Mediterranean and

180 Nicola de Santis

South-Eastern Europe can no longer be considered�out of area�, as security developments there directlyaffect the security of NATO member countries. Con-sequently, our governments and peoples will need torefine periodically their definition of what constitutesrisks to national and international security. NATOthrough AFSOUTH has monitored for fifty years se-curity and military developments in the Mediterrane-an in the context of its defence dimension.

5.5 The Mediterranean Dialogue’s Rationale

The defence dimension of NATO however must notbe confused with the goal and rationale of the Medi-terranean Dialogue, which is indeed, primarily a po-litical dialogue initiative with clear goals. The Dia-logue reflects the Allies� view that security in Europeis closely linked to security in the Mediterranean re-gion. The aim of NATO�s Mediterranean Dialogue isto promote better mutual understanding and confi-dence, as well as good and friendly relations acrossthe Mediterranean. In addition, the Dialogue helpscorrect misperceptions in non-NATO Mediterraneancountries of NATO�s policies, thus representing itscontribution to Mediterranean stability and security.

The Alliance�s Mediterranean Dialogue also com-plements other international initiatives, primarily theEU�s Barcelona Process which aims at tackling the so-cio-economic imbalances of the region that often arethe root causes of tensions and conflict in the area.The EU certainly has the lead in addressing this so-cio-economic dimension, while NATO can comple-ment such an effort in the security field (ch. 9).

The Dialogue is a phased approach: In early 1995

NATO invited five countries to participate; Jordanwas invited in late 1995 and Algeria in 2000. The Dia-logue is therefore open to the participation of othernon-NATO countries willing and able to contributeto security and stability in the Mediterranean Region,to be chosen by consensus. Through the Mediterra-nean Cooperation Group (MCG), established at theJuly 1997 Madrid Summit, NATO nations are directlyinvolved in the political discussions with representa-tives of the Mediterranean Dialogue countries,through the 19+1 and 19+7 format of multi-bilateralmeetings, taking place on a regular basis.

At the April 1999 Washington Summit NATO�sHeads of State and Government decided to enhance

the Mediterranean Dialogue. An annual Work Pro-gramme now covers a wide range of cooperative activ-ities: Information and Press, Science and the Environ-ment, Civil Emergency Planning, Crisis Managementand Military activities. Since October 2001, periodical19+7 multilateral Ambassadorial meetings also takeplace, between the North Atlantic Council and theBrussels based Ambassadors of the 7 MediterraneanDialogue countries, under the chairmanship of theSecretary General of NATO. Occasionally, high levelrepresentatives from capitals of the 7 MediterraneanDialogue countries, also join their Brussels based Am-bassadors at these NAC or MCG meetings.

At their May 2002 meeting in Reykjavik, NATOForeign Ministers decided to upgrade the politicaland practical dimensions of NATO�s MediterraneanDialogue, by introducing a number of new items in-cluding consultation on security matters of commonconcern, including terrorism-related issues. In July2002, the North Atlantic Council decided that thestrengthening and deepening of NATO�s relationswith Mediterranean Dialogue countries is among thehighest priorities of the Alliance. At their November2002 Prague Summit, NATO�s Heads of State andGovernment adopted an inventory of possible areasof cooperation to upgrade the political and practicaldimensions of NATO�s Mediterranean Dialogue.

A particular effort is made in order to provide in-formed opinions on NATO�s current policies andgoals. NATO is not always well perceived in Mediter-ranean Dialogue countries. The situation there is dif-ferent from the positive public perception the Alli-ance has in Central and Eastern European Countries.Through NATO�s Information activities, the Allianceaims at overcoming misunderstanding and to confirmor realign perceptions in the civil society of Mediter-ranean Dialogue countries. This is why we are also,through our information programmes, engaging aca-demics, parliamentarians, policy makers, the mediaand other representatives of the civil society from Me-diterranean Dialogue countries, as well as co-sponsor-ing international conferences and seminars such asthis one in Canterbury to promote mutual understan-ding and trust, and to discuss issues of common con-cern.

The very positive response of our MediterraneanDialogue partners encourages us to continue this ef-fort to intensify our partnership in the interest of thestability and security of the Mediterranean region asa whole.

Biographies of Contributors

Authors of Forewords

The Rt. Hon. Lord Robertson of Port Ellen (United King-dom). The Right Honourable Lord Robertson of Port Ellenhas been the 10

th Secretary General of NATO and Chair-man of the North Atlantic Council since October 1999. Hewas Defence Secretary of the U.K. from 1997 to 1999 andMember of Parliament for Hamilton and Hamilton Southfrom 1978 to 1999. George Islay MacNeill Robertson wasborn in 1946 in Port Ellen, Isle of Islay, Scotland, and edu-cated at Dunoon Grammar School and the University ofDundee. He graduated MA (Honours) in Economics in1968. He was a full time official of the General, Municipaland Boilermakers� Union (GMB) responsible for the Scot-tish Whisky industry from 1968 to 1978. He was first elec-ted to the House of Commons in 1978, and re-elected fivetimes. He was appointed Parliamentary Private Secretary tothe Secretary of State for Social Services in 1979. After the1979 General Election, he was appointed as OppositionSpokesman, first on Scottish Affairs, then on Defence, andon Foreign Affairs from 1982 to 1993. He became ChiefSpokesman on Europe in 1983. He served as the principalOpposition Spokesman on Scotland in the Shadow Cabinetfrom 1983 to 1997. After the 1997 General Election, PrimeMinister Blair appointed him Defence Secretary of theU.K., a position he held until his departure in October1999. In August 1999 he was selected to be the tenth Secre-tary General of NATO in succession to Dr Javier Solana.On 24 August 1999 he received a life peerage and took thetitle Lord Robertson of Port Ellen. He is a former Chair-man of the Scottish Labour Party, was Vice-chairman of theWestminster Foundation for Democracy, served as Vice-Chairman of the British Council for nine years and wasVice-Chairman of the Britain/Russia Centre. He was, forseven years, on the Council of the Royal Institute of Inter-national Affairs (Chatham House) where he now serves asJoint President. He is a Governor of the Ditchley Founda-tion, an Honorary Vice-President of the British German As-sociation and a Trustee of the 21

st Century Trust. He wasawarded the Grand Cross of the German Order of Meritby the Federal German President in 1991 and the GrandCross of the Order of the Star of Romania in 2000, andwas named joint Parliamentarian of the Year in 1993 for hisrole during the Maastricht Treaty ratification. He is Honor-

ary Regimental Colonel of the London Scottish (Volun-teers). He has been awarded Honorary Doctorates by theUniversities of Dundee and Bradford, by Cranfield Univer-sity (Royal Military College of Science) and Baku State Uni-versity, Azerbaijan. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society ofArts (FRSA) and an Elder Brother of Trinity House. Hewas appointed a member of Her Majesty�s Privy Council inMay 1997. He is married to Sandra, and has three children.His hobbies include photography, golf and reading.

Address: Secretary General of NATO, NATO-OTAN,B-1110 Brussels, BelgiumWebsite: <http://www.nato.int>.

The Rt. Hon. Amre Mohamoud Moussa (Egypt). TheRight Honourable Amre Mohamoud Moussa has been theSecretary General of the League of Arab States since 2001.He was born on 3 October 1936, in Cairo. He obtained aLL.B., Faculty of Law, Cairo University in 1957. In 1958 hejoined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt. From 1974

to 1977 he was Assistant and Advisor to the Minister forForeign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt. From 1977

to 1981 he was Director of the Department of InternationalOrganizations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt. From1981 to 1983 he was Alternate Permanent Representative ofthe Arab Republic of Egypt to the United Nations in NewYork and from 1983 to 1986 he served as Ambassador of theArab Republic of Egypt to India. From 1986 to 1990 he wasDirector, Department of International Organizations, Min-istry of Foreign Affairs of Egypt and from 1990 to 1991 hewas the Permanent Representative of the Arab Republic ofEgypt to the United Nations, New York. For ten years,from 1991 to 2001, he was Minister for Foreign Affairs ofEgypt. He is married and has two children. In 2001 he washonoured with three distinguished prizes: in May 2001 hewas awarded the Grand Cordon of the Nile, in June 2001

he received the Order of the Two Niles, first class, Sudanand in December 2001 the Orans Montana Prix de la Foun-dation.

Address: Secretary General of the Arab League, Cairo,EgyptWebsite: <http://www.leagueofarabstates.org>.

Collection STRADEMED(Strategy, Defence and Development in the Mediterranean)

No. 1: FMES (Ed.): La Méditerranée occidentale: Quelles stratégies pour l�avenir?(Paris: Publisud, 1994).

No. 2: FMES (Ed.): Demain la Méditerranée. La parole est aux riverains du Sud(Paris: Publisud, 1995).

No. 3: FMES (Ed.): Méditerranée Le pacte à construire (Paris: Publisud, 1997).

No. 4: FMES (Ed.): Méditerranée: Les constantes géostratégiques (Paris: Publisud,1997).

No. 5: Jean-François Daguzan: Le dernier rempart? Forces armes et politiques dedéfense au Maghreb (Paris: Publisud 1998).

No. 6: Antonio Marquina (Ed.): Mutual Perceptions in the Mediterranean - Unity andDiversity (Madrid: UNISCI � Paris: Publisud � Mosbach: AFES-PRESS, 1998).

No. 7: Antonio Marquina (Ed.): Elites and Change in the Mediterranean (Madrid:UNISCI, 1997).

No. 8: Hans Günter Brauch, Antonio Marquina, Abdelwahab Biad (Eds.) with the lan-guage assistance of Peter Liotta: Euro-Mediterranean Partnership for the 21

st

Century (Basingstoke-London: Macmillan � New York: St. Martin�s Press andPalgrave, 2000).

No. 9: FMES (Ed.): Méditerranée, un domaine de coopération: l�action des Etats enmer � Proceedings of the Toulon Conference (Toulon: FMES, 1999).

No. 10: Antonio Marquina, Hans Günter Brauch (Eds.): Political Stability and EnergyCooperation in the Mediterranean (Madrid: UNISCI � Mosbach: AFES-PRESS,2000).

No. 11: FMES (Ed.): Euro-Méditerranée: 1995-1999. Premier bilan du partenariat (Tou-lon: FMES, 2000).

No. 12: FMES (Ed.): Les Etats Unis et la Méditerranée (Toulon: FMES, 2000).

No. 13: FMES (Ed.): Nouvelles idées, nouvelles pistes, pour une relance du processus deBarcelone (Toulon: FMES, 2001).

No. 14: Antonio Marquina, Hans Günter Brauch (Eds.): The Mediterranean Space andits Borders. Geography, Politics, Economics and Environment (Madrid:UNISCI � Mosbach: AFES-PRESS, 2001).

No. 15: FMES (Ed.): Une voie prometteuse pour le partenariat euro-mediterraneen: lacooperation en mer (Toulon: FMES, 2001).

No. 16: Hans Günter Brauch, P.H. Liotta, Antonio Marquina, Paul Rogers, MohammadEl-Sayed Selim (Eds.): Security and Environment in the Mediterranean �Conceptualising Security and Environmental Conflicts (Berlin � Heidelberg �New York � Hong Kong � London � Milan � Paris � Tokyo: Springer, 2003).

Distributors all volumes except 8 and 16:

AFES-PRESS, Alte Bergsteige 47, D-74821 Mosbach, Germany, FAX: 49-6261-15695. Publisud, 15, rue des Cinq Diamants, F-75013 Paris, France, FAX: 33-1-4589-9415.Marcial Pons, Plaza Conde del Valle de Suchil, 8, E-28015 Madrid, Fax: 34-91-593-1329.

Hexagon Series on

Human and Environmental Security and Peace (HESP)Edited by

Hans Günter Brauch, Free University of Berlin

and AFES-PRESS

Vol. 1: Hans Günter Brauch, P. H. Liotta, Antonio Marquina, Paul Rogers, MohammadEl-Sayed Selim (Eds.): Security and Environment in the Mediterranean �Conceptualising Security and Environmental Conflicts. With Forewords by theHon. Lord Robertson, Secretary General of NATO, and the Hon. AmreMoussa, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (Berlin � Heidelberg �New York: Springer, 2003).

Planned volume:

Vol. 2: Hans Günter Brauch (working title): Global Change and Environmental Con-flict Avoidance � Impacts of Environmental Stress on Disasters, Migration, Cri-ses and Conflicts � Strategy of Climate Adaptation, Mitigation, DisasterReduction and Conflict Prevention (Berlin � Heidelberg � New York: Springer,2004/2005).

Authors or editors who would like to have their publication projects considered forinclusion in this series should contact both the series editor:

PD Dr. phil. habil. Hans Günter Brauch, Alte Bergsteige 47, 74821 Mosbach, Germany Phone 49-6261-12912 FAX 49-6261-15695

E-Mail: afes@afes-press.de � http://www.afes-press.de

and the publisher:

Springer-Verlag, Dr. Christian Witschel, Geosciences Editorial, Tiergartenstraße 17, 69121 Heidelberg, GermanyE-Mail witschel@springer.de � http://www.springer.de

For details on the goals and the editorial process of this Hexagon Series see the Editorial on page xv.

Hans G. Brauch, Mosbach, Germany; P. H. Liotta, US Naval War College, Rhode Island, USA Antonio Marquina, University of Madrid, Spain; Paul F. Rogers, University of Bradford, UK Mohammad El-Sayed Selim, Cairo University, Giza, Egypt (Eds.)

Security and Environment in the Mediterranean Conceptualising Security and Environmental Conflicts

With forewords by the Hon. Lord Robertson, Secretary General of NATO and the Hon. Amr Moussa, Secretary General of the League of Arab States. With preface essays by Amb. Jonathan Dean (USA), the Hon. Kamel S. Abu Jaber (Jordan), Sir Crispin Tickell (UK) and Prof. El Sayed Yassin (Egypt) 2003. XXVI, 1136 p. 177 illus., Book. Hardcover. EUR 129.95 ISBN 3-540-40107-5

In this volume security specialists, peace researchers, environmental scholars, demographers as well as climate, desertification, water, food and urbanisation specialists from the Middle East and North Africa, Europe and North America review security and conflict prevention in the Mediterranean. They also analyse NATO’s Mediterranean security dialogue and offer conceptualisations on security and perceptions of security challenges as seen in North and South. The latter half of the book analyses environmental security and conflicts in the Mediterranean and environmental consequences of World War II, the Gulf War, the Balkan wars and the Middle East conflict. It also examines factors of global environmental change: population growth, climate change, desertification, water scarcity, food and urbanisation issues as well as natural disasters. Furthermore, it draws conceptual conclusions for a fourth phase of research on human and environmental security and peace as well as policy conclusions for cooperation and partnership in the Mediterranean in the 21st century.

From the contents (2 forewords, 4 prefaces, 52 chapters in 14 parts):

Introduction: Security and Environment Linkages, Conflicts in the Mediterranean (1945-2001) and Conflict Prevention – Security Dialogue and Concepts: NATO’s Mediterranean Security Dialogue and Security Concept of the European Union – Conceptualising Security in the Post-Cold War Period in the North and in the South – Security Challenges in the Euro-Mediterranean Region – Security for the Mediterranean Region, Environmental Consequences of Wars in the Mediterranean (1940-2000) – Population Growth and Climate Change in the Mediterranean – Desertification in the Mediterranean and MENA Region – Water Scarcity in the Mediterranean and MENA Region – Food and Urbanisation in the Mediterranean and MENA Region – Outcome of Environmental Stress: From Natural Disasters to Disaster Prevention – Empirical and Theoretical Results and Conceptual Conclusions – Appendix: abbreviations, bibliography, on the contributors, index

More details at: <http://www.afes-press.de/html/bk_book_of_year.html>.

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