Transnational organized crime challengesfor future research

Klaus von Lampe

Published online: 12 May 2012# Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2012

Abstract This essay and review seeks to assess the state of empirical research ontransnational organized crime, drawing on a review of the English language academicliterature. It identifies major themes and research questions as well as methodologicalapproaches, and summarizes key findings. It also addresses challenges to meaningfulresearch, arguing that internationally coordinated research projects will be necessaryin the future to arrive at the insights necessary to inform theory and policy.

Introduction

Ten years after 9/11 the allocation of law enforcement resources appears to be underreview in the U.S. as well as in Europe with the focus seemingly shifting, thoughperhaps only slightly, from terrorism back to organized crime. However, in keepingwith the perceived international dimension of terrorism, the attention is not so muchon localized criminal gangs but on transnational organized crime. Indicative of thistrend is the recent reactivation in the United States of the Attorney General OrganizedCrime Council (AGOCC), an interagency body that coordinates federal law enforce-ment activity which had not met for 15 years [79], coinciding with the release by theU.S. Department of Justice of a “Law Enforcement Strategy to Combat InternationalOrganized Crime” in 2008 [98], and the formation of the “International OrganizedCrime Intelligence and Operations Center” (IOC-2) in 2009 [79]. At the same time,there seems to be an increasing interest on the part of law enforcement officials andpolicy makers to seek the advice of scholars. Even more so, there seems to be anincreasing recognition that in order for scholars to be able to give sound advice, theyhave to be able to conduct meaningful research. In the U.S., the International Center

Crime Law Soc Change (2012) 58:179–194DOI 10.1007/s10611-012-9377-y

Extended and updated version of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Societyof Criminology (ASC) in San Francisco in November 2010.

K. von Lampe (*)John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, NY, USAe-mail: kvlampe@web.de

of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) has convened a working group of scholarsand practitioners to discuss research agendas in this area with a view to future fundingactivity by NIJ [79, 99]. Indeed, NIJ has released several solicitations in 2010 and2011 for research projects on international organized crime in general and specificallyon human trafficking. There are indications that a similar development may take placein Europe, at least on the national level in countries such as the UK and Germany.Yet, there is no conceptual and methodological framework in place that wouldprovide orientation and coherence to the research efforts that may be undertakenshould increased funding become available in this area.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the state of research on transnationalorganized crime and to outline directions for future research. The perspective adoptedhere is not one primarily concerned with policy but with the study of organized crimeas an academic sub-discipline, drawing on a review of the recent English-languagescholarly literature, primarily from the years 2007 until 2010. I am referring toliterature which I consider representative of a broader body of empirical researchwithout the ambition of exhaustively citing all pertinent publications. I also readilyacknowledge that the studies I am citing would deserve more than the scant attentionthey receive within the confines of this review. There are four questions which I try toanswer: (1) What specific topics have been covered by empirical research on trans-national (organized) crime? (2) What as a result of this research do we know abouttransnational (organized) crime to date? (3) What kind of research should be fundedand conducted in the future? and (4) What are the main obstacles for sound research?

In my attempt to tentatively answer these questions I do not adhere to a particularnotion of transnational organized crime. The concept of transnational organizedcrime, obviously, has to do with crime somehow transcending international borders,although this is not necessarily a clear-cut category (see [68, 113]). In addition,similar to the concept of organized crime, the concept of transnational organizedcrime is ambiguous because of the vagueness of the term ‘organized’ [28, 105, 114].What transcends borders can be criminal activities but also individual, transnationallymobile offenders, criminal networks and organizations, and the exercise of illegiti-mate power. In this paper I will take all of these dimensions into account.

Research topics

There is a growing body of research on transnational organized crime. A number ofnew publications are added every year. Among the 120 recently published academicbooks, book chapters and journal articles on organized crime listed in the “Publica-tion Monitors” that appeared in the 2010 volume of the journal Trends in OrganizedCrime, I counted 32 publications focusing on transnational organized crime.

Most publications address one particular type of crime. Traditionally, drug traf-ficking has received the most attention by scholars (see [25]), and it is still the focalpoint of some highly significant research efforts. For example, an interview-basedstudy in the UK conducted by the Matrix Knowledge Group [61] has produced awealth of data on the structure and functioning of the international drug trade whichcontinue to be analyzed in follow-up studies (see, e.g., [16]), and an internationalconsortium of researchers has provided a sweeping analysis of the global heroin

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market [73]. However, the transnational crime receiving the most attention over thepast few years is not drug trafficking but human trafficking, as evidenced by anumber of monographs (see, e.g., [21, 75, 77, 84, 88]), research reports (see e.g.[72, 78, 96, 107]), edited volumes (see, e.g., [13, 26, 30, 82]) and special issues ofacademic journals (see, e.g., [8, 121]). Human smuggling, sometimes empiricallyoverlapping with human trafficking (see, e.g., [46]), has also received some attention(see, e.g., [89, 124]). Another prototypical transnational crime has emerged in recentyears as a consistently researched object of study: the illegal cigarette trade (see thepreviously published papers compiled by Antonopoulos and Van Duyne [6]). Anumber of other transnational crimes are addressed more sporadically, such astrafficking in stolen motor vehicles (see, e.g., [32]), trafficking in stolen arts andantiquities (see, e.g., [9]), trafficking in protected wildlife (see, e.g., [122]), traffick-ing in arms (see, e.g., [92]), trafficking in nuclear material (see, e.g., [55]), illicitwaste disposal (see, e.g., [60]), fraud (see, e.g., [3]), serial burglary (see, e.g., [100])and organized cybercrime (see, e.g., [38]).

Apart from research focusing on a specific type of crime, there are also somestudies which look at transnational crime in a particular geographical region (see, e.g.,[40, 62]) or with respect to a particular country (see, e.g., [59]).

Finally, there are some studies that focus on the transnational activities of specificcriminals or criminal groups. At the center of attention may be particular individuals(see, e.g., [65]), ethnic groups (see, e.g., [91]), illegal enterprises (see, e.g., [112]), orcriminal associations (see, e.g., [104]).

Overall, this means that on the map of transnational crime there are still many greyareas but one would be hard pressed to point out any white spots where so far noresearch has been conducted at all.

Data sources

All means of data collection common in the social sciences can, and have been,utilized in the study of transnational organized crime. Roughly three means of datacollection can be distinguished: observations, interviews and the retrieval of infor-mation stored electronically or on paper. Often, different types of data sources arecombined in the same research project.

Participant observations have been rare and, of course, are not without risk. A daringapproach was adopted in a study of smuggling and border corruption in Georgia, whereresearchers posed as smugglers for the purpose of participant observation and covertinterviewing [54].

An ever-increasing number of studies draws on offender interviews, partlyachieving impressive sample sizes. Some interview-based studies rely onimprisoned offenders, others succeed in interviewing transnational offendersoutside of prison settings. Among recent studies drawing on interviews withincarcerated offenders, the ones by Decker & Townsend Chapman [22] with 34drug smugglers in U.S. prisons, Desroches [24] with 70 drug traffickers incarceratedin Canadian prisons and Matrix Knowledge Group [61] with 222 imprisoned drugtraffickers in the UK stand out in terms of sample size and the depth of analysis.Studies drawing on interviews with non-incarcerated offenders are commonly based

Transnational organized crime challenges for future research 181

on the mobilization of existing direct or indirect social relations or the exploitation ofchance encounters, and usually have much smaller sample sizes than prison-basedstudies (see, e.g., [5, 7, 39, 44, 45, 95, 123]). Other studies draw on victim interviews,particularly for research on human trafficking (see, e.g., [18, 23, 48, 71]), or on expertinterviews, including but not limited to interviews with law enforcement officials(see, e.g., [27, 41, 122]).

Official documents, namely criminal files, intelligence data and internal case statis-tics, have served as the data source for a number of research projects (see, e.g., [53, 56,67, 91, 103, 110, 112]). Finally, most studies on transnational organized crime rely atleast in part on open source data, some exclusively so (see, e.g., [85, 109]).

The five major themes in the study of transnational organized crime

Research on transnational organized crime is guided by research questions that can beroughly grouped around five themes: (1) the specifics of individual transnationaloffenders, (2) the modus operandi and logistics of transnational (profit-oriented)criminal activities, (3) the organization of offenders engaged in transnational criminalactivities, (4) the role of established criminal groups such as Italian mafia-typeorganizations or Chinese Triads in the commission of and control over transnationalcriminal activities, and (5) the geography of transnational organized crime. Often,more than one theme is addressed within one study. For example, research on illegalmarkets may encompass the analysis of patterns of activity, the way illegal goods aretransported, stored and exchanged, as well as the patterns of interaction that linkillegal market participants along a spectrum ranging from purely market based trans-actions and network based transactions to transactions within hierarchical, verticallyintegrated organizations (see, e.g., [92, 112]).

Arguably the smallest meaningful unit of analysis in the study of transnationalorganized crime is the individual offender. Just as is the case with ‘organizedcriminals’, individual ‘transnational’ offenders are severely under-researched, al-though personal characteristics may help explain key aspects such as the emergenceand structure of criminal networks ([66, 81]). The lack of interest in the individualoffender as an object of study is in stark contrast to the field of criminology in generalwhere many theoretical frameworks center around offender characteristics. Interest-ingly, in the somewhat related field of terrorism studies, there is a significant body ofliterature on the psychology of offenders (see, e.g., [10, 90, 93, 106]).

A study which focuses on individual transnational offenders is that by Kleemansand de Poot [52] on criminal careers in organized crime (see also [51]). Many of thecases they analyze pertain to cross-border crime. Kleemans and de Poot found thatorganized criminals tend to be older than the general population of offenders, afinding that corresponds to other studies of transnational crime which likewise showthat transnational crime is often linked to specific opportunity structures that can bestbe exploited by individuals embedded in legitimate social and business networks andwith easy access to logistically important sectors such as transportation and banking(see, e.g., [22, 24, 53]).

Some research has focused on gender, mainly examining the role women play asperpetrators (see, e.g., [15, 50, 91, 127]) and victims (see, e.g., [41, 48]) of

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transnational crime. Overall, however, the influence of gender on the transnationalorganization of crime and criminals also remains an under-researched issue. As JackieTurner and Liz Kelly have observed, there is a “peculiar absence of a genderedperspective in the discourse on organized crime generally” [97].

It has often been pointed out that ‘organized crime’ can be understood either interms of the organization of criminal activities or in terms of the organization ofcriminals (see, e.g., [20, 34, 57]). While both perspectives have some merit, it mayindeed make more sense to first look at criminal activities. As Joe Albini [2] has put itmany years ago: “Criminal groups are dynamic entities, not static ones. As such, theychange with the nature of the criminal acts they commit“. Yet, relatively fewresearchers have made an effort to analyze the nature of transnational criminalactivities from that angle. The logistics of transnational crime are seldom at the centerof attention (see, e.g., [16, 56, 92]) outside of the small but growing cluster ofliterature dealing with transnational organized crime within the framework of situa-tional crime prevention (see, e.g., [12, 19]).

The insights gained from these studies by necessity tend to be highly crime-specific.More general patterns emerge across the range of smuggling activities, pertaining tocertain smuggling strategies, e.g. the use of official border crossing points versusmoving contraband across the ‘green border’, or the embeddedness in the cross-border movement of people versus the embeddedness in the cross-border movementof commercial goods [113]. From the scant research that is available it seems, forexample, that the smuggling strategy, the size of contraband shipments, and the sizeand diversity of offender networks are closely related (see, e.g., [31, 110]).

A recurring theme in the academic literature is the question about how‘organized’ organized crime, respectively transnational organized crime, is.Are transnational crimes committed by criminal organizations or by autono-mously acting offenders that may or may not be cooperating with otheroffenders on a continuous basis? There seems to be a growing consensusamong scholars that typically offender structures resemble ‘networks’ ratherthan ‘organizations’ (see, e.g., [11, 47, 117]). In many cases, however, the emphasisis not so much on a close examination of these networks but on simply refuting thenotion promoted by sensationalist media that criminal organizations in the true senseof the word, commonly and ambiguously dubbed ‘syndicates’ or ‘mafias’, areinvolved. The little research which provides in-depth analyses of transnational of-fender structures offer a more differentiated picture, one which covers a broadspectrum ranging from individual offenders flexibly using and expanding networksof criminally exploitable ties to offenders integrated into more continuous, verticallyand horizontally differentiated organizational entities. However, the most typicalforms of cooperation appear to be that of partnerships and small enterprises withtwo or three core members and ephemeral employer-employee relations, on the onehand, and market-based transactions between independent actors, on the other (see,e.g., [1, 11, 22, 24, 45, 56, 69, 70, 91, 108, 110, 123]). It is not clear from theavailable, contradictory evidence if there are trends going in one direction or theother, for example Colombian drug trafficking groups evolving from cohesive,complex organizations into smaller, more fluid structures [22], or whether this is amisconception rooted in media created myths about the nature of the infamous ‘drugcartels’ of the 1980s and 1990s [47].

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Related to the question of the structure of transnational criminal enterprises is thequestion of their cross-border mobility, respectively their ability as organizationalentities to overcome international borders as well as cultural and language barriers.There are different understandings that can be found in the academic literature.According to one view, transnational organized crime groups operate on an interna-tional scale, searching for the most lucrative opportunities for crime and the safestsanctuaries for evading prosecution (see, e.g., [63]). Another widely held viewassociates transnational organized crime with criminal organizations that operatefrom home bases in third world and transition countries which, because of weak oracquiescent governments, serve as ‘safe havens’ (see, e.g., [115, 119, 120]). Both ofthese two perspectives suggest that transnational organized crime is characterized byhighly mobile, vertically integrated criminal enterprises with offenders systematicallycrossing borders in the execution of crimes and in eluding law enforcement. Simi-larly, there is the assumption that criminal organizations can expand fairly easily byestablishing ‘branch offices’ in other countries along trafficking routes, typicallyembedded in diaspora communities (see, e.g., [87, 119]). A third perspective linkstransnational organized crime more to locally based offenders that are connected onthe basis of contractual relationships instead of the subordination under a centralizedcommand structure (see, e.g., [36, 37]). There is some research for example in thearea of drug smuggling (see, e.g., [80, 123]) and in the area of human trafficking andhuman smuggling (see, e.g., [11, 43]) which supports this latter view. A recent studyof the cross-border mobility of three large-scale cigarette smuggling operations addsanother facet to the overall picture of the cross-border networking of offenders. Thethree examined groups implemented strategic decisions to establish new traffickingroutes in unfamiliar territory. The members of these groups had no direct knowledgeof the respective countries, nor did they speak the language or had personal contacts.Instead of acquiring the necessary knowledge and crossing borders themselves, allthree smuggling groups chose to recruit individuals who in turn recruited otherindividuals and businesses with a presence in the respective target countries [112].

Closely linked to the discussion of the organization of transnational criminals isthe question of the role of established criminal groups in the commission of andcontrol over transnational criminal activities. Often the discussion is flawed by thefailure to analytically distinguish between illegal enterprises engaged in profit-making crimes and non-economic structures which are only indirectly connected toprofit-making crime by providing criminal entrepreneurs with, for example, status,support, and mechanisms for non-violent conflict resolution [35]. When offendersinvolved in transnational crime are suspected of membership in a criminal associationsuch as an Italian mafia-type organization, the Russian and Georgian vory v zakone ora Chinese triad it would be a mistake to jump to the conclusion that these associationsas organizational entities and not just individual members, are engaged in transna-tional criminal activities (see [14, 35]). Accordingly, research into the involvement ofthese non-economic criminal organizations in transnational crime have found either alimited role, namely in terms of extorting transnational criminal enterprises, or havingno role at all (see, e.g., [42, 91, 116, 125]). Little research has been conducted so farto examine media allegations of criminal organizations extending their spheres ofcontrol across borders [14, 29, 104], or of criminal organizations rooted in differentcountries coming to agreements over exclusive spheres of influence [118]. From

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what is known as a result of this research it does not seem that there is a trend towardsa globalization of control of criminal activities exerted by established criminalorganizations.

Finally, a research question that has been addressed in the academic literature is thegeography of transnational crime. This relates to the geographical distribution ofconditions favorable to the emergence and continued existence of transnationalcriminal groups, and of conditions creating opportunities for transnational crime, asthe product of various natural, social, economic and political factors. Some theoret-ical propositions have been advanced in this area without having been followed up sofar by much empirical research.

Passas, for example, has pointed out “criminogenic asymmetries” betweencountries in terms of “structural discrepancies, mismatches and inequalities in therealms of the economy, law, politics and culture” to explain incentives and opportu-nities for cross-border crime [76]. A number of authors have argued that the geog-raphy of transnational crime, specifically of smuggling, is largely a mirror image ofthe geography of legal trade routes (see, e.g., [4, 64, 122]), which is somewhat at oddswith the notion that transnational criminal networks tend to be embedded in diasporacommunities (see, e.g., [11, 19, 50, 74, 101, 119]). There is also the notion thattransnational criminal groups are most likely to be found operating in countries orplaces where corrupt or weak law-enforcement provides a “low-risk environment”,and more generally where socio-political conditions are conducive to large-scalecriminal activity [119] (see also [27, 94]).

Overall, there is a tendency in the study of transnational organized crime, similar tothe study of organized crime in general, to undermine conventional wisdom propa-gated by journalists and policy makers. The picture that emerges from empiricalresearch is more complex, often more mundane, though not necessarily less serious inits consequences, than popular imagery of ‘global mafias’.

Problems of research on transnational organized crime

While the study of transnational organized crime is a fairly dynamic field, there are anumber of problems hindering the emergence of a cumulative body of knowledge andthe development of coherent theoretical frameworks. First of all, studies tend to lackdetail regarding the modus operandi and logistics of transnational criminal activities andthe nature of offender structures. In-depth analyses on how exactly crimes are committedand how exactly the relations between offenders are shaped are the exception rather thanthe rule. The kind of research that tends to provide the most detail are interview-basedstudies (see, e.g., [22, 24, 123]) and studies analyzing data, including wiretap-transcripts, generated in extensive criminal investigations (see, e.g., [67, 70]).

A second major problem with most research on transnational organized crime is thatonly one end is examined, typically the situation in the destination country of some formof trafficking. The assessment of the nature of activities and offender structures in sourcecountries and transit countries is often a matter of mere speculation. One exception tothis rule is a study conducted by Zhang and Chin on human smuggling fromChina to theUnited States [126]. In this research, funded by the National Institute of Justice in theU.S., field observations and interviews were conducted in New York, the point of

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destination for most undocumented migrants, Los Angeles as an important entrypoint into the U.S., and in Fuzhou, China, the main point of origin.

A third obstacle towards knowledge accumulation and theory building is thenarrow focus of most studies in that they do not allow comparisons across spaceand time. Even in the case of multi-national research projects where transnationalcrime is examined within the same research framework, there is a problem with thecongruence and compatibility of data because of differential access to data owners.For example, a study of synthetic drugs trafficking in Amsterdam, Barcelona andTurin [33], while producing highly valuable insights, was limited in its comparativedimension because the research groups studying, respectively, the situation in eachcity did not have the same kind of access to market insiders. A similar problem canarise when local researchers differ in their capacity to obtain data related to transna-tional crime from government agencies or the private sector. Of course, in this respectthe problem may not only be one of differential access to data sources, but also one ofdifferential existence of data in the first place. There are, for example, considerabledifferences in the scope and quality of data collected and processed by law enforce-ment agencies [40, 83, 102]. Likewise, the general willingness of governments tocooperate with researchers may vary [17].

A fourth problem which affects the study of transnational organized crime as well asof organized crime in general is the lack of compatibility of research. Differences in theunits of analysis, or a lack of clarity about the units of analysis, and more generallydifferences in the conceptual and theoretical frameworks that guide research stand in theway of building a cumulative body of knowledge on transnational organized crime.

Future research on transnational organized crime

Against the background of existing research and the problems the study of transna-tional organized crime has encountered, a few cautious comments can be made aboutthe directions future research should take. First of all it needs to be stressed that thereare no insurmountable obstacles for access to data on transnational organized crime.While, for example, it may be difficult to interview transnational criminals, pastresearch has demonstrated that such interviews are possible under favorable circum-stances, and provided researchers have the necessary skills and social capital.

Secondly it is important to note that future research does not necessarily have toshift its focus in order to be innovative. In fact, it would be highly valuable toreplicate previous research. Often, generalizations are made from particular studiesfar beyond their historical and geographical scope. That is why even in areas oftransnational crime where a relatively large number of studies exist, such as drugtrafficking and human trafficking, there is still a need for additional research, espe-cially when the ambition is to go beyond description to the development and testingof more general theoretical propositions. For this purpose, studies in the area oftransnational organized crime have to be embedded in a comparative framework. Inthe end, deeper theoretical insights into aspects such as the logistics of transnationalcriminal activity or patterns of transnational criminal cooperation can only be gainedby comparing phenomena across different contexts, defined, for example, by the typeof crime or the socio-political environment. There are a whole host of issues which

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would need to be investigated more systematically and more consistently in thisrespect. More emphasis has to be placed, for example, on studying the cross-bordermobility and cross-border networking of individual offenders. Little is known so farabout the choices offenders make in exploring and exploiting transnational opportu-nities for crime [113]. Likewise, there is little understanding of the relative impor-tance of migration and trade flows in shaping the geography of transnational crimebeyond a general assumption that migration and international trade are facilitatingfactors. The same is true for the assumed role of weak states and failed states as safehavens for transnational criminals operating in a globalized world [119]. While thenotion of safe havens can claim a high degree of plausibility, little research exists onhow this relates to the emerging global security regime which restricts rather thanincreases the mobility of actors from these regions [86].

The third major point I want to make has to do with the institutionalization ofresearch. In order to comprehensively examine a particular transnational crimephenomenon there is a need for combining multiple sources of data and multipleresearch sites in one and the same project, encompassing, for example, source, transitand destination countries for an illicit good. Such multi-national research projectshave potential benefits beyond their immediate purpose in that they are likely topromote the development of more standardized, and more refined terminologies andconceptual frameworks, which in turn will be valuable for research and theorizing ontransnational organized crime, and organized crime more generally. Yet, there are fewresearchers today who would be in a position to conduct such research effectively.This is not a matter of a lack of expertise but has to do with the problem ofestablishing and maintaining contacts to relevant data owners that could be activatedwithin the time constraints of a normal funded research project where clear deadlinesare set and a need to closely synchronize research efforts in different countries arises.To overcome these shortcomings research on transnational organized crime requiresmore continuity. Continuity means, first of all, an ongoing research process whichcontributes to a cumulative body of knowledge. But it also means that networks ofresearchers can grow to combine resources from different areas of specialization anddifferent academic disciplines, and from different countries. Most of all, continuitymeans that relations of trust can develop between researchers and data owners outsidethe scientific community. This pertains to offenders as interviewees as well as to lawenforcement agencies and relevant business sectors. For example, in order to obtainaccess to law enforcement data in this security sensitive field of study, trust and apositive attitude towards social scientific research on the part of law enforcementofficials are typically preconditions for data to become available to researchers. Thisposes more of a challenge in some countries, such as China [17, 58], than in others,for example the Netherlands [49], still nowhere does there seem to be an automatismbetween requests for data access and the granting of access to official data. Thismeans that compared to the status quo the funding of research in the area oftransnational organized crime has to become more permanent, and more internation-ally coordinated with a view to continuous institutional support as well as continuoussupport for thematically focused research projects.

At the same time, another challenge exists in this field of research in particularbecause it is potentially politically sensitive: the need for independence from outsideinfluence. Apart from direct political interference in those countries where academic

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freedom is not guaranteed, perhaps the most substantial influence-taking currentlyoccurs in the way research is funded. Generally speaking, there is a reluctance tosupport basic research. Grants typically address problems identified by policy makersand administrators, and in those cases it often seems that grants are given to confirmcliché imagery and ideologically shaped preconceptions which in all likelihoodwould be undermined by unbiased, autonomous research. There tends to be afixation, for example, on socially marginalized and foreign based offender popula-tions. Likewise, there is a preference for narrowly focused technocratic solutions forpreventing and curbing crime rather than for more comprehensive analyses of crimephenomena and their societal contexts. For example, the potentially most importantinstrument for funding internationally coordinated research on transnational orga-nized crime, at least in Europe, the 7th Framework Programme of the EuropeanCommission (2007–2013), does not address the issue of crime, let alone transnationalcrime, in any systematic and coherent way. Instead, crime related topics are spreadacross several themes, primarily the Theme 8 “Socio-Economic Sciences and theHumanities” and the Theme 10 “Security”. There is no indication that the authors ofthe Programme were concerned with improving criminal policy or security throughan improved knowledge base on crime. In fact, as far as can be seen, no projectsstudying transnational crime (or crime of any kind, for that matter), have been fundedunder the socio-economic sciences and security themes of the 7th FrameworkProgramme to date, although some purport to take account of organized crime.1

The focus of the security theme, which receives far more funds than the socio-economic sciences theme (1.4 billion Euros compared to 200 million Euros since2007), is on strengthening the global competitiveness of the European securityindustry. This becomes evident in the fact that the security theme does not fall inthe domain of the Directorate-General for Research, but in that of the Enterprise andIndustry Directorate-General. This decision was justified in 2007 by the then EU-Commissioner Verheugen in a statement effectively negating the need for fundamen-tal criminological research and knowledge-based criminal-policy making on theEuropean level: “Research should not be an end in itself. (…) The topic of securityresearch (…) supports the implementation of European security policy and also has asignificant influence on the competitiveness of the relevant industry and on theoverall competitiveness of Europe” (cit. in [111]). Under these circumstances basicresearch contributing to empirically grounded theory building is not possible. Thequestion raised by Petrus van Duyne many years ago, therefore, is still valid. In 1993he asked in light of the lack of funding for research on transnational organized crimewhether this is only a matter of a lack of funds in times of recession or of a lack ofpolitical interest in a systematic accumulation of knowledge [101]. I would argue thatthe future support for empirical research will serve as a litmus test for the commit-ment of policy makers to tackling the problems addressed in the debate on transna-tional organized crime.

1 See “European Research: Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities, List of projects 2007–2010” (ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/pub/fp7/ssh/docs/synopsis_en.pdf) and “Security Research Projects under the 7th

Framework Programme for Research: Investing into security research for the benefits of Europeancitizens” (http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/security/files/securityresearch_catalogue2010_2_en.pdf).

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Conclusion

The study of transnational organized crime is a fairly dynamic field of research, coveringa broad range of crimes and criminal structures. What is lacking so far is a sufficientdensity and compatibility of research. Multi-national research projects appear to be themost desirable format for the future because only they can comprehensively capturetransnational crime phenomena. Multi-national research, however, poses challenges interms of the capacity of researchers and research institutions to access the necessary datawithin the time constraints set by traditional funding instruments. National fundinginstitutions would need to coordinate their activities and international funding institu-tions such as the European Commission would need to recognize the need for multi-national basic research in order to create appropriate funding schemes adapted to thespecific requirements of research on transnational organized crime.

The research community has shown that meaningful research in this area ispossible. Existing research on transnational organized crime has tended towardsdisproving cliché imagery while being too fragmented to lead to the kinds ofempirically grounded theoretical frameworks that would be necessary to truly under-stand the phenomena labeled transnational organized crime.

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