BY WALTER LIPPMANN:

WALTER LIPPMANN

NEW YORK

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY I930

! 23

and unbending antisentimentalist that he is, says in his "final considerations" that "it

CHAPTER I1 is the great task of social education to raise

THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL the intellectual level of the masses, So that ;hey may be enabled, within the limits of what I HAVE tried to imagine how the perfect is possible, to counteract the oligarchical

citizen could be produced. Some say he will tendencies " of all collective action. have to be born of the conjunction of the

I right germ plasms, and, in the pages of books

i written by Madison Grant, Lothrop Stod- dard and other revivalists, I have seen pre- scriptions as to just who ought to marry whom

I I t o produce a great citizenry. Not being a

biologist I keep an open but hopeful mind on

this point, tempered, however, with the knowl- edge that certainty about how to breed

inverse proportion to the writer's scientific renii+q+:nn

I L 13 LIICII LU e a u c a r ~ u ~ ~ L l l a L luglcally one turns next, for education has furnished the thesis of the last chapter of every optimistic book on democracy written for one hundred and fifty years. Even Robert Michels, stern

i

E So I have been reading some of the new

, standard textbooks used to teach citizenship ' in schools and colleges. After reading them

I do not see how any one can escape the con- clusion that man must have the appetite of an encyclopzdist and infinite time ahead of him. T o be sure he no longer is expected to

E remember the exact salary of the county clerk and the length of the coroner's term. In the 6

' new civics he studies the problems of govern-

QYULU LIUII. ment, and not the structural detail. He is T : + * - 3.. ,. .-- &I.-* I - - s - ll told, in one textbook of five hundred concise,

P contentious pages, which I have been reading, about city problems, state problems, national

- problems, international problems, trust prob-

lems, labor problems, transportation problems,

I 24 T H E PHANTOM PUBLIC THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 25 P banking problems, rural problems, agricul-

i but a casual interest iil facts and but a poor A".<. . . . - - ~ . .. . .. . . . . - .-

, i !I, tural problems, and so on ad infiniturn. In appetite for theory. I:';! . - .. . . . . . . , . . . , .-

the eleven pages devoted t o problems of the ' ~t never occurs to this preceptor of civic

I city there are described twelve sub-prob- - duty t o provide the student with a rule by ? ' lems. I ( /

which he can know whether on Thursday I' But nowhere in this well-meant book is the ;a i t is his duty t o consider subways in Brook-

Y 4 1

sovereign citizen of the future given a hint I lyn or the Manchurian Railway, nor how, as to how, while he is earning a living, rearing if he determines on Thursday t o express his

I children and enjoying his life, he is t o keep sovereign will on the subway question, he himself informed about the progress of this is to repair those gaps in his knowledge of swarming confusion of problems. He is that question which are due t o his having exhorted to conserve the natural resources of been preoccupied the day before in express-

' , the country because they are limited in quan- ing his sovereign will about rural credits in tity- He is advised to watch public expen&- Montana and the rights of Britain in the tures because the taxpayers cannot pay o u t Sudan. Yet he cannot know all about every- indefinitely increasing amounts. B u t he, the -thing all the time, and while he is watch- voter, the citizen, the sovereign, is apparently ' ing one thing a thousand others undergo expected to yield an unlimited quantity of great changes. Unless he can discover some

public spirit, interest, curiosity and effort. rational ground for f i ~ i n g his attention where L >

The author of the textbook, touching on every- i t will d o the most good, and in a way tha t thing, as he thinks, from city sewers t o Indian ' suits his inhcrent.1~ amateurish equipment,

opium, misses a decisive fact: the citizen gives he will be as bewildered as a pu]?py trying but a little of his time to pllbJ.ic has t o lick three bones a t once.

THE PHllNTOM PUBLIC THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 27

I do not wish to say that it does the student ' , taught. They say they should be taught no good to be taken on a sightseeing tour of

whatever may be necessary to fit them to the problems of the world. I t may teach hi& : govern the modern world. that the world is complicated, even if he

The usual appeal to education can bring comes out OT the adventure "laden with .. .. . - ~ .

ady &sappoint$&nt. For the problems of germs, breathing creeds and convictions on

the modern world appear and change faster you whenever he opens his mouth." 1 He than any set of teachers can grasp them, may learn humility, but most certainly his

much faster than they can convey their sub- acquaintance with what a high-minded author

stance to a population of children. If the thought were American problems in 1925

schools attempt to teach children how to will not equip him to master American prob-

solve the problems of the day, they are b ~ u n d always to be in arrears. The most they

of transient issues he acquires an intellectual can conceivably attempt is the teaching of a

attitude no education has occurred. pattern of thought and feeling which will en-

That is why the usual appeal to education able the citizen to approach a new problem in

as the remedy for the incompetence of democ- some useful fashion. But that pattern cannot

racy is so barren. It is, in effect, a proposal be invented by the pedagogue. It is the

that school teachers shall by some magic of political theorist's business to trace out that

their own fit men to govern after the makers pattern. In that task he must not assume

of laws and the preachers of civic ideals have that the mass has political genius, but that

had a free hand in writing the specifications. men, even- if they had genius, would give

The reformers do not ask what men can be only a little time and attention to public

' Logan Pearsall Smith.

! T H E PHANTOM PUBLIC T H E UNATTAINABLE IDEAL

1 3'

ful professor. Pawlow showed by his experi- who asks that a local standard be universally

ments on dogs that an animal with a false applied is merely begging one of the questions

stomach can experience all the pleasures of he ought to be trying to solve. For, while

eating, and the number of mice and monkeys possibly i t may be an aim of political organiza-

known to have been deceived in laboratories is tion t o arrive a t a common standard of

surpassed only by the hopeful citizens of a judgment, one of the conditions which engen-

democracy. Man's reflexes are, as the psy- ders politics and makes political organization

chologists say, conditioned. And, therefore, :

necessary is the conflict of standards. he responds quite readily to a glass egg, a

Darwin's story of the cats and clover may decoy duck, a stuffed shirt or a political

' be recommended to any one who finds it platform. No moral code, as such, will enable

difficult t o free his mind of the assumption him to know whether he is exercising his moral

that his notions of good and bad are universal. faculties on a real and an important event.

The purple clover is cross-fertilized by the For effective virtue, as Socrates pointed out

bumblebee, and, therefore, the more bumble- long ago, is knowledge; and a code of the

bees the better next year's crop of clover. But right and the wrong must wait upon a percep- . '

the nests of bumblebees are rifled by field tion of the true and the false.

mice which are fond of the white grubs. But even the successful practice of a

Therefore, the more field mice the fewer moral code would not emancipate democracy.

bumblebees and the poorer the crop. But in There are too many moral codes. I n our

the neighborhood of villages the cats hunt immediate lives, within the boundaries of

down the field mice. And so the more cats our own society, there may be commonly accepted standards. But a political theorist AS told by J. ~ r t h ~ Thornson, The Outline of Science, Vol. 111,

I

THE PHANTOM PUBLIC THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 3 3

the fewer mice, the more bumblebees the

I objectifies for the convenience of language,

better the crop. And the more kindly old the disappointment of a mind that finds ladies there are in the village the more cats before it an order different from what it there will be. wants." 3 For the order which we recognize as

If you happen not to be a Hindu or a vege- p o d is an order suited to our needs and hopes tarian and are a beef-eating Occidental you

I will commend the old ladies who keep the cats There is nothing universal or eternal or who hunt the mice who destroy the bumblebees unchangeable about our expectations. For who make the pasture of clover for the cattle. rhetorical effect we often say there is. But

If You are a cat YOU also will be in favor of in concrete cases it is not easy to explain the old ladies. But if you are a field mouse, why the thing we desire is SO righteous. If how different the rights and wrongs of that the farmers are able to buy less than their section of the universe! The old ladies who accustomed amount of manufactured foods keep cats will seem about as kindly as witches there is disorder and a problem. But what

with pet tigers, and the Old Lady Peril will absolute standard is there which determines be debated hysterically by the Field Mouse whether a bushel of wheat in 1925 should, as Security League. For what could a patriotic with 1913, exchange for more, as mouse think of a world in which bumblebees many, or less manufactures? Can any one did not exist for the sole purpose of producing define a principle which shall say whether the white grubs for field mice? There would seem to be no law and order in such a world; and only a highly philosophical mouse would admit and how much? There may be more jobs with Bergson that "the idea of disorder 8 Creative EvoIution, Ch. 111.

THE PHANTOM PUBLIC THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 3 5 i 1 than workingmen a t the wage offered: the, ocrati='citizen, omnicompetent and sover-

employers will complain and will call it a

cause the school teacher cannot anticipate

workingmen than jobs of the kind and a t the: e issues of the future; if morality cannot

places and for the wages they will or can take. But, although the problem will be acute, there is no principle which determines how or false, and, second, on the assumption

many machinists, clerks, coal miners, bankers, there is a universal moral code, which,

or salesmen it is the duty of society to provide- fact, does not exist, where else shall we look

work for. r the method of making the competent

It requires intense partisanship and much I

i self-deception t o argue that s o d e sort of pqcu-, nth century had several other prescriptions

1 as against the manufacturers', the employ- i ! ers' against the wage-earners', the creditors' ne school based their reforms on the apho- I

These conflicts of interest are problems. re democracy. It was assumed that

They require solution. But there is no moral opular will was wise and good if only u could get a t it. They proposed extensions

nature of the solution can be deduced. the suffrage, and as much voting as possible means of the initiative, referendum and

T H E PHANTOM PUBLIC T H E UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 37

recall, direct election of Senators, direct primaries, an elected judiciary, and the like. hgs not the time, the interest or the knowl- They begged the question, for it has never edge, he will not have a better public opinion been proved that there exists the kind of because he is asked to express his opinion public opinion which they presupposed. Since more often. He will simply be more bewil- the Bryan campaign of 1896 this school of ' dered, more bored and more ready to follow thought has made great conquests in most of the states, and has profoundly influenced the federal government. The eligible vote 1. ,, JG have ascribed the disenchantment of has trebled since 1896; the direct action of democracy to the capitalistic system. They

the voter has been enormously extended. Yet have argued tha: property is power, and that that sameP period has seen a decline in the until there is as wide a distribution of economic Percentage of the popular vote cast at presi- power as there is of the right to vote the suf- dential elections from 80.75 per cent in 1896 frage cannot be more effective. No serious

student, I think, would dispute that socialist premise which asserts that the weight of in-

school that "the whole people" desires to fluence on society exercised by an individual is participate actively in government. N~~ is more nearly related to the character of his prop- there any evidence to show that the persons erty than to his abstract legal citizenship. But who do participate are in any real sense direct- the socialist conclusion that economic Power ing the course of affairs. The party machines can be distributed by concentrating the Owner- have survived every attack. And why should ship of great utilities in the state, the con- they not! If the voter cannot grasp the elusion that the pervasion of industrial life

THE UNATTAINABLE IDEAL 39 THE PHANTOM PUBLIC

ideal. I think it is a false ideal. I do not by voting and referenda will yield competent

mean an undesirable ideal. I mean an un- popular decisions, seems to me again to beg

attainable ideal, bad only in the sense that the question. For what reason is there to it is bad for a fat man to try to be a ballet

think that subjecting SO many more affairs dancer. An ideal should express the true

to the method of the vote will reveal hitherto possibilities of its subject. When it does not

undiscovered wisdom and technical competence it perverts the true possibilities. The ideal

and reservoirs of public interest in men? The of the omnicompetent, sovereign citizen is, in

socialist scheme has a t its root the mystical my opinion, such a false ideal. It is upattain-

fallacy of democracy, that the people, all of able. The pursuit of it is misleadinp The

them, are competent; at its top it suffers from the homeopathic fallacy that adding new tasks to a burden the people will not and cannot carry now will make the burden of citizenship easily borne. The socialist theory presup- Poses an unceasing, untiring round of civic

what is happening, why it is happ~ning, what duties, an enormous complication of the PO-

ought to happen. I cannot imagine how he litical interests that are already much too

could know, and there is not the least reason for thinking, as mystical democrats have

These various remedies, eugenic, educa- - ---______ . _ - though$h-k compounding of individual

tional, ethical, populist and socialist, all --_ __ ignorance~ in masses of people can produce a

assume that either the voters are inherently continuous directing force in public affairs.

competent to direct the course of affairs or that they are making progress toward such an

WHAT THE PUBLIC DOES 5 5

somehow seek to control the behavior of others, if not by positive law then a t least by persua- sion, When men are in tha t posture toward events they are a public, as I am here defining

WHAT THE PUBLIC DOES the term; their opinions as to how others ought t o behave are public opinions. The more

I mean t o say that there is no other clearly i t is understood what the public can

attainable ideal of public opinion but that do and what it cannot, the more effectively

practical one which this essay is it will do what lies within its power to do well and the less i t will inlerfere with the liberties meant to disclose. One might aim to enrich

the minds of men with 'charming fantasies, animate nature and society with spirits, set The rale of public opinion is determined by

an O ~ Y ~ P U S in the skies and an Atlantis , the fact that its relation to a problem is exter-

at the end of the world. And one might then , rial. The opinion affects an opinion, but does not itself control the executive act. A public

opinion is expressed by a vote, a demonstra- give peace, i t does not matter how or whether tion of praise or blame, a following or a boy-

they evenmate in the government of affairs. totting. But these manifestations are in

Utopia and Nirvana are by definition their own sufficient reason, and i t may be that to themselves nothing. They count only if they

influence the course of affairs. They influence them is well worth the abandon-

it, however, only if they influence an actor merit of feeble attempts t o control the action

in the affair. And i t is, I believe, precisely of events. Renunciation, however, is a luxury ~

in this secondary, indirect relationship be- in which all men cannot indulge. They will

THE PHANTOM PUBLIC 1 WHAT THE PUBLIC DOES 57

2 tween public opinion and public affairs that we way of saying: I am lined up with these men, I have the clue to the limits and the possibili- on this side. 1 enlist with them. I will fol- I I

I ties of public opinion. low. I will buy. I will boycott. I will C

I strike. 1 applaud. I jeer. The force I can 2

/ I exert is placed here, not there- I It may be objected at once that an elec- The public does not select the candidate, 11 \i, tion which turns one set of men out of write. the platform, outline the policy any I and installs another is an expression of public I

more than it builds the automobile or acts 1 opinion which is neither secondary nor in- ~i the play. I t aligns itself for Or against 1 direct. But what in fact is an election? we somebody who has offered himself, has made i I call it an expression of the popular will, ~~t

- a promise, has produced a play, is selling an

I

I I is it? We go into a polling booth and mark a automobile. The action of a group as a

I h/ cross on a piece of paper for one of two, or group is the mobilization of the force it

!, perhaps three or four names. Have we ex- possesses. I I'

pressed our thoughts on the public policy of The attempt has been made to ascribe some the United States? Presumably we have a intrinsic moral and intellectual virtue to ma- number of thoughts on this and that with jority rule. It was said often in the nineteenth many buts and ifs and ors. Surely the cross century that there was a deep wisdom in 1

I on a piece of paper does not express them. majorities which was the voice of God. Some-

I! It would take us hours to express our thoughts, times this flattery was a sincere mysticism,

11 and calling a vote the expression of our mind , sometimes it was the self-deception which

1 is an empty fiction. the idealization of power- 1 A Votr i v ? l)i7) of support. It is a

1 In substance it was nothing but a transfer to

THE PHANTOM PUBLIC WHAT THE PUBLIC DOES 59

the new sovereign of the divine attributes of kings. Yet the inherent absurdity of making Constitutional democrats, in the intervals

virtue and wisdom dependent on 51 per cent when they were not idealizing the majority,

of any collection of men has always been have acknowledged that a ballot was a civi-

apparent. The practical realization that the lized substitute for a bullet. "The French

I claim was absurd has resulted in a whole RevoIution," says Bernard Shaw, "overthrew

code of civil rights to protect minorities and in one set of rulers and substituted another with

all sorts of elaborate methods of subsidizing different interests and different views. That

the arts and sciences and other human in- is what a general election enables the people

terests so they might be independent of the to do in England every seven years if they

operation of majority rule. choose. Revolution is therefore a national

justification of majority rule in poli- institution in England; and its advocacy by an Englishman needs no apology." It makes an enormous difference, of course, whether the people fight or vote, but We shall under- stand the nature of voting better if we rec- ognize it t o be a substitute for fighting- "There grew up in the 17th and 18th Cen- turies in England," says Dwight Morrow in his introduction to Professor Morse's book, c L and there has been carried from England to

a sublimated and denatured civil war, a paper almost every civilized government in the

mobilization without physical violence. world, a procedure through which Party 1 Preface to Tk Revolutionist's Handbook, P. 179.

WHAT THE PUBLIC DOES 61 THE PHANTOM PUBLIC

merit of all kinds of force. It remains an align- government becomes in large measure a sub-

ment, though in advanced democracies it stitute for revolution." Hans Delbriick puts

has lost most of its primitive association with military combat. It has not lost it in the

South where the Negro population is dis- tical principle. If one wants t o avoid a civil

franchised by force, and not ~ermit ted to war, one lets those rule who in any case would make its weight felt in an election. It has obtain the upper hand if there should be a

not lost i t in the unstable Latin American struggle; and they are the superior numbers." 3

republics where every election is in some But, while an election is in essence subli-

measure still an armed revolution. , I n fact, mated warfare, we must take care not to miss

the United States has officially recognized the h-nportance of the sublimation. There

this truth by proclaiming that the substitu- have been pedantic theorists who wished t o

i tion of election for revolution in Central i disqualify all who could not bear arms, and I America is the test of political progress. oma an suffrage has been deplored as a falsi-,

I do not wish t o labor the argument any fication of the value of an election in uncover-

further than may be necessary to establish ing the alignment of martial force in the

the theory that what the public does is not community. One can safely ignore such t o express its opinions but to align itself for

I theorizing. For, while the institution of an

1 1 cepted, we must abandon the notion that

of the physical force, i t has come to be an align-

1 i Parties and Party Leaders, p. xvi. expression of the will of the people. We must

1 H. Delbriick, Gowernment and the Wi l l of the People, p. 15. Trans- lated by Roy S. MacElwee.

I

I

1 ! ~ THE PHANTOM PUBLIC

Instead we must adopt the theory that, by their occasional mobilizations as a majority,

people support or oppose the individuals who-- CHAPTER V actually govern. ,.We must say that the pop-

THE NEUTRALIZATION OF ARBITRARY FORCE

it intervenes ol:casionally. I

IF THIS is the nature of public action, what ideal can be formulated which shall conform

We are bound, I think, to express the ideal

i in its lowest terms, to state i t not as an ideal I which might conceivably be realized by excep-

tional groups now and then or in some distant future but as an ideal which normally might be taught and attained. I n estimating the burden which a public can carry, a sound political theory must insist upon the largest factor of safety. It must understate the possibilities of public action.

The action of a public, we had concluded,

1 is principally confined to an occasional inter- ~ vention in affairs by means of an alignment

63

p: : id,, 64 THE PHANTOM PUBLIC NEUTRALIZATION OF FORCE 65

of the force which a dominant section of that or executive. We must assume that a public , J public can wield. We must assume, the;, s inexpert in its curiosity, intermittent, that that the members of a public will not possess ly gross distinctions, is slow to ' an insider's knowledge of events or share his d quickly diverted; that, since point of view. They cannot, therefore, con- ing itself, i t personalizes what- strue intent, or appraise the exact circum- s, and is interested only when stances, enter intimately into the minds of the events have been melodramatized as a con- .actors or into the details of the argument. They can watch only for coarse signs indi- T h e public will arrive in the middle of the cating where their sympathies ought to turn. third act and will leave before the last curtain,

'We must assume that t.he members of a having stayed just long enough perhaps to public will not anticipate a problem much decide who is the hero and who the villain before its crisis has become obvious, nor stay of the piece. YYet usually tha t judgment will with the problem long after its crisis is past. necessarily be made apart from the intrinsic They will not know the antecedent events, merits, on the basis of a sample of behavior, will not have seen the issue as it develop-', . an aspect of a situation, by very rough exter- will not have thought out or willed a program, and will not be able to predict the conse- , then, think of public opinion quences of acting on that program. W e must ing or creating force directing

popular government that normally men as deliberately toward socialism or away from members of a public will not be well informed, it, toward nationalism, an empire, a league of continuously interested, nonpartisan, creative nations or any other doctrinal goal. For

A ) ,

ti 68 THE PHANTOM PUBLIC NEUTRALIZATION OF FORCE 69

~ c e of a problem, be standing for human adjustments according ! 9 111 ,~~

to make technical decisions, to attempt justice to a clc&ls rule of behavior and against the

side which appears to stand for settlement in '!,I, , I . , , , _ ,

say that the ideal of public opinion is to align.,.. accordance with its own unaccountable will. . " , I,:, I men during the crisis of a problem in such a - . Public opinion, in this theory, is a reserve $. ,I;;# way as to favor the action of those individuals of force brought into action during a crisis 1,: , , ; h ~ ,

who may be able to compose the crisis. The in public affairs. Though it is itself an irra- k $:::

:power to discern those individuals is the end tional force, under favorable institutions; I, of the effort to educate public opinion. The sound leadership and decent training the power p: 1,;

aim of research designed to facilitate public of public opinion might be placed at the dis-

8. action is the discovery of clear signs by which posal of those who stood for workable law as 4; 1;; . ,, these individuals may be discerned. against brute assertion. In this theory, public p ,,,.'

The signs are relevant when they reveal by opinion does not make the law. But by can- l:l', , f coarse, simple and objective tests which side celing lawless power it may establish the i:~: 14. in a controversy upholds a workable social ;y condition under which law can be made. It

p rule, or which is attacking an unworkable does not reason, investigate, invent, ~ersuade,

1: rule, or which proposes a promising new rule. bargain or settle. But, by holding the aggres- il 6 + , By following such signs the public might sive party in- check, it may liberate intel- r 1:'

know where to align itself. In such an align- ligence. Public opinion in its highest ideal I: !:I: ment it does not, let us remember, pass will defend those who are prepared to act on

judgment on the intrinsic merits. It merely their reason against the interrupting force of Y A. /I/i places its force at the disposal of the side ii!

those who merely assert their will. 18' m.hicIl, acc;.)rtiinl: to o1:jective signs, seems to The action of public opinion at its best

I ' I 70 THE PHANTOM PUBLIC NEUTRALIZATION OF FORCE 7 I

/ 1

1 I would not. let i t be noted he 2 mntinl--1 directly i t is either a failure or a tyranny. It

is not able to master the problem intellec- I I

tually, nor t o deal with it except by wholesale 1 1 impact. The theory of democracy has not I

, - -- - - ---- 2 1 1 I

does not challenpe it. Somebody must recognized this truth because it has identified

irst. The public the functioning of government with the will I

can only come to his assistance. of the people. This is a fiction. The intricate business of framing laws and of administering I

3 them through several hundred thousand public

That, I think, is the utmost that public officials is in no sense the act of the voters

opinion can effectively do. With the sub- nor a translation of their will.

stance of the problem it can do nothing But although the acts of government are

usually but meddle ignorantly or tyrannically, not a translation of public opinion, the princi-

It has no need to meddle with it. Men in pal function of government is to do specie-

their active relation to affairs have t o deal cally, in greater detail, and more continually

with the substance, but in that indirect what public opinion does crudely, by whole-

relationship when they can act only through sale, and spasmodically. It enforces some of

uttering praise or blame, making black crosses the working rules of society. It interprets

white paper, they have done enough, they them. It detects and punishes certain kinds

have done all they can do if they help t o of aggression. It presides over the framing of

make i t possible for the reason of other men new rules. It has organized force which is

to assert itself. used to counteract irregular force.

For when public opinion attempts t o govern It is also subject to the same corruption as

THE PHANTOM PUBLIC NEUTRALIZATION OF FORCE

public opinion. For when government at- work out an adjustment, public officials tempts to impose the will of its officials, te;vene. ' When the officials fail, public instead of intervening so as to steady ad- pillion is brought to bear on the issue.

directly interested, it becomes heavy-hande stupid, imperious, even predatory. For the public official, though he is better placed our inquiry suggests. Those who happen in to understand the problem than a reader of any question to constitute the public should newspapers, and though he is much better attempt only to create an equilibrium in I

able to act, is still fundamentally external which settlements can be reached directly to the real problems in which he intervenes. and by consent. The burden of carrying on Being external, his point of view is indirect, the work of the world, of inventing, creating, and SO his action is most appropriate when it executing, of attempting justice, formulating is confined to rendering indirect assistance laws and moral codes, of dealing with the those who are directly responsible. technic and the substance, lies not upon public

opinion and not upon government but on those as an expression of the people's will, it would who are responsibly concerned as agents in seem better to say that government consists, the affair. Where problems arise, the ideal of a body of officials, some elected, some is a settlement by the particular interests appointed, who handle professionally, and involved. They alone know what the trouble in the first instance, problems which come to really is. No decision by public officials or public opinion spasmodically and on appeal. by commuters reading headlines in the train Where the parties directly responsible do not can usually and in the long run be so good as

P A R T I1