violence against women in a rural context

9
This article was downloaded by: [University of Tennessee At Martin] On: 06 October 2014, At: 13:39 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Australian Social Work Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rasw20 Violence against women in a rural context Margaret Alston a a Centre for Rural Social Research , Charles Stuart University Rivernia , Published online: 01 Feb 2008. To cite this article: Margaret Alston (1997) Violence against women in a rural context, Australian Social Work, 50:1, 15-22, DOI: 10.1080/03124079708415203 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03124079708415203 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions

Upload: margaret

Post on 22-Feb-2017

220 views

Category:

Documents


4 download

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: Violence against women in a rural context

This article was downloaded by: [University of Tennessee At Martin]On: 06 October 2014, At: 13:39Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Australian Social WorkPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rasw20

Violence against women in a rural contextMargaret Alston aa Centre for Rural Social Research , Charles Stuart University Rivernia ,Published online: 01 Feb 2008.

To cite this article: Margaret Alston (1997) Violence against women in a rural context, Australian Social Work, 50:1, 15-22, DOI:10.1080/03124079708415203

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03124079708415203

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in thepublications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations orwarranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsedby Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified withprimary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings,demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectlyin connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematicreproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone isexpressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

Page 2: Violence against women in a rural context

Violence against women in a rural context MARGARET ALSTON*

The paper outlines the results of a study conducted in rural NSW in 1995. It examines violence against women in a rural context and outlines rural constraints and structures which make the position of women who are victims of violence particularly tenuous. A lack of refuge accommo- dation and the difficulties of policing Apprehended Violence Orders (AVOS) in isolated areas are just two of the issues examined. Service providers in two rural towns were interviewed to gain an understanding of the perceptions of violence against women in rural areas and of the way service providers deal with such violence. The paper outlines the important role social workers can play linking services for the ultimate protection of rural women.

‘He just picks up the phone and .ra>’s “I ’n i goiiig 10 kill you and kill I ~ E kids!”. ’ Woman in rural NSW, August 1995.

‘Because [rural women] are isolated, domestic violeiice c m be covered up more in the couritty than in the city. ’ Rural Australian woman.

‘Domestic iiolence is iiioiv hidden iii the country, far iiiore hidden because i fyou get soiiiebody that k been beateri up, well they sfay honie -particularly if they are on a fann. They just give excuses to not go out. ’ New South Wales Department of Health worker, country town.

iolence against women is a major problem in this V country. Violence has been a constant feature of our history since settlement (Lake 1993) and police and court records indicate that it remains a significant issue (Local Courts Statistics Unit 1994). Yet, despite official statistics, we know very little about the true extent of the violence experienced by women (Matka 1991; Devery 1992; Nolan 1992). Much goes unreported because women fear retaliation should they report their experiences; because they are uncertain of the help available or because of the rea- sonably accurate perception that a large section of society actually condones such violence (Public Pol- icy Research Unit 1988; Matka 1991; Office of the Status of women 1995).

For much of our recorded history, society has adopted a ‘blame the victim’ response to such vio- lence (Coorey 1988). This attitude has allowed cer- tain behaviours to be decriminalised and patholo- gised as a woman’s problem (Mclntyre 1984). In

* Margaret Alston is senior lecturer- in social i3,ot-k arid Associate Director of the Centrejbr Rural Social Research, Clmrles Sru t~ Uiiiversitv - Riveriiia.

recent times, and with the benefit of women’s activism, there is far greater emphasis on power dif- ferentials and gender inequality to explain and analyse violence. As McGregor (1 992 p. 12) explains, ‘Violence i n the home is an abuse of power and is always perpetrated by a more powerful member against a less powerful member’.

Feminist analysis allows an understanding of the complex structural constraints which have sustained a climate where violence is tolerated. As a result, research on violence against women has intensified over the last fifteen years (for example Scuit 1983; Coorey 1988; Hatty 1990; Esteal 1993). Yet little of this research has examined violence in an exclusively rural context (notable exceptions include Coorey (1988) and Hornosty ( I 994)). Consequently, policy development has ignored issues peculiar to the rural condition. This paper details the results of an exploratory study of violence against women in rural New South Wales conducted during 1995. I t exan- ines perceptions about domestic violence in rural areas and looks at the way service providers deal with violence against women. Further, the paper will detail the important role social work practitioners can play linking services and, ultimately, in providing safety for women.

DEFINITION OF VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Violence in a domestic situation is characterised by acts of violence i n various forms carried out by one spouse against their partner (Mugford and Mug- ford 1992). In an overwhelming number of cases this violence is perpetrated by men against their female partners (Steinman 1991). What is important to note is that acts of violence are now recognised as behav- iours that go beyond the physical. As McGregor

Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. SO, No. 1 I 5

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 3: Violence against women in a rural context

(1992, p. 12) notes: domestic violence can be physical, sexual, psy- chological, social o r economic. Violence gen- erally refers to behaviour which results i n dam- age or injury to another person, or behaviour which results in any person living in fear of another’s behaviour.

This definition, or variations of it, can be found in inany analyses of violence (Devery 1992; Matka 1991; NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research 1992) and in documentation supplied by agencies dealing with violence (for example Com- munity Education Task Force on Family Violence, Victoria the NSW Women’s Information and Referral Service and the ACT Domestic Violence Crisis Service). The move to go beyond overt physical violence and to include psychological, social and emotional forms of abuse in defining women’s experiences of violence is an important one. Yet Inany conimunity members lag behind government and community organisations in their perceptions and recognition of what ‘domestic vio- lence’ encompasses. More covert forms of violence are overlooked anti this is especially so in rural communities.

I n the recently released Office of the Status of Women Report (1995, p.11) 81% of respondents recognise physical violence while only 58% (66% of women and 50% of’ men) mention psychological abuse when discussing violence against women. In fact, Australian law accepts inequality in the family (Rees 1994) and this allows ignorance and tolerance in the community of the full horror of abuse suf- fered by women. In the rural context where dotni- mint ideologies maintain powerful constraints on women and ensure sex stratification. some accepted behaviours could be redefined as psychological abuse against women according to the above defini- tion. Yet, these forms of abuse rarely figure in offi- cial statistics and analyses of the extent of violence. Rural women suffer, firstly, as a result of tacit com- munity acceptance of their subordinate position and, secondly, because some professional groups may hold a narrow perspective which recognises only overt physical violence as abnormal.

In 1988 a survey conducted by the Office of the Status of Women (Public Policy Research Centre) revealed that 21% of people surveyed did not see domestic violence as a criminal offence and 14% saw provocation as a justification for violence. The 1995 Office of the Status of Women Coniniu- nity Attitudes to Violence Against Women Report evidenced a shift in perceptions. Only 7% do not view domestic violence as a criminal offence and 8 % see provocation as justification. Community education campaigns conducted by governments have been effective in raising awareness of more overt foniis of domestic violence.

RURAL SOCIETY Rural society is often viewed as conservative

and support for sexual divisions of labour are e v - dent in rural media (Bell and Pandey 1989; Mack- lin 1993b). The dominance of family fanning in agriculture ensures that ‘family’ remains an important concept both emotionally and econorni- cally. While this can be a great source of strength for many women, the cultural importance of family and the conservative and traditional beliefs adhered to by many rural Australians ensure that women experiencing violence have great difficulty report- ing abuse and many find it difficult to find help and support to leave a relationship (Coorey 1988). While these constraints are not limited to rural society, what makes the experience of violence more problematic for rural women are factors such as geographic isolation, lack of transport, lack of refuge and other crisis accommodation, lack of financial support and the prevalence of guns (Coorey 1988 and 1992; Nolan 1992; Hornosty 1994).

In recent times the serious crisis in agriculture brought about by drought and market forces has increased the stress suffered by farm family men- hers. Rural communities are declining and essential services are being removed in response to the eco- nomic rationalist agenda (Lawrence 1987). Further, lack of adequate social security provisions means that the hardships experienced by many farm fami- lies have translated into extreme povei-ty (Alston 1992; 1993).

Devery (1992, p.4) notes that stress is ‘likely to be greatest among those groups who are sub.ject to the effects of unemployment, poverty and lack of control of resources’. In the case of rural Aus- tralians who are over represented amongst the poorest in this country (Cheers 1990), stress levels are likely to be extremely high. The relationship between stress and social problems is a matter for speculation. We do know that suicide rates particu- larly among young males are much higher in rural areas (Thp Land, August 11, 1994). It has also been postulated that men under stress are more likely than other men to resort to violence (Devery 1992, p.4). There are further indications that such abuse is widespread and exacerbated when sex stratification and the subordination of women is pronounced (Straws 1992). We can therefore speculate that there will be a relationship between deteriorating rural conditions, conservative and tra- ditional values, and increasing levels of domestic violence.

One point of contention in the literature on domestic violence which demands some attention is the relationship between violence against women and class. Devery (1992, p.7) puts forward evi- dcnce pointing to the over representation of lower

16 Auatrahan Social Work March, 1997, Vol. SO, No. 1

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 4: Violence against women in a rural context

socio-economic classes in official statistics on domestic violence. Such arguments have been countered by practitioners (McGregor 1992) and women’s groups who suggest that violence crosses all boundaries. However, i t should be noted that empirical evidence for these claims is not well developed. There is danger in relying on police

~

. . . an exploratory study of violence against women was conducted iiz two

rural farming communities ’’

( I

and court reports to determine the extent of the class factor because women with more resources are less likely to seek assistance from police and are more likely to want to keep their situation hid- den. This factor was corroborated by a Police Domestic Violence Liaison Officer interviewed for this study. He noted:

There are less reports of domestic violence i n higher economic classes but I believe that is due to the ‘disgrace’ that those victims associate with the situation. Affluent victims seem to find it more difficult to report their case due to cur- rent social pressures that exist in small commu- nities . . . Upper class victims are often ashamed of what is happening and you can see this in the level of stress that is in those who do report domestic violence.

Violence does not appear to be confined by class. However, in rural communities, the threat of shame associated with disclosure results in many women remaining silent about their situations. We can also speculate that the type of domestic vio- lence may vary according to class and that violence experienced by women in lower socio-economic groups is more visible and measurable.

THE STUDY In 1995 an exploratory study of violence against

women was conducted in two rural farming com- munities within two hours drive of a large rural city. Loden’ is a small town of 4000 and is located 130 kms from the city. It is geographically iso- lated, is not on a main highway, and has few sup- port services and no crisis or refuge accommoda- tion. The town relies on agricultural industries for its survival. The second town, Wigan, has a popu- lation of 7000 and is two hundred kms from the city. It lies on a main highway and so is relatively less isolated and, with tourism potential, is less reliant on agriculture. It is better serviced, although crisis accommodation is restricted to a Salvation Army house. There is a newly formed domestic violence liaison committee in Wigan

which suggests that the service providers are more cognisant of the problem.

Loden is serviced by one general practitioner (GP); a Community Health Centre staffed by three community nurses and a social worker who visits from the city once a fortnight; a rural counsellor; two male police officers who are on call at various times resulting in the station being unstaffed for a large proportion of time and, for some of that timc, being reliant on police services from the city; and a courlhouse which is staffed one day every two months. The town has three clergy and two Catholic religious sisters dedicated to community welfare work. The nearest refuge is in the city 130 krns away and there is no regular public transport service apart from the school bus.

Wigan counts among its services one GP who is about to leave despite, or because of, the huge amount of work he encounters; a Community Health Centre staffed by a social worker, a commu- nity nurse, a visiting sexual assault worker, and a visiting Department of Community Services (DOCS) worker; four male clegy; six male police officers (ensuring the station is always staffed); and a clerk of the court who is available in business hours. The nearest refuge is in a town 30 kms away and is regularly used by women from Wigan who are transported by police or Community Health staff.

Key informants in the regional city and in the two towns were interviewed about their percep- tions of, and experience with, domestic violence. The interviews were semi-structured and, where allowed, these were taped, transcribed and analysed. A very few were not taped at the inter- viewee’s request. In these cases copious notes were taken. The informants included GPs, police, court staff, health workers, a DOCS worker, refuge workers, the rural counsellor and several members of the clergy. In Loden a focused discussion group was held with a group of farm women. Although I had not intended to interview women who are vic- tims of violence during this exploratory stage, two women who had experienced violence in their rela- tionships came forward and were interviewed at their request. Domestic violence statistics for the two towns were gathered from police and court records.

DISCUSSION An Apprehended Domenstic Violence Order

(AVO) is an order issued by the court. It may advise the perpetrator not to assault, threaten, pester, harass, stalk or intimidate the victim and not to come near the victim’s home or workplace. I t may also allow the police to confiscate any firearms. It is not a criminal charge but breaches of the AVO are treated as an offence. Police and court

Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. 50, No. 1 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 5: Violence against women in a rural context

statistics reveal that there were 49 AVOs issued during 1994 in the court district which covers Loden and its nearest major town. The Loden court issued three of these, but given that i t only operated six days during the year one can assume that Loden women also figure in the statistics from the nearby town. Wigan court issued 26 AVOs dur- ing 1994. While these statistics reveal only the more extreme examples of violence, they demon- strate that violence against women is a major prob- lem in the areas investigated.

AVOs are now far more likely to be instigated by the police than in previous years. In 1994 48% of all AVOs in NSW were police instigated. I n Wigan, 33% of applications were brought by the police and, i n the Loden area, 5070. While these figures are a significant improvement on previous statistics (for example police instigated only 6% of AVOs in 1986 (Hatty 1990 p.13)), women are still largely responsible for seeking their own protection in Wigan and in half the cases in Loden. Yet, one third of the calls to NSW police over a twelve month period were for incidents of domestic vio- lcnce (Rees 1994).

Despite the figures on AVOs, some service providers inteviewed remain unaware of the dimensions of the problem. Many rural people describe the rural condition in idyllic terms (Poiner 1990) and this positive imagery can serve to mask and diminish negative experiences and allow social problems to be overlooked and neglected. I n this study, such imagery influenced the perceptions of some groups about domestic violence. In particu- lar, the doctors and some clergy in the two towns perceive violence narrowly as overt physical abuse, although several were also unaware of the extent of overt violence, and do not readily perceive covert abuse as domestic violence. This is particularly problematic given that doctors are often the first point of contact (Lcibrich et al. 1995), and need to be acutely aware of forms of abuse which disem- power women, and , if conditions are to change they must respond sympathetically.

One doctor responded when asked about the extent of domestic violence: ‘There is very little evidence of actual trauma.’ The other replied: ‘There is domestic violence but not much . . . it mostly always ends up in court and is associated tnost I y wi th alcohol. ’

I n both towns the two local doctors equated domestic violence with physical trauma and did not describe other forms of emotional abuse. One of the doctors when asked about other forms of abuse claimed: ‘1 suppose being a bloke I don’t think people would open up to me about their domestic violence.’ It should be noted that in both towns the sole doctor is extremely overworked - eighty hour weeks are standard. Currently many local towns in

the area are having problems attracting GPs. Doc- tors in lhose towns lucky enough to have such a service are dangerously overworked. It would appear that doctors in small rural communities have difficulty responding effectively to women in their communities who are experiencing abuse in their relationships and that there is a demonstrated need for a strengthened relationship between GPs and health workers. If some GPs feel unable to respond to cases of violence because of their gen- der, then a recognised referral system to health workers would seem appropriate.

Nine members of the clergy, who are particu- larly important counsellors in rural communities (Martinez-Brawley and Blundall 19891, were also interviewed to determine their perceptions of domestic violence. In general the clergy tended to see abuse as multifaceted and endemic to rural society. Six of the clergy referred to changing soci- etal values and elements of rural culture as related factors when discussing problenis associated with domestic violence. However, domestic violence was often viewed as an inevitable result of such upheaval. For some clergy, problems are to be addressed at an individual or family level. A cler- gyman in Loden noted that: ‘Emotional problems are out there with the people I visit and I believe that if they have faith then they can cope - God will support them through the time.’ His counterpart i n Wigan stated: ‘Independence is the inoral fibre in this area - I think they try to handle problems on their own.’

Not all the clergy were avoiding the problem of violence in their communities. One man in Loden, a scholar of some note, discussed the structure of rural society from an anthropologi- cal perspective. This allowed him to describe the power differentials existing between genera- tions and between the sexes and to view violence in all its manifestations. However, he was over- whelmed by the extent of the abuse endemic to rural culture. ‘In rural parts it has been hidden and it hiis been accepted almost by the families that you will get knocked about.’

This cultural acceptance was reiterated by another clergyman in Wigan. ‘[It is] that macho cultural thing of ‘l’m a man, I’m meant to be in charge of all this’.’

Most of the clergy in both towns felt powerless to deal with the problems of abuse because they felt that secular help in the form of skilled counselling is needed; some felt unable to deal with it because they are men and feel that women are unable to dis- close their experiences to them; many are feeling the strain of financial pressure themselves as con- gregations decline and age, their relevance is ques- tioned and their fortunes are tenuous. All statted they have a great deal more work than they can rea-

18 Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. 50, No. l

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 6: Violence against women in a rural context

sonably cope with already. Again there is a need for effective liaison between service providers to allow referral of clients with sensitive problem to recognised agencies.

In both small towns the local Community Health Centre workers (three Community Nurses and two social workers) were aware that violence and abuse

“Such structural issues must be addressed to allow wonm access to

assistance. ’’

are widespread in their rural communities. They referred to the hidden nature of violence and the acceptance by many women that abuse is part of their lives. One Community Health Centre worker at Wigan stated:

‘[Women] come for help but they don’t see it as violence . . . they say ‘Oh, no! He doesn’t hit me!’ . . . Probably fifty per cent of the people I see would have some sort of violence . . . not so much the punch up violence but emotional abuse.’

The health centre workers in both Loden and Wigan detailed the problems associated with deal- ing with women who are victims of violence. Despite their attention to the problem, many struc- tural constraints remain. For example, clients wishing to access the health centre cannot be assured of confidentiality. Both centres are in prominent positions in the town and staff noted that even parking the car outside the health centre was problematic for women seeking help as the town network ensures that little remains private. In both communities the health workers noted the stigma associated with disclosure for women. Problems of access to the health centres coupled with a lack of community support and understanding forces many women in these communities to remain silent. Such structural issues must be addressed to allow women access to assistance.

Accessing crisis accommodation when no refuge is avajlable and public transport is non-exis- tent is a major issue in rural communities. Police and health workers are often called on to drive women to the nearest refuge. Many women and their children leave their communities to escape a violent situation but even then their safety is not assured. One women left the small Loden commu- nity and moved to Adelaide only to find her ex- husband turned up on her doorstep threatening to kill her. She has returned to Loden resigned to the fact that she may never escape the abuse but that it is safer for her and her children to be near her father and brothers. ‘I’ve been sick. I’ve been real down with stress and I really need those people

around me in case he turned up or anything again. The last time he turned up I ended up in hospital in Adelaide.’

Her situation is made more tenuous in Loden by the fact that there are times when police are not available. Despite having an AVO she noted that ‘He kept coming to the house and every time I rang the police [they] were playing football or doing something else.’

Women are far more vulnerable when they live in isolated situations and when their area is under- policed. Such a situation occurs in Loden where the station is frequently unstaffed. A similar situa- tion exists in isolated outlying areas. The health worker in Wigan whose area extends to the very small towns and villages beyond the town sup- ported this perception of police unavailability.

I had a couple of cases out there [town 30kms away] that really needed the police to come in a hurry . . . but the police officer is not there all the time. [He’s] off somewhere else because his rosters say today you work in X, so the lit- tle places are left without their police officers . . . I have actually been to the police station on two occasions to do with B and said if you get a call can you please respond quickly because she’s going to need you in a hurry . . . and they say well we do our best but it might take us half an hour to get there . . .

Health workers experience frustration in their attempts to safeguard women in rural communities. Police are aware of the problems faced by women in isolated situations. However, the Police Domes- tic Violence Liaison Officer in the regional city noted that:

The effectiveness of AVOs in isolated and farm situations is different to that of a metropolitan situation. In rural and isolated areas an AVO is really only a piece of paper. An AVO is only good when the police are able to quickly get there and quieten or stop an incident. It will not protect a victim if the police can’t be there to enforce it.

It should also be noted that even when AVOs are taken out, women who have little support find it very difficult to pursue the matter through the courts. More than SO% of complaints are with- drawn in many courts (Local Courts Statistics Unit 1994). In isolated rural areas this is often the case. This assessment is supported by a Police Domestic Violence Liaison Officer.

In places such as [Loden] where there is little or no support for victims . . . only thirty per cent of these are followed through by the vic- tims because of a lack of support. . . . In outly- ing areas . . . few AVOs are taken out by vic- tims because of a lack of support. . . . Pressure from solicitors and the offenders themselves

Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. 50, No. 1 1’)

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 7: Violence against women in a rural context

combined with feelings of being scared, alone and powerless are often the biggest influence on a victim’s confidence and willingness to follow an AVO through.

PolIcing geographically isolated areas creates major problems and women’s safety cannot be assured in rural comniunities by AVO legislation. One of the magistrates confirmed that police are spread thinly in rural areas. He also noted that police may be fearful for their own safety and fear they may be in trouble if they underestimate the seriousness of the situation. As a result, he felt they may not always report incidences of domestic violence because ‘they don’t wish to take on any responsibility for any future actions of the perpetrator.’

Nevertheless, it should be noted that police in both areas are responsive to domestic violence, act as quickly as possible and take out AVOs appropri- ately. In Wigan the new police constable has been instrumental in establishing a domestic violence liaison committee and has been responsible for raising awareness of violence against women.

FARM FAMILIES Particularly isolated are the women in farm fam-

ilies. Health staff in both community centres referred to the increased emotional and financial stress experienced by farm families and pointed out that this has placed great strains on family relation- ships. It should be noted that farm families are often part of extended kinship systems living and working on the same farm. Clergy, health workers and the rural counsellor referred to stresses not only between spouses, but also between fathers-in- law, mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law; between fathers and sons and between brothers.

The pressures on farm families are rebounding on wonien. The focused discussion group revealed that women often bear the emotional strain for the family. Comments included: ‘My husband does the work and 1 do the worrying.’ ‘I’m the one los- ing sleep.’ ‘The women are the comforters.’ Fur- ther, many women on fanns experience financial and emotional abuse within kinship arrangements. This coupled with their increasing workloads (Alston 1995), isolation and reluctance to seek help means that farming women may be particularly vulnerable.

While all abused women are isolated, Hornosty (1995) notes that fami women are more likely to be psychologically, emotionally and socially isolated because of rural culture, the lack of support ser- vices, and the dangers inherent in exposing one’s situation to the community. Moreover, the com- plex financial situation of most farm families means it is very difficult for women to leave the situation with financial security. For farm women, the decision to leave is made even more difficult by

the necessity to leave a rural lifestyle and environ- ment. Such a decision means that women must leave their social and support networks and that their children must change schools and leave friends. For many emotionally abused women, these changes may be too extreme to contemplate.

CONCLUSION Domestic violence in rural areas is a complex

issue. Official statistics detail the more serious cases of physical assault that are brought to the attention of the police and the courts. However this prelimi- nary research reveals that these figures do not reflect the extent and complexity of violence against women in these areas. Stigma attached to public disclosure may act to ensure that physical violence is under reported because women protect their families from public scrutiny. Women may also under report violence because of a lack of support, a lack of alter- natives, a perceived lack of confidentiality and a resistance to leaving their rural lifestyle.

Disconcertingly this research reveals that manifes- tations of violence beyond the overtly physical are widespread in the communities studied but are not acted 011 by service providers in any concerted way. Rural ideologies, which support a particularly macho image for males and which sanction sex stereotyping, have resulted in serious power imbalances. Anecdo- tal evidence from key informants and from women in the two areas studied suggests that psychological, social, financial and emotional abuse against women are so commonplace as to go unremarked by many citizens including some professionals.

Women have few avenues to seek assistance. In both towns the health workers noted that women have difficulty accessing their services. In both

“. . . psychological, sociul, Jinancial and emotional abuse against women

are so commonplace as to go unreinarked by many citizens including

some professionals. 1 )

towns the local GPs appeared uninformed about the extent of abuse against women. These issues coupled with a lack of transport and crisis accom- modation, police unavailability in isolated commu- nities, the. problems of policing AVOs and the lack of support for women to follow through with the court process, ensures that women in rural areas have few options.

This preliminary research will be followed up with further in depth research with rural women to gauge the nature and extent of violence. In the

2 0 Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. 50, No. 1

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 8: Violence against women in a rural context

meantime it is recommended that further education campaigns be conducted in rural communities; that encouragement in the form of government assis- tance be given to the development of domestic vio- lence liaison committees; that government assis- tance be provided for court support systems staffed by social workers; that doctors be given adequate and extensive training on issues relating to vio- lence against women and that they be counselled to intervene or to refer women to health workers; that health centres in rural communities be adequately resourced and this to include outreach services and telephone counselling; and that problems of rural policing which impact on the safety of women in isolated areas be addressed as a matter of urgency.

IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE

Geographical isolation, low levels of staffing, under funding and community attitudes combine to make rural social work service delivery particu- larly problematic (Macklin 1993a; Brettell 1995). This research reveals that social workers in rural communities are aware of the dimensions of vio- lence against women but must battle with a lack of understanding in their communities and a lack of supporting services. Workers need to address ide- ologies and structural problems which disadvan- tage women and which make it difficult for them to report violence. Further, this study reveals that ser- vices need to be flexible and to ensure privacy. Providing outreach services and telephone coun- selling are ways to ensure that confidentiality is maintained. The need for community education in rural areas is evident and this is an area where social workers could be particularly effective. Social workers should also work to develop net- works of service providers in their areas. The establishment of a domestic violence liaison com- mittee has been an important factor in addressing violence in Wigan. It has allowed community edu- cation campaigns to be developed and conducted jointly by all members of the helping professions

“This would be an excellent issue for the AASW to take up to ensure that

such a scheme is backed by governinelit policy. ”

including the clergy. Clearly Domestic Violence Liaison Committees encourage and foster links between services and the police and are particu- larly effective in highlighting and discouraging abusive behaviour. The establishment of such

committees is recommended as an example of best practice. Workers should identify themselves as catalysts for the development of these committees. In so doing, informal networks in small towns, which are often equally important to the health of a town (Brettell 1995) should not be ignored. One of the critical issues workers must face is the need LO provide support for other ‘helpers’ (for example GPs) who may have difficulty dealing with cases of domestic violence and the issues that surround them. Establishing formal networks is one way of addressing this problem.

The lack of crisis accommodation in rural con- munities is another area where workers can make an impact. Where there are no refuges and trans- port services are poor, workers must be prepared to transport women and children to safe houses. Equally important in rural and remote areas is the need for workers to think of alternative solutions to crisis accommodation deficiencies. My suggestion is that domestic violence liaison committees estab- lish a ‘safety house’ scheme for victims of vio- lence. This would be an excellent issue for the AASW to take up to ensure that such a scheme is backed by government policy. Rural workers must look beyond established solutions. This paper has demonstrated the problems faced by rural women and the serious shortcomings of AVOS and crisis accommodation. Social workers must develop alternative networks of assistance that will provide safety for rural women and which may allow them to find security in their own communities.

Finally, the work of the Office of the Status of Women in raising awareness of the issues relating to violence against women is to be applauded. However, little will change in rural communities unless we challenge the stereotyped position of women and make it possible for women to seek help without censure. Such a challenge cannot come from women themselves who are i n an unequal power situation. The challenge must come from government and community services and the message must be unequivocal. ENDNOTE 1 Place names have been changed to ensure confidentiality.

REFERENCES ALSTON, M (1995), Women on the Land: The H!dden Heart of Rural Ausfralia, University of NSW Press, Kensington. ALSTON, M (1993). A Study of Farm Women. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of NSW, Department of Sociology. ALSTON. M (1 992). Editorial: Rural Australia. Australian Soctal Work. Vol. 45, Number 2, p.2. BELL J. and U. PANDEY (1989), ‘Gender-Role Stereotyping in Australian Farm Advertising’, Media Information Australia, No. 51, Februarv. DD. 45-9. BRE%<LyK (1995), Developing a Model of Rural Service Delivery Unoublished Masters Thesis Charles Sturi Universitv - Riverina CHEERS, B (1 990). Rural Disadvantage in Australia,’ Australian Social Work, Vol 43, Number 1, March, pp 5-14 COOREY, L (1 988), Domestic Wolence and the Police Who is Being Protected’ A Rural Australian We& Masters Thesis, University of Sydney, Department of Social Work and Social Policy

Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vnl. 50, No. 1 21

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014

Page 9: Violence against women in a rural context

COOREY, L (1992), 'A Rural Perspective on Domestic Violence', Discussion and Resource Kit for use in Rural and Isolated Communities, National Committee on Violence Against Women, Office of the Status of Women, Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. DEVERY. C (1 992), Domestic Violence in NSW: A Regional Analysis. NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research. ESTEAL, P (1993), 'Sentencing Those Who Killed Their Sexual Intimates: An Australian Study', lnfernahonal Journal of the Sociology of Law, Vof 22. GOULD, S (1989). 'Family Problems of Farm Women', in Women in Rural Australia, University of Oueensland Press, St Lucia. HATTY, S.E. (1 990), Male Violence and the Police: An Australian Experience. University of NSW, School of Social Work, Kensington. HORNOSV, J (1994). 'Wife Abuse in Rural Regions: Structural Problems in Leaving Abusive Relationships (A Case Study in Canada)', paper presented to the TASA Conference, December. LAKE, M (1993). 'The Politics of Respectability: Identifying the Masculine Context', in Debutante Nation. Feminist Contests in the 1890s. eds S . Magarey et al., Allen 8 Unwin, North Sydney. LAWRENCE, G (1987). Capitalism in the Countryside. Pluto, Sydney. LEJBRICH, J. J PAULIN AND R. RANSOM (1995), Hitting Home: Men Speak about Abuse of Women Partners, Department of Justice in Association with AGB McNair. Wellington, NZ. LOCAL COURTS STATISTICS UNIT (1 994), Apprehended Violence Statisfics 1994. Attorney General's Department, Local Courts Administration. NSW. MACKLIN, M (1 993a), Paterfown: A Study in ldeologyand Welfare Provision in a Rural Community, unpublished Masters Thesis, Charles Stud University - Riverina. School of Humanities and Social Sciences. MACKLIN. M (1 993b), 'Local Media and Gender Relationships in a Rural Community', Rural Society, Vol 3 No. 3, October. MARTINEZ-BRAWLEY, E. E. AND J. BLUNDALL (1989), 'Farm Families Preferences Toward the Personal Social Services', Social Work Vol. 34. pp.513-22 MATKA E (1 991). 'Domestic Violence in NSW. CrimeandJustice Bulletin, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, Number 12. March

McGregor, H (1 992), 'Understanding Domestic Violence', Discussion and Resource Kit for use in Rural and lsolated Communities. National Committee on Violence Against Women, Office of the Status of Women, Department of the Prime Minister and Ihe Cabinet. Canberra. MCINTYRE, D (1984), 'Domestic Violence. A Case of the Disappearing Victim?' Australian Journal of Family Therapy, Vol. 5 . No. 4. MUGFORD, J AND S MUGFORD, (1 992), 'Policing Domestic Violence'. in Peter Moir and Henk Eijkman (eds.) Policing Australia: Oldlssues New Perspectives, Macmillan, South Melbourne NOLAN, C (1 992). 'Domestic Violence in Country Areas of Australia', Discussion and Resource Kit for use in Rural and lsolafed Communities. National Committee on Violence Against Women, Office of the Status of Women, Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet Canberra NSW BURECAU OF CRIME STATISTICS AND RESEARCH (1992), Domestic Violence in NS W; A Regional Analysis. OFFICE OFTHE STATUS OF WOMEN (1995), CommunityAtt/tudes to Vfolence Against Women. Detailed Repori, Office of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra. POINER, G (1990), The GoodOld Rule: Genderandother Power Reiafionships in a Rufal Community, Sydney University Press, Sydney. PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH CENTRE (1988), Domestic violence Attitude Suivey, Conducted for the Office of the Status of Women, Department of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, Canberra. REES. S (1994), 'Denial as the Means of Supporting Violence', Australian Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 29, No. 4, pp. 355-64. SCUTT, J. (1983), Even in the Best ofHomes, Penguin Books, Ringwood. STEINMAN M (ed.) (1991). Women Baftenng- Polfcy Responses, Academy of Criminal Justice Monograph Series, Anderson Pubhshing Co. Cincinnati, Ohio STRAUSS, M. (1992), Slate to Slate Dffferences in Sociallnequahfyand Social Bonds in Relation to Assaults on wives in fhe US. US Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute of Mental Health Rockville, MD.

Article accepted for publicailon January 1996

2 2 Australian Social Work March, 1997, Vol. SO, No. 1

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Uni

vers

ity o

f T

enne

ssee

At M

artin

] at

13:

39 0

6 O

ctob

er 2

014