tribal art in south asian traditions

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ART, TRIBAL Essays in Honor of David G. Mandelbaum, ed. Paul Hockings. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Pramar, V. S. 1989. Haveli: Wooden Houses and Mansions of Gujarat. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing Pvt., Ltd. Roy, Onju, 1990. The Merging of Traditional and Modern Cultures in Nepal. Architecture and Design May-June: 73– 83. Steinman, Ralph M. 1989. Kolam: Form, technique and appli- cation of a changing ritual folk art of Tamil Nadu. In Shas- tric Traditions in Indian Arts, ed. Anna Libera Dallapiccola. Stutgart: Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH. PETER NABOKOV ART See Arts, Tribal; Calendar Art; Folk Art; Popular Art ART, TRIBAL The term “tribal art” describes visual culture created both by and for tribal communities of South Asia, which in India alone constitute over sixty million peo- ple. The homogenizing rubric of “tribe” belies their very diversity: three hundred ethnic groups (so des- ignated by the Indian government) that speak a vari- ety of languages from the Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, and Tibeto-Burman families. The problematic term “tribe” was introduced into India in the mid-nineteenth cen- tury as an administrative and ideological category. The dual efforts of colonial administrators and ethnogra- phers to know—and control—India’s different peo- ples by imposing a classificatory system established artificially static, bounded categories, notably the hier- archical caste–egalitarian tribe dichotomy. Extensive ethnographic collections, which were as- sembled during the colonial period and housed in newly founded museums, now constitute perhaps the largest single source of South Asian tribal arts. A major figure from this period is the British anthropologist Verrier Elwin, who supported Mahatma Gandhi’s call for sep- arate status for tribals or ¯ adiv¯ as¯ ı (original inhabitants), arguing for preservation of their unique lifestyles. Liv- ing among Gonds, Baigas, and Nagas for over three decades, Elwin documented in rich ethnographic detail the diversity of tribal cultures. His many publications remain a major resource for the study of indigenous cul- tures. However, the insistence on the cultural authen- ticity and purity of a tribe, as well as on the timeless, continuous quality of its art are problematic concep- tualizations that have persisted, to a certain extent, in scholarly and popular literature. Despite its colonial legacy “tribal” still has a polit- ical utility in India today. India’s constitution of 1950 granted “scheduled tribes” certain provisions and priv- ileges, including a controversial policy of quotas or reserved seats in educational, occupational, and leg- islative arenas. The vast majority of India’s tribal population is con- centrated in hilly, forested, and resource-rich regions: the southern Deccan; the extreme northeast; and a wide belt stretching across the middle of the country from Rajasthan, Gujarat, and the Vindhyan range in the west to the Eastern Ghats of Bihar, Bengal, and Orissa. This central zone is home to India’s three largest groups: the Gonds, Santals, and Bhils. A selection of the art production of the Gonds and Bhils is discussed below. Much of the visual culture of tribal communities re- flects the once widely available resources of the forest, especially wood, bamboo, clay, and minerals. In addi- tion to the ephemeral nature of many of these mate- rials, production is often seasonal or cyclical, further emphasizing process rather than product. Highly ab- stract terra-cotta animals are presented by villagers at local shrines across central India as offerings to ex- press gratitude for wishes granted. Left in piles in the compound, old terra-cottas decompose as new ones are added. The shrines themselves, dedicated to local pro- tective deities, are built of wood and clay which do not leave the historic imprint that stone architecture does. The historical depth of these tribal, highly regionalized traditions, then, must be discerned from other evidence. The rich mythologies of tribal communities and oral histories of artisans suggest visual traditions of some antiquity. In Bastar district, in southeastern Madhya Pradesh, Gond shrines are the foci of periodic public religious activities rather than spaces for daily personal worship, prompting Elwin to speak of their “abandoned appear- ance.” The temple precinct is clearly ordered and artic- ulated as a communal space: the shrine itself, a modest structure—a single room with mud-plastered walls and wooden trusses to support a ceramic tile roof—is at the back of a large west-facing courtyard, demarcated by stone slabs. This rectangular space includes a wooden post in the center and a wooden swing to the north. When possessed by the goddess, individuals sit on this imposing seat, which is frequently studded with iron spikes. While the ujar: (village priest) is responsible for conducting rites in honor of one among a constel- lation of regional goddesses, it is the person possessed (siraha) who, in the voice of the deity, answers queries from the assembled villagers concerning the welfare of individuals and the community. At these public events that combine aspects of religious devotion and com- munity fair, animals are sacrificed at the wooden post, and villagers offer small clay bulls or elephants. More costly metal animals, as well as brass umbrellas and iconic images of the goddess—all produced by local 30

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Page 1: Tribal Art in South Asian Traditions

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ART, TRIBAL

Essays in Honor of David G. Mandelbaum, ed. Paul Hockings.Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Pramar, V. S. 1989. Haveli: Wooden Houses and Mansions ofGujarat. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing Pvt., Ltd.

Roy, Onju, 1990. The Merging of Traditional and ModernCultures in Nepal. Architecture and Design May-June: 73–83.

Steinman, Ralph M. 1989. Kolam: Form, technique and appli-cation of a changing ritual folk art of Tamil Nadu. In Shas-tric Traditions in Indian Arts, ed. Anna Libera Dallapiccola.Stutgart: Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH.

PETER NABOKOV

ARTSee Arts, Tribal; Calendar Art; Folk Art; Popular Art

ART, TRIBALThe term “tribal art” describes visual culture createdboth by and for tribal communities of South Asia,which in India alone constitute over sixty million peo-ple. The homogenizing rubric of “tribe” belies theirvery diversity: three hundred ethnic groups (so des-ignated by the Indian government) that speak a vari-ety of languages from the Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, andTibeto-Burman families. The problematic term “tribe”was introduced into India in the mid-nineteenth cen-tury as an administrative and ideological category. Thedual efforts of colonial administrators and ethnogra-phers to know—and control—India’s different peo-ples by imposing a classificatory system establishedartificially static, bounded categories, notably the hier-archical caste–egalitarian tribe dichotomy.

Extensive ethnographic collections, which were as-sembled during the colonial period and housed in newlyfounded museums, now constitute perhaps the largestsingle source of South Asian tribal arts. A major figurefrom this period is the British anthropologist VerrierElwin, who supported Mahatma Gandhi’s call for sep-arate status for tribals or adivası (original inhabitants),arguing for preservation of their unique lifestyles. Liv-ing among Gonds, Baigas, and Nagas for over threedecades, Elwin documented in rich ethnographic detailthe diversity of tribal cultures. His many publicationsremain a major resource for the study of indigenous cul-tures. However, the insistence on the cultural authen-ticity and purity of a tribe, as well as on the timeless,continuous quality of its art are problematic concep-tualizations that have persisted, to a certain extent, inscholarly and popular literature.

Despite its colonial legacy “tribal” still has a polit-ical utility in India today. India’s constitution of 1950granted “scheduled tribes” certain provisions and priv-ileges, including a controversial policy of quotas or

reserved seats in educational, occupational, and leg-islative arenas.

The vast majority of India’s tribal population is con-centrated in hilly, forested, and resource-rich regions:the southern Deccan; the extreme northeast; and awide belt stretching across the middle of the countryfrom Rajasthan, Gujarat, and the Vindhyan range inthe west to the Eastern Ghats of Bihar, Bengal, andOrissa. This central zone is home to India’s three largestgroups: the Gonds, Santals, and Bhils. A selection ofthe art production of the Gonds and Bhils is discussedbelow.

Much of the visual culture of tribal communities re-flects the once widely available resources of the forest,especially wood, bamboo, clay, and minerals. In addi-tion to the ephemeral nature of many of these mate-rials, production is often seasonal or cyclical, furtheremphasizing process rather than product. Highly ab-stract terra-cotta animals are presented by villagers atlocal shrines across central India as offerings to ex-press gratitude for wishes granted. Left in piles in thecompound, old terra-cottas decompose as new ones areadded. The shrines themselves, dedicated to local pro-tective deities, are built of wood and clay which do notleave the historic imprint that stone architecture does.The historical depth of these tribal, highly regionalizedtraditions, then, must be discerned from other evidence.The rich mythologies of tribal communities and oralhistories of artisans suggest visual traditions of someantiquity.

In Bastar district, in southeastern Madhya Pradesh,Gond shrines are the foci of periodic public religiousactivities rather than spaces for daily personal worship,prompting Elwin to speak of their “abandoned appear-ance.” The temple precinct is clearly ordered and artic-ulated as a communal space: the shrine itself, a modeststructure—a single room with mud-plastered walls andwooden trusses to support a ceramic tile roof—is at theback of a large west-facing courtyard, demarcated bystone slabs. This rectangular space includes a woodenpost in the center and a wooden swing to the north.When possessed by the goddess, individuals sit on thisimposing seat, which is frequently studded with ironspikes. While the pujar: (village priest) is responsiblefor conducting rites in honor of one among a constel-lation of regional goddesses, it is the person possessed(siraha) who, in the voice of the deity, answers queriesfrom the assembled villagers concerning the welfare ofindividuals and the community. At these public eventsthat combine aspects of religious devotion and com-munity fair, animals are sacrificed at the wooden post,and villagers offer small clay bulls or elephants. Morecostly metal animals, as well as brass umbrellas andiconic images of the goddess—all produced by local

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ART, TRIBAL

Memorials. Bastar District, Madhya Pradesh, India.

brass casters and available at weekly markets (hat.)—are brought out from storage in the priest’s home to beused on these ritual occasions.

Another prominent aspect of Bastar visual culture isthe painted stone and carved wooden pillars erected bythe Gond in commemoration of the deceased. Placedalong the roadside, these memorials may carry a picto-rial biography, or denote tribal ethnicity by the inclusionof scenes of dancing or hunting.

In Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh’s most westerly district,stone slabs erected by the Bhils carry the image ofa horse and rider—described by art historian StellaKramrisch as an ancestral “Spirit Rider”—carved inlow relief. Varying in height from two to as much as sixfeet, these gatla are also made for the deceased, and arecommissioned by his or her family because of the beliefthat the soul of the departed is restless, especially whenthe death is premature or accidental. Public rituals forinstallation and remembrance at festivals, such as chot.i(small) and bar. a (big) navai, bring together and helpdefine a given community. Clay horses are offered atspaces designated for these east-facing gatla as wellas at small open-air shrines, or more typically, simple

stone platforms dedicated to the goddesses Savan Mataand Sıtala Mata.

In Alirajpur, southern Jhabua district, the chot.i andbar. a navai offer opportunities to produce wall paintingsknown as pithora. Prior to painting, the interior spaceis ritually cleansed by the artisan’s wife, who, like theBhil craftsman, must fast in preparation. The painterworks in concert with the priest, who dictates the subjectmatter and placement of equestrian figures, domesticand wild animals, and village scenes. The ritualizedproduction of pithora is experienced by only a few;afterward the entire village celebrates the new harvestwith a feast.

Contrary to the prevalent view of tribal art as un-changing or static, tribal arts reveal a vitality and a vig-orous capacity to incorporate or borrow elements fromother cultural systems, as well as to promote currentvalues, attitudes, and aspirations. While one can speakof the continuity of a specific artistic tradition—an oldgatla with an inscription in Gujarati dated 1855 C.E.,for example—the ability of people to change, revital-ize, and reformulate indigenous arts must be empha-sized. Brightly painted gatla commissioned as recently

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ASSAM

as 1995 depict men on motorcycles or in planes, andare signed by the artisan; funerary structures in Bastarmay now take the shape of miniature temples or cars.

Although in general craft production in South Asiais a hereditary occupation and a male-dominated do-main, there are gender-specific tasks and technologies.Among the low-caste Kumhar, or potters, who have alarge adivası clientele in Jhabua, men exclusively workon the potter’s wheel, whereas women craft hand-builtforms such as the small horses. Rather than evincingthe romantic position of the isolated and “authentic”tribal, patterns of craft production and consumption un-derscore a dynamic interaction between artisans andconsumers. Indeed, this overview of tribal art wouldbe incomplete without acknowledging the increasingcommercialization and popularization of tribal arts forurban and international art markets.

Until quite recently tribal arts in South Asia receivedmore attention from ethnographers and anthropologiststhan from art historians. In the formation of a canon ofIndian art, the discipline has privileged sectarian andliterate traditions, especially Hinduism and Buddhismwith their monumental and datable art. At the risk ofoversimplification, “tribal art” can be a useful category,because it makes an important intervention into a canonthat has marginalized or excluded these other domains.

References

Elwin, Verrier. 1951. The tribal art of middle India. Bombay:Oxford University Press.

Hacker, Katherine F. 2000. Traveling objects: “Brass images,artisans and audiences.” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 37:(spring): 147–165.

Jacobs, Julian. 1990. The Nagas: Hill peoples of northeast India.London: Thames and Hudson.

Jain, Jyotindra. 1984. Painted myths of creation: Art and ritualof an Indian tribe. New Delhi: Lalit Kala Akademi.

Kramrisch, Stella. 1968. Unknown India: Ritual art of tribe andvillage. Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art.

Shah, Haku. 1984. Votive terracottas of Gujarat. Ahmedabad:Mapin.

Swaminathan, J. 1987. The perceiving fingers: Catalogue ofRoopankar collection of folk and Adivasi art from MadhyaPradesh, India. Bhopal: Bharat Bhavan.

KATHERINE F. HACKER

ASSAMAssam is the anglicized form of the local name of a statein the northeastern region of India, close to the country’sborders with China, Burma, Bhutan, and Bangladesh.The basic term asam (pronounced axam) is popularlyinterpreted as a formation of Sanskrit derivation, mean-ing “peerless or unparalleled.” However, the opiniongenerally accepted in academic circles is that the term

has come from Ahom, the name of the ruling power ofthe neighboring Tai-Shan dynasty that was most dom-inant in the territory in the late medieval period.

In the ancient period, Assam was known by thenames Pragjyotisha and Kamarupa, which, along withthe names of kings like Narakasura and Bhagadatta,figure prominently in epic and Puranic literature.Recorded history speaks of several ruling dynasties, ofwhom the Varman line was the most illustrious. At var-ious times during the medieval period, different partsof the land were under the control of the Chutiyas, theBarahis, the Kacharis, and the Bhuyans. In time thereemerged two major ruling powers, the Ahoms in theeast and the Koches in the west. The Ahoms came asinvaders in the thirteenth century C.E. and soon becamefully independent. Through their strong and uninter-rupted rule, which lasted six hundred years, they effec-tively forged political, social, and cultural consolidationof different ethnic groups and sociopolitical forces. Amore or less similar role was played in the western partby the Koches, whose descent can be traced to Bodoextraction. Several Muslim invasions, although suc-cessfully resisted by the Ahoms, left their own imprint.Serious internal conflicts and devastating Burmese in-vasions paved the way for British annexation in 1826.The British province with the present name includeda large part of northeast India. After India’s indepen-dence, the states of Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoramwere carved out of Assam.

Since early times, there had been migration ofAryans through and to Assam, settling in the region atdifferent intervals. Segments of the original populationhad also been influenced in various degrees by Aryanreligiocultural modes and mores. However, this part ofIndia has always been a homeland of Indo-Mongoloidpeople. Scholars have also discerned some Austric andDravidian elements. A large number of communitieswho stand at different levels of acculturation, integra-tion, and assimilation vis-a-vis the Assamese-Hindumajority live in the hills and plains. Among the ma-jor tribal groups are the Bodos, the Rabhas, the Tiwas,the Misings, the Deuris, and the Sonowals in the plains,and the Karbis, the Dimasas, the Zemi Nagas, and theKukis in the hills.

There is also a sizeable percentage of AssameseMuslims whose progenitors were early Muslim settlerstaking local wives, early local converts, and Muslimartisans brought from the west. Their contribution tothe overall sociocultural makeup is considerable. Whilethere is a small Assamese Sikh community, Christian-ity has been embraced by certain segments of the tribalcommunities. Among the more recent large-scale set-tlers are Santals, Oraons, Gonds, and Mundas, whoseancestors were brought from the region around Orissa

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