The Urban Guerilla Concept

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<p>The Urban Guerilla ConceptIt is actually good when the enemy fights us not bad: In my opinion, whether as individuals, political parties, soldiers, or as students it is a bad sign if the enemy has not already formed a front against us. It shows that we are hidden under the same cover as them. There is nothing wrong when the enemy attacks us, it is proof that a clear distinction has been made between ourselves and the enemy. It is much better having an enemy that confronts us, devalues us or attempts to paint us in the darkest possible colours. It is proof that a clear dividing line has been drawn with the enemy in fact it shows that our struggle is scoring splendid results already. -- Mao Tse Tung, May 26th 1939</p> <p>I.</p> <p>Concrete Answers to Concrete Questions</p> <p>I would emphasise the point that anyone who is not prepared to conduct a proper investigation loses any right to discuss the matter. (Mao) Some comrades have made up their minds about us already. Their false and denunciatory use of the term anarchism shows that they are no different than the Springer press [0]. We are not going to be dragged down to this miserable level of discussion with anyone. Many comrades want to know what were up to. The letter to 883 [1] from May 70 was too vague. The tapes from Michele Ray [2] were not authentic, they were just some private discussions that were taken out of context. Ray used the tapes in order to write her own article in the process, she either tricked us or we simply over-estimated her. If our political practice was in any way as hasty and rash as she describes the cops would have got us by now. Der Spiegel [3] paid Ray a fee of $1000. Virtually all the stuff written about us in the newspapers are lies thats clear. Apparent plans to kidnap Willy Brandt [4] make us look like political buffoons, underhand methods are used to try and connect us with planning a child-kidnapping. Printing these lies even extends to Konkret [5] where the so-called reliable details about us turned out to be just trivial anecdotes, pasted together for the purpose of publishing anything. Claims that we have officers and soldiers, or a strict hierarchy, that we talk of someone being liquidated, that comrades have been threatened, that we have forced entry into flats or obtained passports at gunpoint, or that we are in the grip of some kind of group terror this is all a load of crap. Whoever imagines that the organisation of an illegal armed resistance can be based on medieval forms of justice like the Volunteer Corps or right-wing militias, is intent on initiating their own pogrom. The psychological mechanisms that produce these sort of subjective projections and their connection to fascism were analysed by Adorno in The Authoritarian Personality and by Reich in The Mass Psychology of Fascism. The very notion of a revolutionary possessing a compulsive personality is a contradicto in adjecto a contradiction in terms. In the current, or for that matter any circumstances, engaging in revolutionary activities must involve the permanent integration of an individuals character with his own political motivation this is</p> <p>political identity. All those Marxist critiques, self-criticisms etc. have little to do with selfliberation whereas revolutionary discipline does. It certainly wasn't some left-wing groups who were trying to grab the headlines, but Konkret itself, whose editor is currently promoting himself as some sort of Eduard Zimmermann [6] in the hope that his rag can profit from some market niche. Many other comrades are spreading lies about us that we stayed overnight with them, or that they were involved in the organisation of our trip to the Middle East [7], some think they have inside contacts, they claim to have done things for us even though they did nothing. A few comrades want to try and portray themselves as being in. Just like Gnter Voigt, who claimed to Drrenmatt [8] that he was involved in the operation to free Baader [9]. He probably regretted doing this when the cops came after him and his subsequent attempt to issue a denial did not prove very straightforward. With all this kind of stuff, they want to portray us as being stupid, untrustworthy, clumsy, or even crazy. They are attempting to set others up against us. They are just a bunch of hangers-on. We want nothing to do with these wind-bags for whom the anti-imperialist struggle only takes place in coffee houses. There are many others who feel differently like those not engaged in such political chit-chat; those who actually know the meaning of resistance; those for whom the system stinks enough already and who are willing to give us a chance. The basis for their support is that the whole crap around us just isnt worth living a life of subservience to the system. They didnt find out about the safe-house at 89 Knesebeck Street (Mahlers arrest [10]) due to any shoddiness on our part, that was betrayal the informer came from one of us. The nature of our activities means that theres no protection from that sort. By contrast, other comrades are being beaten up by the cops for not putting up with the terror of the system anymore, they put up a fight. The pigs themselves wouldnt be so powerful if it wasnt for the resources made available to them by the State. Some have fallen into an insufferable trap of self-justification. They are intent on distorting the truth in order to avoid entering into a political debate with us, a debate that would force them to examine their own political activism and compare it to ours. For example it has been claimed that Baader had just a few months remaining of his sentence when we managed to free him. The facts state otherwise and are freely available: he had three years for arson, a six month suspended sentence still outstanding, another six months for forging documents, and another trial was also in the offing. From the overall total of 48 months, Andreas Baader had sat only 14 months, in ten different jails, getting nine transfers for bad behaviour i.e. organising prison revolts and resistance. The circulation of deliberately wrong calculations which reduced his outstanding sentence to three, nine or twelve months was done in order to weaken the moral justification for launching the operation on May 14th. This is an example of how some comrades attempt to rationalise away the fears they have for the personal consequences of entering into political argument with us. The question of whether Andreass escape operation would have gone ahead if we had known already that Linke [11] was going to get shot and it has been asked of us often enough we can only answer with a no. However the question what would have happened if is too ambiguous it is pacifist, platonic, moralistic and politically neutral. Anyone with serious intentions of carrying out an operation like that doesnt ask such questions they look instead for answers. Comrades who are posing this type of question are wondering if we are as brutalised as the</p> <p>tabloids are saying, our whole creed is being brought into question. They try to circumvent the issue of revolutionary violence by lumping revolutionary violence and bourgeois morals together which is impossible. All possible outcomes were considered when we planned Andreass escape. There was no reason to expect that a civilian could, or would, get himself in the way. As for the idea of not using weapons when executing such a prison escape, thats just suicidal. The cops fired the first shots on May 14th, just as they previously did in Frankfurt, when two of us managed to escape arrest. The cops always shoot first and ask questions later. We hadnt shot anyone until now neither in Berlin nor in Nrnberg nor in Frankfurt. This can be proven by anyone. Nor are we in the business of recklessly using our weapons. As for the cop, living the contradiction of being a little man and a capitalist slave, he earns his low income for protecting monopoly capitalism. These guys dont have to obey orders. If we get shot at well return fire but we wont shoot at the cops that let us get away. The claim that the huge manhunt for us that is currently being staged in the Federal Republic and West Berlin [12] is also being directed at the entire socialist left, is a correct one. Neither the paltry sums of money, the few cars, nor the documents we are supposed to have stolen, not even the attempted murder charge they are trying to pin on us none of this justifies such an elaborate circus. The ruling establishment is rattled, it is in a state of shock. They made the mistake of thinking that the State, with all its inherent contradictions, was still firmly under their control. Intellectuals were reduced to writing articles in journals, it looked like Marxist-Leninism had surrended, the demoralisation of internationalism had taken place. We believe that this is the right moment, that it is possible and that it is justified to organise armed resistance groups in the Federal Republic and West Berlin. We believe that the armed struggle as the highest form of Marxist-Leninism (Mao) can commence, and that without it, no effective anti-imperialist struggle can take place in the metropole. We are not asserting that illegal groups of armed resistance are going to replace the existing network of legal and active proletarian groups and other independent examples of class struggle. Nor do we expect the armed struggle to replace political mobilisation taking place in work places or elsewhere. But we do maintain that a pre-requisite for progress and an eventual victory of revolutionary forces is the armed struggle. We are neither Blanquists [13] nor are we anarchists although we do consider Blanqui to have been a great revolutionary and the personal heroism of many individual anarchists is something that we aspire to. We have been active now for under 12 months, much too short a time to start speaking of results. However the huge attention being lavished on us by Messrs. Genscher, Zimmermann &amp; Co [14] has given us the opportunity to mull a few things over, even at such an early stage. If you want to know what communists are thinking look at their hands, not their mouths said Lenin.</p> <p>II.</p> <p>The Federal Republic The Metropole</p> <p>The current systemic crisis has its origins in the nature of the system itself, not just its mechanics. Resulting from the all-consuming goal of profits, the capitalist system has become ever more parisitic and exploitative. The disintegration of social life has accelerated due to entire sections of society becoming disadvantaged and having needs that the State can no longer cater for. It is only possible to stem the unquiet and dissent arising from this situation by manipulating the media and imposing State repression on a massive scale. The political crisis caused by the student rebellion and the Black Power movement in America; the spreading unrest resulting from student protests in Europe; the resurgence of a workers and peoples struggle with a new and radical agenda culminating in the explosion of May 68 in France; the deep crisis in Italian society and the resumption of discontent in Germany all this is indicative of the current situation. IL Manifesto: The Necessity of Communism, from Thesis 33 Our comrades from IL Manifesto [15] are quite correct in describing the situation in Germany with the vague term, discontent. Six years ago Barzel [16] described the Federal Republic as an economic giant but a political dwarf. Since then the economy has remained robust but the Federal Republic is no longer a political dwarf, it is now both externally and internally in a politically stronger position. The prospect of a political crisis resulting from an imminent economic recession was pre-empted by the formation of a Grand Coalition in 1966 [17]. The Emergency Laws [18], pushed through by this coalition, proved a valuable tool in subsequent crisis-management situations. These laws arose out of an alliance between reactionary forces and all those liberals who find it convenient to support legal methods of repression. The coalition was formed to absorb the discontent simmering in the student movement and the Extra-Parliamentary Opposition [19]. In the SDP [Social Democratic Party of Germany], the reformist line was re-packaged as the alternative to communism, thereby taking the steam out of the anti-capitalist camp within the party. The Federal Republics Ostpolitik [20] didnt only open up some new capital markets, it was also Germanys contribution to the reconciliation and alliance between U.S. imperialism and the Soviet Union. This geo-political strategy was essential to the Americans in order to pursue their aggressive wars in the Third World. The government here has also managed to split the Left by separating the New Left from old guard antifascists, thereby isolating the New Left from the workers movement. The DKP [German Communist Party], can put their re-instatement down to this new accomodation between U.S. imperialism and Soviet revisionism. The DKP even organised demonstrations to support the governments Ostpolitik and Niemller [21] a symbolic figure of anti-fascism, has already been canvassing SPD support for the coming election. Under a pretext of acting on behalf of the common good, the State and the trade unions joined together and introduced a concerted policy of wage limits. The September strikes [22] proved that these policies had gone too far in serving the interests of profit. However the exclusively economic content of the strikers aims still shows how firmly the State can keep things under control. The strength of todays system is evident in how workers can be disciplined and terrorised by</p> <p>holding up the spectre of cheap foreign labour, the threat of unemployment and the constant fear of recession. All this happens without the necessity of resorting to the right-wing militias of the past and reduces the prospect of any further radicalisation of the masses. The Federal Republics indirect financial and military support of American wars of aggression enable it to profit from the exploitation of the Third World without taking any direct responsibility for these war crimes. It also helps in taking on a detached role when dealing with its own internal opposition to war. The political opportunities that are open to imperialism, whether of the reformist or fascist variety, have not yet been exhausted. Capitalism has not lost the ability to repress or integrate its own self-generated contradictions. The Red Army Factions Urban Guerilla Concept is not based on an optimistic view of the prevailing circumstances in the Federal Republic and West Berlin.</p> <p>III. Student RevoltBy recognising the globalised nature of the ruling capitalist system, it is now impossible to separate the potential for revolution in the strongholds of capitalism in the West and its viability in the more backward regions. Without the rekindling of r...</p>