Ukrainian Nationalism 1939-1945by John A. Armstrong

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  • University of UtahWestern Political Science Association

    Ukrainian Nationalism 1939-1945 by John A. ArmstrongReview by: William B. BallisThe Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Dec., 1955), pp. 650-652Published by: University of Utah on behalf of the Western Political Science AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/441981 .Accessed: 16/12/2014 11:56

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  • THE WESTERN POLITICAL QUARTERLY THE WESTERN POLITICAL QUARTERLY

    Among the "old fashioned social and economic forces," whose influence on the political process Williams described, the peasantry is most promi- nent. In the words of another British observer, Alfred Cobban: "In the last resort, and at bottom, France is a Peasant's Republic." To that point most of the papers making up this volume on electoral sociology furnish much evidence. And if the concentration of the superficial observer on the country's "instability" has been criticized by Williams, this volume provides a picture of almost exasperating "stability" over many a decade and in many of the constituencies studied.

    Taken together the various papers are as rich in descriptive detail as they are varied in methodological approach. One study descends to the microcosmos of a community, others scrutinize the (relative) macrocosmos of a department. There is one paper which sets out to apply (after modifi- cation) to some elections in the C6tes-du-Nord the United States tested "scalogram" board and mathematical predictions; it comes up with con- clusions which are no more convincing in French than they are in English.

    Most of the authors seem to agree that it does not take any particular "materialistic" bias to find that in France the social structure (which means in many cases class stratification) is the most important determinant of behavior at the polls. One study-on a very small scale, it is true- discerns the prevalence of personal factors to such an extent that in his interesting preface M. Goguel asks whether under such conditions one can properly speak about electoral "sociology." But interestingly enough the instability of political orientation in small communities is matched with the stability of the cantons to which these same communities belong.

    In addition to a revealing analysis of voters' abstention in one depart- ment there are some studies about the women's vote in various constituen- cies, where the organization of balloting permitted such scrutiny. What- ever the ultimate fate of the Fourth Republic may be, French women cannot be accused of having caused either its salvation or its downfall: they vote overwhelmingly (as did the German women under the Weimar Republic) like the families or the social milieux to which they belong.

    HENRY W. EHRMANN. University of Colorado.

    Ukrainian Nationalism 1939-1945. By JOHN A. ARMSTRONG. (New York: Columbia University Press. 1955. Pp. xi, 322. $5.00.) Within the Soviet Union, the Ukraine has represented the largest and

    most intense force of non-Russian nationalism. This study by John A. Armstrong is a careful analysis of groups, forces, personalities, and issues concerning Ukrainian nationalism during World War II. Pointing out that this movement had its inception in the nineteenth century at the same

    Among the "old fashioned social and economic forces," whose influence on the political process Williams described, the peasantry is most promi- nent. In the words of another British observer, Alfred Cobban: "In the last resort, and at bottom, France is a Peasant's Republic." To that point most of the papers making up this volume on electoral sociology furnish much evidence. And if the concentration of the superficial observer on the country's "instability" has been criticized by Williams, this volume provides a picture of almost exasperating "stability" over many a decade and in many of the constituencies studied.

    Taken together the various papers are as rich in descriptive detail as they are varied in methodological approach. One study descends to the microcosmos of a community, others scrutinize the (relative) macrocosmos of a department. There is one paper which sets out to apply (after modifi- cation) to some elections in the C6tes-du-Nord the United States tested "scalogram" board and mathematical predictions; it comes up with con- clusions which are no more convincing in French than they are in English.

    Most of the authors seem to agree that it does not take any particular "materialistic" bias to find that in France the social structure (which means in many cases class stratification) is the most important determinant of behavior at the polls. One study-on a very small scale, it is true- discerns the prevalence of personal factors to such an extent that in his interesting preface M. Goguel asks whether under such conditions one can properly speak about electoral "sociology." But interestingly enough the instability of political orientation in small communities is matched with the stability of the cantons to which these same communities belong.

    In addition to a revealing analysis of voters' abstention in one depart- ment there are some studies about the women's vote in various constituen- cies, where the organization of balloting permitted such scrutiny. What- ever the ultimate fate of the Fourth Republic may be, French women cannot be accused of having caused either its salvation or its downfall: they vote overwhelmingly (as did the German women under the Weimar Republic) like the families or the social milieux to which they belong.

    HENRY W. EHRMANN. University of Colorado.

    Ukrainian Nationalism 1939-1945. By JOHN A. ARMSTRONG. (New York: Columbia University Press. 1955. Pp. xi, 322. $5.00.) Within the Soviet Union, the Ukraine has represented the largest and

    most intense force of non-Russian nationalism. This study by John A. Armstrong is a careful analysis of groups, forces, personalities, and issues concerning Ukrainian nationalism during World War II. Pointing out that this movement had its inception in the nineteenth century at the same

    650 650

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  • BOOK REVIEWS

    time that Marxian socialism became an important ideology in Imperial Russia, Dr. Armstrong believes that Ukrainian nationalism was to a large extent the result of economic and social cleavages in the Ukraine. In his discussion of the historical background, the author holds that the Ukrain- ians were almost all peasants except for a few intellectuals. The propertied gentry was either Polish or Russian and the commercial class also was non- Ukrainian. Hence, nationalism became a class movement identified with agrarian reform and the removal of the non-Ukrainians who were "exploit- ing" the peasants. While communism, a movement of the townspeople, won over Ukrainian nationalism based on the peasantry, the latter did not lie dormant. The strongest base for national feeling in the Ukraine reposed in the peasantry which has resisted from the beginning the collectivization of agriculture.

    Much of the violent nationalist feeling on the eve of World War II was centered in eastern Poland (western Ukraine) where underground Ukrainian patriotic organizations carried on. Nationalist Ukrainians were given encouragement by the Nazi regime. Although they did not like Hitler's awarding Carpatho.Ukraine to Hungary, many of the Ukrainian leaders living in Poland decided to throw their lot with the Germans- their former enemies--rather than risk capture by the Russians, in the hope of establishing an independent Ukraine. The Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939 destroyed their hopes when Germany agreed to allow the U.S.S.R. to absorb eastern Poland.

    Dr. Armstrong describes the German "liberation" of the Ukraine in 1941 and analyzes the attitudes of the Ukrainians on German occupation. He discusses the role of the underground and delineates the factors which brought about the change to open resistance against both the Germans and the Russians. The author's concluding chapters deal with the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Orthodox church and other media of nationalist activity: the theater, education, press, and the co-operatives.

    Dr. Armstrong shows how the predominance of intellectuals and the shortage of administrators and lawyers in the nationalist movement, which was already too far removed from the average peasant, complicated the implementation of Ukrainian nationalism into political and legal realities. He believes that in the Ukraine "there is strong ground for suggesting that territorial patriotism ha