women of color politics new media pdf

Nicole Madera

Ortbals

April 10, 2014

Women of Color and the Politics of New Media

Abstract: Social media plays an ever increasing role in politics as an important means of

communication for both political consumers and politicians. Through a qualitative content

analysis of the posts of women of color Members of Congress on Facebook, Twitter, and

YouTube, I assess self-gendering as it relates the intersection of race and gender. I find that most

WOC politicians self-gender by discussing positions or policies surrounding women’s issues or

family/social/compassion issues but not by referring to their own age or family status. Overall,

there is a less consistent mention of race or gender plus race; however, this was more common

among African American politicians than Latinas or Asian Americans. This study presents a

building block for future research on external gendering of WOC politicians and establishes the

importance of intersectionality in social media.

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Women of Color and the Politics of New Media

In a summer 2008 edition of Nieman Reports, Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Jacqueline

Dunn located eight Facebook groups with at least one hundred members expressly dedicated to

the gender-based attack of then presidential candidate Hillary Clinton (2008). The Facebook

groups ranged in name from the sexist but tame “Hillary Clinton: Stop running for president and

make me a sandwich” to the vulgar “Life’s a b****, don’t vote for one.” The article describes

how members’ reactions to the gendered attacks were determined by tallying the objections to

insulting wall posts and comments. The authors found that when affronted individuals wrote that

there ought to be an emphasis on policy instead of on Clinton’s gender identity others retorted to

silence such grievances. While counter initiatives to these groups have spurred the creation of

groups in defense of Clinton, it is vital to recall that Clinton did not win the nomination for

Democratic presidential candidate and that these types of gender-based criticism are still

reflective of patriarchal notions of gender roles and the sexualizing of women. In this paper, I

focus on how the identities of women of color (WOC) politicians in the United States House of

Representatives impact how they are gendered or gender themselves via social media. How does

a woman’s race or ethnicity influence social media gendering? How does her age or family status

affect gendering? Gendering herein means the process of ascribing characteristics of masculinity

or femininity to a phenomenon (i.e., a role, position, concept, person, object, organization, or

artifact), usually resulting in power and privilege, voice and neglect, or advantage and

disadvantage, as drawn along the lines of sex and gender (Dye 2010).

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The example of Hillary Clinton as a model for the treatment of women in the national

political scene has been tried several times (Vaughn et al 2013; Gutgold 2009; Carroll et al

2010). While most would not discount the validity of her struggle, when considering the vitriolic

rhetoric of social media, an intersectional approach that considers both race and ethnicity and

gender as the root for criticism is arguably more worthy. Intersectionality, as an approach for

analyzing representation via social media, signifies that the researcher takes into account the

multiple elements of identity and institutional structures factor into the unique experiences of

women of color (Crenshaw 1991; Hancock 2007) As a white woman of means, Clinton’s

experience in United States politics is vastly different to that of women of color, who belong to

multiple historically oppressed subgroups. For instance, Michelle Obama has been scorned for

her figure, an attack that is both gendered and racially-motivated, as the detractors usually cite

elements of her physique that are often associated with African American women (MP 2009) and

occasionally lauded for it in a way that is redolent of exoticism (Kaplan 2008).

While Michelle Obama is not an elected official, her rendering is potentially emblematic

of the situations of other women of color in politics. My research into the representation and

gendering of women of color in politics is based both in literature on women in politics in

traditional media (Anderson et al, 2011; Bystrom, 2001, 2004; Ibroscheva et al, 2009; Lee, 2004;

Nacos, 2005; Wasburn et al, 2011; Winfield, 2003) and social media and politics (Bennett, 2012;

Davis, 2009, 2012; Oxley, 2012; Lawless, 2012; Hindman, 2009; Kenski et al, 2006; Mossberger

et al, 2008; Wolfsfeld et al, 2013). Generally, these sources have successfully illustrated the

relationships between the representation of female politicians on television and their status in the

minds of voters or the rise of new media in contemporary politics. However, there has been little

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investigation into the links—should they exist—between women in politics and social media,

and even more minimally between social media and women of color in politics.

Moreover, historically, social media seemingly has been a useful tool for outsiders and

newcomers to politics (Gelber 2011) and women are often both of these. However, the frequently

negative rhetoric of social media can make the various platforms a double-edged sword for

women of color political candidates in a society that is still profoundly biased toward white

masculinity. My study starts to take a position on these two views of social media by exploring

how women of color utilize social media to represent themselves vis-á-vis their gender identity

and race.

In addressing the gap in the literature regarding women of color, politics, and social

media, by analyzing the content on sites such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube I observe how

and to what extent women of color politicians are gendered and gender themselves, herein

referred to as “doing gender” (West et al 1987; Yancey 2003; Deutsch 2007). “Doing gender”

implies that gender is an accomplishment of individuals that is classified socially. This study

predominately presents women of color politicians doing gender on different platforms of social

media.

I find that most WOC politicians self-gender by discussing positions or policies

surrounding women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues but not by referring to their own

age or family status. Overall, there is a less consistent mention of race or gender plus race;

however, this was more common among African American politicians than Latinas or Asian

Americans. These findings benefit the literature of different disciplines. First, there is an elevated

discussion about the significance of social media in 21st century politics in the literature of

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sociology and communications. A small but increasing number of political science scholars also

are debating about the position of women of color in United States politics. My study fills an

empirical gap in the literature because no scholars are examining the interplay of women of color

politicians, gendering, and social media. Practically, this study could teach women of color how

to better maximize new media, in light of both political trends and the overarching attitudes of

American social media users toward WOC politicians, in terms of doing (or undoing) gender.

The paper is organized into several sections, beginning with a review of the literature.

Following, I present a description of my method along with the results. Finally, I discuss the

results and offer conclusions as to the future of women of color in politics and new media.

Literature Review

The literature regarding women, politics, and media consists of theory on the evolution of

women in politics, women in politics and traditional media, the rise of social media in politics,

and limited commentary on women of color in politics and intersectionality. Below I describe

and explain how a woman’s identity—race, age, and family status—is used to gender her through

various media. I first present the literature on the evolution of women in politics, followed by a

discussion of how women have historically been and continue to be represented in traditional

media. Next, I review how social media has impacted the political scene, irrespective of gender.

Eventually I explore some literature regarding women of color in politics and intersectional

feminism in order to highlight the gap in knowledge of the relationship between women of color

and social media.

Women and Politics

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Historically as well as contemporarily, women have fought an uphill battle to achieve

equal representation in elected office in the United States and in other democracies. Paxton

(2007) reasons that women’s contest for formal political representation is “mostly won” (264),

given that in all countries without legislatures except Saudi Arabia, women now vote with men—

at times in larger numbers. Nevertheless, women often do not capitalize on these rights or run for

office for many years. Women’s descriptive representation in national legislatures only averages

between 10 and 30% in the most progressive of countries (CAWP 2013), suggesting that there is

a bias against women in elections and politics.

Wolbrecht et al (2008) reveal a persistent gender hierarchy in United States politics,

along with a stubborn resistance to the idea that gender should not matter to one’s political

standing—even if it may have relevance in one’s focus on certain policy areas. Wolbrecht et al.

make the claim that gender, like race, is at the nucleus of our political system because it

profoundly influences the manner in which that system has been arranged and transformed over

time. Historically, women in the American national identity have been celebrated for their

feminine roles, indicating that gender functions centrally in nationalist ideology—and usually to

deny women rights or political enfranchisement. For example, Americans have classically

deemed women as best suited to care for children, cook, and clean in the home or to jobs like

teaching or nursing that call for nurturing personalities—stereotypically feminine.

In fact, in most societies, women are typecast as “communal and concerned with the

wellbeing and welfare of others” (Lammers et al, 2008). Traditionally, beliefs that women are ill-

tempered or ill-qualified to participate in politics, and rather belong in the home, have put

women at a disadvantage, with leadership viewed as a masculine skill. Similarly, when women

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do exhibit leaderships skills, members of the public judge that behavior more negatively than

they would equally domineering behavior in men (Eagly et al 1992; Kahn 1991). Other

scholarship by Kahn suggests that people’s perceptions of male and female candidates are

affected by gender differences in media patterns and by gender stereotypes held in general

(1994).

In contrast to the stereotypical representation of women in traditional media, the literature

indicates that men are more commonly seen as assertive, self-assured, and controlling (Eagly,

1987). These perceptions of men and women are just as basic to assessments of male and female

political candidates. In a 2005 study, Lawless and Theriault found that 25% of the U.S.

population still feels that men are better suited emotionally to politics, and 15% agreed that

“women should take care of running their homes and leave running the country up to men.”

Lammers et al found that male politicians are rated as better candidates when survey participants

are told that problems that stereotypically favor competitiveness, such as the economy, defense,

or infrastructure, are the most critical issues of the day (2009). This principle can be applied in

reverse when the most important problems require more communality, like health care, so that

voters appraise women as better candidates. Nevertheless, the populace is typically biased

against communal issues. Women often stress their leadership skills to combat typical images

and expectations of women candidates, but media coverage does not reflect this emphasis and

instead relies on gender stereotypes in the reporting of women (Kahn 1993).

Over the past several decades, while women have certainly made strides in the workplace

and toward general gender equality, they are still subject to generally destructive gendering in

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media and from the public, though some scholars support the idea that women can utilize

gendering to their advantage in some situations.

Women in Politics and Traditional Media

Research shows that traditional media sources, such as print media, radio, and television,

typically represent female politicians, public figures, and political actors through the lens of

gender stereotypes and personal characteristics (Anderson et al, 2011; Bystrom, 2001, 2004;

Ibroscheva et al, 2009; Lee, 2004; Nacos, 2005; Wasburn et al, 2011; Winfield, 2003).

The reporting of male versus female politicians often exhibits a polarity in language that

places an unnecessary focus on the physical appearance, maternal, and marital status of the

female figures (Anderson et al, 2011; Lee, 2004). According to Anderson’s case study of media

misrepresentation of Liberian women in politics, the media still constructs politics in

stereotypically masculine terms, and thus news reporting is not as unbiased nor as objective as

journalists might intend it to be. Female political leaders are frequently “misrepresented” when

language constructs them as “trespassers” or interlopers in the “masculine” realm of politics

(Anderson et al 2011; Ibroscheva et al 2009). Anderson found that numerous media reports

explicitly referred to the appearance of Liberian presidential candidate Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf,

emphasized her femininity by citing her marital or maternal status, and generally focused on her

identity as a woman rather than as an experienced politician—unlike her male challenger

(Anderson et al 2011, 2512-2515). Moreover, Everitt (2005), regarding Canada, contends some

of the widespread themes in media reports are also physical characteristics and relationships.

Similarly, Bystrom et al. (2001) examined media coverage of male and female

gubernatorial candidates in the U.S. and found that the women were usually appraised in regard

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to their maternal or marital roles, rather than their political, academic, or professional

background. In both cases, gender identification was more relevant than the women’s political

experience or abilities (Bystrom, 2001; Anderson et al, 2011). Bystrom (2004) also demonstrated

that further biases in the media representation of female leaders are evident in the news media’s

rendering of matters that stereotypically are of more consequence to women—such as childcare

or corruption. Anderson et al. and Ibroscheva et al. would conclude that gendered media

portrayals cultivate a social environment that tolerates sexism. Whence women are “either

treated as a novelty or framed within typical stereotypes of femininity” (Ibroscheva et al, 2009:

1) such as a focus on their appearance, relationships, or personal characteristics, they cannot dig

up the deeply ingrained roots of sexism.

Wasburn et al. (2011) also demonstrate that gendered reporting deters Americans from

voting for women candidates or supporting women’s campaigns and discourages women from

entering politics at all. Their case study of Sarah Palin’s 2008 run for Vice President of the

United States, nevertheless, finds that the consequences of gendered reporting may not be

homogeneous. In some respects, the news coverage of Palin coincided with conventional

reporting on female political leaders in that it emphasized her appearance, youth, and domestic

life rather than her ideology or position-taking, which may have harmed her bid and general

political career. Some evidence still suggests that aspects of this image were advanced by Palin’s

campaign to attract a populist, personal persona. The tendency of media coverage to highlight

appearance and youth also holds true for first ladies and female terrorists (Winfield et al. 2003;

Nacos 2005). Wasburn et al. propose that future studies of the intersection of media and women

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political campaigns must consider context and the individual qualities of singular candidates

(2011).

Extraordinary candidates are of particular relevance in Lee’s study of the portrayal of

female officials in Hong Kong newspapers, a situation that overall is somewhat counterintuitive

(2004). As of the time of the article’s publishing, Hong Kong claimed the highest number of

female top officials in the world; however, the media representation of female leaders in Hong

Kong takes a dramatically gendered emphasis. Lee reveals that newspaper coverage of female

politicians highlights the way in which they are “perfect women” (208) who are exceptional in

all areas of life, domestic to public, and are ideal models for other women in society. However,

Lee critiques this surface-positive portrayal of female officials because they are not necessarily

representative of women on the whole. Such positive representation obviously benefits the

individual women, but it does not assay the sustained inequalities of the family institution at

large. Media empower the female politicians, acclaiming their impressive balancing of work and

family, yet they fail to recognize the problematic tension between work and family for middle

and working class women that perpetuates the existing family convention that does not confine

men nearly as strongly.

Taken as a whole, this body of literature shows women as victims of gender stereotypes

by traditional media, suffering political injury in the “masculine” world of politics. Rather than

reporting the policies and educational and professional qualifications of women politicians,

media often describes them in terms of their personal and physical characteristics, maternal or

marital roles, and age. However, many scholars seem to agree that context and distinctive

circumstances should always be considered when evaluating the representation of women.

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New Media and Politics

The body of literature surrounding social media and politics details how the rise of new

media has impacted contemporary politics. For the most part, scholars all agree that the

relevance of social media in any discussion of political trends should not be discounted or

overlooked because of its expanding role as a tool both of politicians and constituents (Bennett,

2012; Davis, 2009, 2012; Oxley, 2012; Lawless, 2012; Hindman, 2009; Kenski et al, 2006;

Mossberger et al, 2008; Wolfsfeld et al, 2013), even if they differ on its efficacy.

Bennett (2012) argues that we are presently in an era of personalized politics that has

resulted from social fragmentation and the decline of group loyalties. Individuals have displaced

collective action frames in favor or mobilizing around personal lifestyle values. Personalized

political participation is, he contends, likely “the defining change in the political culture of our

era” (38). Large-scale individualized collective action is organized through digital media

technology, with layers of social media from Facebook to Twitter to blogs.

Davis (2009) meanwhile finds that blogs have not quite transcended traditional media but

rather have positioned themselves in a small but important niche in American politics—usually

in the arena of agenda setting, where they have occasional success. Bennett also reminds scholars

(2012) that political bloggers and journalists partake of a symbiotic relationship, given that they

share basic personal and professional interests—specifically the need to gather information and

produce a product that upholds an audience as well as the desire to create or sustain a niche in

the unpredictable media climate. Thus, as journalists continue to view bloggers as potential news

sources and bloggers depend on such traditional news outlets for their news, this symbiotic

relationship will persist.

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Where these journalists and bloggers acquire their information is one of the most

contentious features of the social media debate. Oxley (2009) questions whether more sources

automatically equate to a better informed public. In some ways, as the internet has emerged as an

invaluable mine of political information, following certain public policy debates (such as the

2009-2010 health care reform) has become much easier. The explosion of new media has not

resulted in unequivocal increases in knowledge – some characteristics of the new media universe

appear to enhance knowledge acquisition, while others detract. The accessibility of the internet

means that false information can be easily uploaded, which thus necessitates a sharp eye to

identify what is or is not accurate. Generally, Oxley finds no solid consensus as to which way the

scale tips, however she does conclude that those who consult more news sources are better

informed than those who rely on fewer sources (2009). Some individuals are less motivated or

able to consult such sources, and subsequently there is a widening gap in knowledge.

Hindman (2009) and Mossberger et al. (2008) reflect on this gap in knowledge and the

concepts of digital democracy and digital citizenship, both. Conceding that the successes of

internet politics are increasingly obvious, while Hindman questions whether new media has

simply created another a group of political elites, Mossberger et al. insists that digital citizenship

is the ideal citizenship of the 21st century. Each author affirms the hardship of exclusion from this

new digital democracy. Hindman, even admitting that vast quantities of information are only a

click away for motivated citizens, feels that new media has failed to empower ordinary citizens

to exercise their political voice. Mossberger et al. argues that exclusion from digital citizenship is

a piece of the general fabric of social inequality in the United States. Still, participation in said

democracy through daily internet use increases the likelihood of voting and civic engagement

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and promotes higher incomes for African Americans and Latinos in particular because it

represents capacity, belonging, and the potential for political and economic engagement in

society in the information age. Kenski et al. (2006) confirm in their study that the internet has not

had a negative effect on the efficacy, knowledge, and participation of internet users but grant that

their results, while significant and positive, are small enough to indicate that the internet will not

be cure-all in Western democracy.

While other scholars focused on the interaction between the public and new political

media, Lawless (2012) investigates the content and use patterns of members of Congress (MCs)

on social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook. How and for what do these representatives

utilize new media in their political lives? According to Lawless, strong evidence shows that these

forms of media are commonly used and are growing in popularity among MCs. However, not all

MCs are equally likely to assume their new social posts. Typically, Republicans outperform

Democrats both in intensity of use and size of audience, which may ultimately pay dividends for

campaigns, elections, and governing. Regardless, all MCs have employed these new methods of

communication for classic activities, such as advertising, position-taking, and credit-claiming.

Clearly the content of the messages MCs transmit to their constituencies has not revolutionized,

but the ease of communication with the American public is radically significant

The literature reveals that social media is increasingly relevant in the current era as a

means of communication between politicians and constituents and amongst citizens and as a

mode of expression for both politicians and political consumers. I seek to question how this

social media affects the representation of women of color in politics.

Women of Color in Politics

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Modern theories of multicultural and intersectional feminism would argue that race and

ethnicity are two of the most elemental dynamics to consider in regard to the representation of

women in politics.

According to unifying women of color feminisms, particular women’s experiences of

privilege and oppression differ, therefore accurate, respectful treatment of these women and their

experiences requires one to describe them on the terms of the women themselves (Botts 2013).

As Kimberlé Crenshaw first described in 1989 and noted in her study of identity politics and

violence against women of color, “[b]ecause of their intersectional identity as both women and

of color within discourses that are shaped to respond to one or the other, women of color are

marginalized within both” (1991, 1244). There are different understandings of the term of color.

It could merely imply “nonwhite,” but to some of color has significant sociological, historical,

and political repercussions that stress the commonality of experience of different cultural and

ethnic groups who have been racialized in Western culture. Thus, the term woman of color means

that said woman has experienced life as woman within a non-white racial or ethnic group, and

with that experience comes the oppression of both aspects of her identity (Botts et al 2013).

Given the substantial disparity of descriptive representation between women and men in

the United States, as a society that is defined as much by its attitude toward race as gender,

women of color are shockingly underrepresented.

The pool of women of color politicians to analyze is not large. Of the 98 women serving

in the 113th US Congress, only 30 are women of color (CAWP 2013). By and large, women and

women of color do not run for political office in the same numbers as men. The US gender gap

in political interest and knowledge varies even below the level of women of color. For example,

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among whites, African Americans, and Latinos, black women have the smallest gender gap,

compared to black men, in political knowledge but the largest in interest in national politics.

Overall, Latinas are consistently the least engaged in and knowledgeable of politics (Burns et al

2001). Curiously, these gender gaps disappear or even reverse among children and teenagers

(Alozie et al 2003). This fact poses an interesting possibility when considering adolescents’

domination of social media.

Women of color face an additional barrier to political office and different experiences

with representation in media. Women of color feminisms and intersectional feminism critically

note that women of color encounter both patriarchal oppression and racial oppression. These

oppressions together embody the unique injustice experienced by an individual woman. Hancock

argues that intersectionality and its roots in Black feminist theory can serve as a significant

intellectual resource for contemplating opportunities for political action and social change (2008,

19). In another article, Hancock notes as an example that previous examination of gender

differences in voting behavior, candidate recruitment, or party identification have significantly

benefited the political science discipline. Similarly, questions about the gendering of women of

color politicians in social media can contribute valuable knowledge to political science and other

disciplines (2007).

Many of the foremost scholars of intersectionality have originated in women of color

feminisms. The most developed and historic women of color feminism—African American

feminism—demonstrates that the oppression of black women has been systematized and

structured along three discrete dimensions: economic, political, and ideological (Botts et al

2013). The ideological dimension speaks most compellingly to the representation of women of

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color in traditional and new media because it imposes a set of controlling images on black

women, including “mammies, Jezebels, breeders, smiling Aunt Jemimas, and the ubiquitous

prostitutes and welfare mothers of contemporary popular culture” (Botts et al 2013: 220). Such

stereotypical images are enormously negative and key to the oppression of black women, and

similar circumstances surround the representation of Latina and Asian women.

By studying social media and women of color politicians, we may hope to draw

comparisons amongst women of different racial groups, ages, and family statuses and their

experiences with gendering. I hope to investigate how in the contemporary age of new media and

instant communication women of color politicians are represented vis-á-vis their gender and

other defining features of their identity on social media platforms. As I study gendering of

women of color politicians on social media, I am interested in how the different components of

their identity interact and influence communication between representatives and constituents,

given that women of color face distinctive obstacles in achieving political power in the first

place.

Implications of the Extant Literature

Myriad studies have examined the gendering of women in politics, their representation in

traditional media, and the impact of new media on politics. Research suggests that women are

still stereotyped according to sexist gender norms, which can affect outcomes—such as whether

not they are elected or which policies they may pursue once in office. Comparatively, few

scholars have addressed how specifically women of color politicians are gendered, how they

gender themselves via new media, or how other factors in their identity may impact gendering.

Intersectionality literature suggests that the interaction of race and gender in politics should

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amplify the gendering of women of color politicians, in new media or otherwise. In the

continued march toward equal representation of women in government, my study seeks to

investigate the differences in gendering of female political figures of color as a result of their

identities, through the new media platforms of Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube.

Research Design

In this thesis, I ask how the identities of women of color (WOC) politicians in the United

States House of Representatives impact how they are gendered or gender themselves via social

media.

Hypotheses

Existing studies reveal that women are often represented through a normative, gendered

lens and that social media has had a significant effect on contemporary politics. However, other

variables might also impact the discrimination of women of color in politics or how they are

represented/represent themselves. One might argue that the type of new media platform used

influences how the user expresses information. If that is true, then the type of media platform—

Facebook, Twitter, or YouTube—should affect how women and women of color in politics are

gendered. In this study, WOC politicians may use or may not use their Facebook and Twitter

accounts to gender themselves, but the way they express this gendering may differ on YouTube.

This difference is a consequence of the different methods of communication inherent to each

platform—a 140 character tweet versus a ten minute YouTube video, for example. Additionally,

others may potentially gender the women on YouTube, which is not possible through their

individual Facebook and Twitter accounts.

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More substantially, nonetheless, one might expect that race would appreciably impact the

gendering of women of color in politics. The intersection of different disenfranchised groups in

the political sphere predicts that identity will be very important in a voter’s or constituent’s

evaluation of a woman of color politician or in how she may choose to frame herself and her

ideas. Previous studies showed that for women politicians, identity and personal characteristics

are more important than qualifications or political stances. Thus when the public perceives a

WOC politician, her race is usually an integral part of her identity they can observe. Women face

increased pressure from gender stereotypes than men, which are multiplied when intersectional

systems of oppression act upon a woman politician.

Additionally, younger women may obviously look more youthful, drawing attention to

their appearance—a facet of gendering not typically experienced by men. Therefore, younger

WOC politicians are expected to be gendered more than older WOC politicians, facing elevated

attention on their appearance. Social media users may note a WOC’s youthful glow, shapely

figure, and smooth skin, as examples—overall an aspect of gendering male politicians do not

typically experience.

Family status—that is whether or not someone is married or whether they have children

—can also be viewed as a variable in the gendering of women of color politicians, as women

have been historically consigned to roles as a wife and mother. The extant research in the

literature review above also shows that women, and by extension women of color, are still

frequently described in terms of their family status, and WOC politicians may additionally self-

gender themselves by focusing their legislative interests on family and women’s issues.

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I want to determine how race, age, and family status influence the gendering of women of

color politicians in Congress through social media. Do Facebook posts or blog posts reference a

female politician’s race, and how do they relate that to her gender? Do units of social media

refer to a woman’s age in on the subject of her attractiveness—a tactic of gendering than men do

not usually face? Or does the data mention her family status, in keeping with traditional or non-

traditional gender expectations? Does the rhetoric tend to fall into commentary typifying those

gender stereotypes and gender expectations? Do women of color face harsher rhetoric than white

women politicians? How does the varying platform of social media play a part? That is, do

women of color self-gender in their Facebook posts and tweets?

These questions and the aforementioned theories lead to the following hypotheses that

will be the focus this study:

H1: The race of a woman of color politician influences the gendering of said woman in

the realm of new media.

The following secondary hypotheses will serve to control and determine whether race is

the defining factor in the representation of women of color in politics:

H2: The type of new media affects the type of gendering experienced by women of color

in politics. Facebook and Twitter are a WOC politician’s resources to self-gender, versus

YouTube through which she may be gendered by others.

H3: Younger women of color will be gendered differently than older women of color in

politics.

H4: Women of color with any positive family status—married, children—will be

gendered according to this status and vice versa.

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Model

In this study the unit of analysis is social media, specifically Facebook posts, individual

tweets from the website Twitter, and videos on YouTube. I measure the dependent variables,

mentions of gender and mentions of race, by analyzing the posts pertaining to ten WOC

politicians.

For each WOC politician I gather 50 tweets, 50 Facebook posts, and 10 YouTube videos

and analyze their content. See Appendix B for case selection logic. The tweets and Facebook

posts are taken consecutively, while the YouTube videos will be selected based on relevance

(does the video even mention or come from the politician?) and upload date (within the last two

years). Using a content analysis coding form (see Appendix A), I will examine each post for

references to gender or race and input the information into spreadsheets. From there I can

determine if and how women of color in the House of Representatives self-gender by way of

their social media accounts or are gendered by others on YouTube.

Independent variables:

• type of media – Facebook, Twitter, YouTube

• race – African American, Latina, Asian

• age – younger (30s-mid 40s) or older (mid 40s +)

• family status – married/divorced/widowed/singe and children or no children

The following are my conceptualizations.

GENDERING: I define gendering as the process of ascribing characteristics if

masculinity or femininity, femaleness or maleness to a phenomenon (i.e., a role, position,

concept, person, object, organization, or artifact), usually resulting in power and privilege, voice

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and neglect, or advantage and disadvantage, as drawn along the lines of sex and gender (Dye

2010). Various scholars have proposed a distinction between gendering and self-gendering or

“doing gender.” While West and Zimmerman regard gender as an achievement of individuals but

one that is positioned socially (1987), Deutsch furthers their work but shifts to ask how we can

“undo” gender by highlighting the social processes that underpin change to the conventional

dynamic of gender relations (2007). Yancey Martin defines “doing” or “practicing” gender as a

continuous phenomenon that is done quickly, directionally, and usually nonreflexively; is often

informed by luminal awareness; and is in concert with others (2003).

Operationalizations:

RACE: piece of data references woman’s race or elements of her physical/social persona

that relate to her race

AGE: piece of data references woman’s age either abstractly or in regard to her

appearance

FAMILY STATUS: piece of data references woman’s marital status or maternal status

GENDERING: data that focuses on any aspects gender either directly or indirectly via

the dependent variables as opposed to woman’s political opinions/ideas/policies or

intellectual/professional/educational qualifications

POLICIES THAT ARE GENDERED: policies related to women’s issues including

women’s rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and

income, and women’s health; family/social/compassion issues, which refer to issues that

traditionally have been associated with women and include children and family,

education, health, public/social welfare, and the environment (Schwindt-Bayer 2010)

! 21

Mentions of race, age, and family status in the content will be fairly straightforward.

When a source references a WOC politician’s race directly, apart from merely factual

declarations (e.g., Jane Doe is the first Asian American MC in Georgia), or indirectly through the

use of stereotypes especially as they relate to her physical or social persona. Similarly, any

instance in the content that cites a WOC politician’s age, with the exception of noting a

particularly unusual circumstance (e.g., Jane Doe is the youngest or oldest MC from California),

will be noted as a possible occurrence of gendering. For example, a source may allude to a WOC

politician’s youth as a manner of sexualization, or a source may identify an older WOC politician

as “grandmotherly” in an attempt to discredit her politically. Further, references to a WOC

politician’s family status—that is, whether or not she has children, is married, divorced, or single

—will be regarded as gendering. Finally, I will also know gendering is occurring when sources

cite the looks of a WOC politician; when sources mention personality characteristics that are

seen as either stereotypically feminine or masculine, and when sources identify actions and

policies of a WOC politician as either stereotypically feminine or masculine.

Results

“#WhatWomenNeed for Valentine’s Day is equal work for equal pay” was a commonly

tweeted declaration among the female Democratic members of the United States House of

Representatives during the month of February 2014, drawing on the aims of When Women

Succeed, America Succeeds: An Economic Agenda for Women and Families (WWSAS), laid out

by the House Democrats in July 2013.

Throughout the month of March, as well,

National Women’s History Month,

! 22

woman of color politicians frequently expressed their support for the policy goals of WWSAS

and other matters related to women’s issues and family or compassion issues, such as the raising

of the minimum wage, education, or the

preservation of Supplemental Nutrition

Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits. African

American representatives celebrated Black

History Month in February on their Twitter and

Facebook accounts, occasionally drawing on the

intersection of race and gender.

In regard to intersectionality, as shown in

the tweet below, each of the African American

politicians referred the “My Brother’s Keeper”

campaign on both their Facebook and Twitter accounts. This campaign draws on the intersection

of race and gender in the lives of young men of color, who are disproportionately at risk

throughout their lives, implying that both their gender and race coalesce to disadvantage them in

comparison to other demographics.

Meanwhile, Grace Napolitano also made

notable the intersection of race and gender

in her post congratulating the “strong

Latina” Maria Contreras-Sweet on her

nomination to the role of Administrator of

the Small Business Administration and in retweeting a post that called for greater parity in the

! 23

political representation of Latinas. Sheila Jackson Lee also noted that women still only earn 77

cents for every one dollar earned by a man and that this gap is wider for African American and

Hispanic women, thus again purporting the importance of intersectionality in the representation

of women of color.

Overall, the WOC representatives of the House frequently posted about gender or policies

and positions that may be typically gendered. As shown in Tables 1-12, given that 50 tweets, 50

Facebook posts, and 10 videos were examined per politician, some women wrote about gender in

the majority of their posts, such as Representative Donna Edwards (see Appendix B for politician

profiles), whose tweets referenced gender 37 times.

When WOC politicians self-gendered, they tended to concentrate on policies or positions

pertaining to women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues (see Appendix C for

descriptions of these issues). In fact over 86 percent of gender mentions related to policies or

positions (see Figure 1).

! 24

!

Figure 1

Over 65 percent of mentions pertaining to policy involved family/compassion/social issues, such

as childhood and higher education, health care, the environment, social assistance programs, and

human rights. The remaining nearly 35 percent of mentions pertained to issues specifically

affecting women (see Figure 2).

What is mentioned that

pertains to gender?

AppearanceAgePartner/Marital StatusChildren/Maternal StatusGender Stereotypes/Gender ExpectationsFeminine/Masculine Characteristics/Emotions/ActionsPolicy/Position related to women's issues, family/social/compassion issues

! 25

!

Figure 2

Originally, I suggested that the race of a woman influences the gendering of that woman

in social media. While, as can be seen in Tables 1-3, the politicians discussed gender more than

race or ethnicity, Latinas and Asian Americans appeared to self-gender less than their African

American colleagues. African American women were also slightly more likely to tweet or post

about the intersection of race and gender. With this in mind, I would argue that a woman’s race

does influence whether she self-genders or is gendered, though there is not enough evidence in

the data to establish causality.

Twitter Table 1: Control for age and marital status (older, married with children), vary race

If pertaining to policy,

which type of issue was mentioned?

Women's IssuesFamily/Compassion/Social Issues

! 260

10

20

30

40

Sheila Jackson Lee African American Grace Napolitano Latina

GenderRace

Table 2: Control for age and marital status (older, married with children), vary race

YouTube Table 3: Control for age and marital status (older, married with children), vary race

! 27

0

10

20

30

40


GenderRace

0

2

4

5

7


GenderRace

My secondary hypotheses were intended to control and determine whether race is the

defining factor in how women of color politicians represent themselves in social media. For

example, I proposed that the type of new media affects the type of gendering experienced by

women of color in politics, suggesting that a WOC politician uses Facebook and Twitter to self-

gender more than YouTube. On the contrary, gendering and mentions of race across all platforms

are consistent. If analyzed in the future, blogs might be a better resource to analyze the external

gendering of politicians.

I also hypothesized that younger of women of color would be gendered and would self-

gender differently than older women of color. However, this is not borne out in the results. The

age of the politician also did not significantly alter the self-gendering of the politician, amongst

both Latinas and Asian Americans (see Tables 4-9) and across all platforms. I also found through

intercoder reliability a ninety-four percent score of agreement.

Twitter Tables 4 and 5: Control for race and marital status, vary age - Latina, married with children

! 0

10

20

30

40

Jaime H. Beutler Younger Grace Napolitano Older

GenderRace

! 28

Asian American, married with children

!

Facebook Tables 6 and 7: Control for race and marital status, vary age Latina, married with children

!


!

YouTube Tables 8 and 9: Control for race and marital status, vary age Latina, married with children

0

8

15

23

30

Grace Meng Younger

GenderRace

0

10

20

30

40


GenderRace

0

6

11

17

22

Grace Meng Younger

GenderRace

! 29

!


!

Finally, I also suggested that women of color with any positive family status—married,

children—will be gendered according to this status and vice versa. The results do not support this

hypothesis and demonstrate that family status did not affect the rate at which they self-gendered

(see Tables 10-12).

Twitter Table 10: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status

!

0

2

4

5

7


GenderRace

0

2

4

6

8

Grace Meng Younger

GenderRace

0

10

20

30

40

Donna Edwards Divorced mother Robin Kelly Married

GenderRace

! 30

Facebook Table 11: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status

!

YouTube Table 12: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status

!

Conclusions

At the beginning of this paper, I asked how the identities of women of color

(WOC) politicians in the United States House of Representatives impact how they are gendered

or gender themselves via social media. The data indicate that WOC politicians in the United

States use new media as a way to self-gender and discuss policies that stereotypically concern

women. There is an overall bias toward self gendering, as opposed to external gendering, which

might be a limit of Facebook and Twitter. Self gendering, in my results, usually takes the form of

attitudes or policy ideas related to women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues. Generally

0

8

15

23

30


GenderRace

0

2

4

5

7


GenderRace

! 31

women did not refer to their own identities, partners, or children in their tweets and Facebook

posts. Some of the content addressed the intersectionality of race and gender, but largely the

WOC politicians focused individually on either race or gender and gendered issues, if those were

the subject of the posts. African American women notably covered intersectionality more broadly

in their posts than Latina or Asian American women.

On another note, the two Republican women spoke less about women’s issues than their

Democratic colleagues. Republican Jaime Herrera Beutler’s only concrete mentions of gender

were a few posts regarding sexual assault in the military. Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen also

mentioned gender in her posts—referring to International Women’s Day, the need to do more to

eradicate violence against women and girls, and the human rights situation in Venezuela—

however, like Herrera Beutler, she did so much less often than their Democratic colleagues.

While I cannot establish causality in this paper, I have documented the existence of

gendering—at the very least, self gendering—in the social media of WOC politicians. I

hypothesized originally that the race of a WOC politician would influence the gendering of that

woman new media. Of all the possible factors, race may contribute most strongly to the

gendering of WOC politicians, as African American women posted, in some cases, two or three

times more about race and gender than Latina or Asian American women. I also originally

hypothesized that some factors, including the age and the family status of the woman, would

affect the gendering of said WOC politician; however the data did not substantiate this

postulation. Younger women and women with positive family status did not gender themselves

any differently than older women or single women without children. Overall, the politicians

avoided the subjects of motherhood, their partners, and their age.

! 32

Political party or political ideology can be a significant contributing factor, given that

Republican women quite noticeably avoided the topic of gender in their tweets, apart from Ros-

Lehtinen’s focus on the compassion issue of human rights in Venezuela. The proximity of

Valentine’s Day, the designation of February as Black History Month, and the designation of

March as National Women’s History Month are potentially substantial influences on the content

of each politician’s social media in the gathered data.

In retrospect of these findings, I argue that self-gendering on policy is acceptable because

representation is crucial and the concerns of women of color need addressing. Nevertheless,

while impossible to determine without interviewing the politicians, the findings do beg the

question: do women or women of color concentrate on women’s issues or family/compassion

issues because they feel bound to or feel an expectation to do so? The Inter-Parliamentary Union

(IPU) and UN Women launched the Women in Politics Map 2014 on 11 March 2014,

demonstrating that while women ministers still dominate the traditionally “soft” portfolios such

as Social Affairs, Education, or Women’s Affairs, more women are acceding to “hard” ministerial

portfolios like Defense, Foreign Affairs, and the Environment. Ideally, the importance of the

“soft” issues should be stressed, while all elements in government should work to establish the

presence of women—and women of color—in all areas, soft and hard.

Given these points, I can note that this paper demonstrates findings that transcend the

women and politics literature that touches on traditional media and gendering. As previously

underscored, there are countless examples of the media gendering women politicians and women

of color politicians. However, self-gendering or “doing gender” are vastly different in the results

they produce in comparison to the simpler notion of external gendering. Typically, gendering in

! 33

traditional media is predisposed to concentrate on the physical appearance of a woman or other

elements of her personal identity that may stereotypically cast her in a less competent light. As

this paper has shown, when a woman of color self-genders and focuses her legislative output on

women’s issues or family/compassion issues, she expresses her own political agency.

In the future, new media may be used like traditional media as a gendering tool, however,

as of the present, it functions differently and supports self gendering in regard to Twitter,

Facebook, and YouTube. In this paper, I also establish the tenuous importance of intersectionality

in the social media use of women of color politicians. Minimally, I can document that some

reference to intersectionality exists. Moving forward, then, the content analysis coding forms 1

used in this project’s research design can be a tool for studying intersectionality in new media

through replication or via the exploration of blogs and comment forums. Just as well, this paper’s

research design would also function effectively in studying intersectionality in traditional media.

Ultimately, future research in this area should certainly consider blogs, bearing in mind

that finding authoritative sources that adequately comment on the legislative activities of women

of color Members of Congress is difficult. When considered preliminarily for this project, blogs

were not found to have enough content or adequately survey the population of WOC Members of

Congress. Still, local blogs in each congressional district, if found, might be a more relevant and

consistent tool in studying gendering. Further, should a future researcher choose to devote

attention to the comments sections of Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter, the existence of “trolls”

should not be overlooked. If these “troll” comments—made usually in large number by

! 34

See Appendix A1

anonymous individuals simply to provoke or cause harm—are gendered, a scholar would need to

bear in mind the question of the authoritative source.

Again, in regard to intersectionality, I found important instances of its discussion

surrounding the topic of young men of color and the challenges they face in American society.

This is as gendered a matter as women of color in the United States, so more study should be

allocated to expand its presence in the literature. Finally, a major question that arises from this

research is if men concentrate on or highlight many of the same policies as women, especially in

regard to compassion issues like human rights, raising the wage, and health care. If so, are these

issues really then gendered? A comparison study would shed light on this uncertainty.

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Appendix A

Content Analysis Twitter

Date of tweet

Name of politician

Twitter handle

Race/Ethnicity 1-African American 2-Asian 3-Latina

Marital Status 0-Single 1-Married

Maternal Status 0-Not a mother 1-Mother

Age 0-Younger (30s, 40s) 1-Olders (50s, 60s)

Describe topic of tweet in one, short phrase

! 42

Is gender mentioned? (referring to her gender identity or aspects of it, including her appearance, age, marital status, maternal status, gender expectations, feminine/masculine characteristics, or policies related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues) 0-No 1-Yes

Is race or ethnicity mentioned? 0-No 1-Yes

Is family status mentioned? 0-No 1-Yes

Is age mentioned? 0-No 1-Yes

What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to two) I 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 2

8-other, fill in

II 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions

! 43

Women’s issues include women’s rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and 2

income, and women’s health. Family/social/compassion issues refer to issues that traditionally have been associated with women and include children and family, education, health, public/social welfare, and the environment

7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in

If number 7 was selected, indicate which type of issue was mentioned. 0-Not mentioned 1-women’s issues 2-family/social/compassion issues

If identified as an advocate of women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues, is this particularly related in any way to race? 0-No/Not mentioned 1-Yes

What is mentioned that pertains to race or ethnicity? (Select up to two)

I 0-Not mentioned 1-physical appearance related to race 2-social persona related to race 3

3-cultural elements related to race 4-other, fill in

II 0-Not mentioned 1-physical appearance related to race 2-social persona related to race 3-cultural elements related to race 4-other, fill in

Is the politician identified as young or old? 0-no, not identified as young or old 1-yes, identified as young 2-yes, identified as old

Is the politician identified as a mother? 0-N/A 1-Yes 2-No

Is the politician identified as either a wife or as single? 0-N/A

! 44

Social or political persona: elements of politician’s persona regarding social or political that may be racialized3

1-yes, wife 2-yes, single

Content Analysis Facebook

Date of post

Name of politician

Describe topic of post in one, short phrase





Describe topic of tweet in one, short phrase



! 45



What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to two) I 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in

II 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in




! 46

I 0-Not mentioned 1-physical appearance related to race 2-social persona related to race 3-cultural elements related to race 4-other, fill in



Is the politician identified as a mother? 0-N/A 1-Yes 2-No

Is the politician identified as either a wife or as single? 0-N/A 1-yes, wife 2-yes, single

Content Analysis YouTube

Date of video

Name of channel

Video URL

! 47

Name of politician

Describe topic of video in one, short phrase









What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to three)

! 48

I 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in

II 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in

III 0-Not mentioned 1-appearance 2-age 3-husband/partner/marital status 4-children/maternal status 5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations 6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions 7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues 8-other, fill in



! 49


I 0-Not mentioned 1-physical appearance related to race 2-social persona related to race 3-cultural elements related to race 4-other, fill in


Is the politician’s physical appearance described? 0-no, physical appearance is not mentioned 1-yes, physical appearance is mentioned

What about the politician’s appearance is mentioned? (Select all that apply) 0-Not mentioned 1-Clothing 2-Hair 3-Face 4-Body/body posture (height included) 5-Other, fill in

How is the politician’s figure described? 0-Not mentioned 1-full figure 2-curvy 3-petite


Is the woman identified as an advocate of social welfare? 0-No 1-Yes

! 50

Is that (previous question) mentioned in regard to race or gender? 0-N/A 1-No 2-Yes

Regardless of race, are any of the following descriptors used in regard to the politician? (Select up to three)

I 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman) 8-quiet 9-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 10-China doll 11-smart 12-exotic (or related) 13-familial (or related) 14-hot/sexy/sensual 15-passionate/feisty/loud 16-religious 17-spicy 18-devious/manipulative 19-other, fill in

II 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman) 8-quiet 9-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 10-China doll 11-smart

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12-exotic (or related) 13-familial (or related) 14-hot/sexy/sensual 15-passionate/feisty/loud 16-religious 17-spicy 18-devious/manipulative 19-other, fill in

III 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman) 8-quiet 9-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 10-China doll 11-smart 12-exotic (or related) 13-familial (or related) 14-hot/sexy/sensual 15-passionate/feisty/loud 16-religious 17-spicy 18-devious/manipulative 19-other, fill in

If African American, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors? (Select up to three)

I 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman)

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8-other, fill in

II 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman) 8-other, fill in

III 0-N/A 1-loud 2-assertive/aggressive 3-sapphire (or its definition) 4-jezebel (or its definition) 5-welfare queen 6-angry 7-independent (as in independent black woman) 8-other, fill in

If Asian American, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors? (Select up to three)

I 0-N/A 1-quiet 2-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 3-China doll 4-smart 5-exotic (or related) 6-familial (or related) 7-other, fill in

II 0-N/A 1-quiet 2-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 3-China doll 4-smart

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5-exotic (or related) 6-familial (or related) 7-other, fill in

III 0-N/A 1-quiet 2-meek, docile, submissive, obedient 3-China doll 4-smart 5-exotic (or related) 6-familial (or related)

If Latina, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors? (Select up to three)

I 0-N/A 1-hot/sexy/sensual 2-passionate/feisty/loud 3-religious 4-exotic/spicy 5-devious/manipulative 6-familial (or related) 7-other, fill in

II 0-N/A 1-hot/sexy/sensual 2-passionate/feisty/loud 3-religious 4-exotic/spicy 5-devious/manipulative 6-familial (or related) 7-other, fill in

III 0-N/A 1-hot/sexy/sensual 2-passionate/feisty/loud 3-religious 4-exotic/spicy

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5-devious/manipulative 6-familial (or related) 7-other, fill in

Are any of the following words stereotypically associated with femininity used to describe the politician? (Select up to three)

I 0-N/A 1-dependent 2-emotional 3-passive 4-sensitive 5-quiet 6-graceful 7-innocent 8-weak 9-flirtatious 10-nurturing 11-self-critical 12-soft 13-submissive 14-accepting

II 0-N/A 1-dependent 2-emotional 3-passive 4-sensitive 5-quiet 6-graceful 7-innocent 8-weak 9-flirtatious 10-nurturing 11-self-critical 12-soft 13-submissive 14-accepting

III

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0-N/A 1-dependent 2-emotional 3-passive 4-sensitive 5-quiet 6-graceful 7-innocent 8-weak 9-flirtatious 10-nurturing 11-self-critical 12-soft 13-submissive 14-accepting 13-submissive 14-accepting

Are any of the following words stereotypically associated with masculinity used to describe the politician?

I 0-N/A 1-indepdent 2-non-emotional 3-aggressive 4-tough/tough/thick-skinned 5-competitive 6-clumsy 7-experienced 8-strong 9-active 10-self-confident 11-hard 12-dominant 13-rebellious

II 0-N/A 1-indepdent 2-non-emotional 3-aggressive 4-tough/tough/thick-skinned

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5-competitive 6-clumsy 7-experienced 8-strong 9-active 10-self-confident 11-hard 12-dominant 13-rebellious

III 0-N/A 1-indepdent 2-non-emotional 3-aggressive 4-tough/tough/thick-skinned 5-competitive 6-clumsy 7-experienced 8-strong 9-active 10-self-confident 11-hard 12-dominant 13-rebellious

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Appendix B

In order to select these ten women to investigate, I first organized the vital information of

all women of color in Congress into a spreadsheet. From there I sought to replicate a distribution

Name Race AgeFamily Status District Party

Donna Edwards African American 55 divorced mother MD 4thDemocrat

Marcia Fudge African American 61 single OH 11thDemocrat

Robin L. Kelly African American 57 married IL 2ndDemocrat

Barbara Lee African American 67 single mother CA 13th

Democrat

Sheila Jackson Lee African American 63married with children TX 18th

Democrat

Doris Matsui Asian American 60widow with children CA 6th

Democrat

Grace Meng Asian American 38married with children NY 6th

Democrat

Jaime H. Beutler Latina 34married with children WA 3rd

Republican

Grace Napolitano Latina 76married with children CA 32nd

Democrat

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen Latina 61

married with children FL 27th

Republican

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of race in my selections that reflected that of the actual House of Representatives. As closely as

possible, I looked for an appropriate number of women who were younger or older, single or

married, mother or not a mother, as well as two Republican women, in order to reveal patterns

once I had isolated particular variables. The results prompted the selection of these ten women.

As an example, since I sought to determine how race affects gendering, it was necessary to

control for age and family status. I selected two African American women, Sheila Jackson Lee

and Robin Kelly; one Latina woman, Grace Napolitano; and one Asian American woman, Doris

Matsui, all with almost identical family statuses and very similar in age. With race still varied, I

would be able to determine if race affected how they gendered themselves through social media.

Appendix C

Different forms of gendering

Appearance: any reference to physical appearance—including figure, clothing, hair, makeup, etc.

Age: any reference to age or youth of the politician or of others, such as seniors

Husband/partner/marital status: any reference to a woman’s partner or marital status

Children/maternal status: any reference to a woman’s children or maternal status, or to children

in general

Gender stereotypes/gender expectations: reference to typical gender stereotypes or to particular

challenges faced by each gender

Feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions: references to particular characteristics or

emotions of a woman or other entity that is usually termed feminine or masculine

Policy or position related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues:

reference to any policy or political stance related to women’s issues, which include women’s

rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and income, and

women’s health; family/social/compassion issues, which refer to issues that traditionally have

been associated with women and include children and family, education, health, public/social

welfare, and the environment

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