the socio-economic and environmental impacts of tourism...

Journal of Arid Environments (2003) 54: 447–467doi:10.1006/jare.2002.1101

The socio-economic and environmental impacts oftourism development on the Okavango Delta,

north-western Botswana

Joseph E. Mbaiwa*

Harry Oppenheimer Okavango Research Centre, University of Botswana,Private Bag 285, Maun, Botswana

(Received 22 July 2002)

The Okavango Delta is one of Botswana’s leading tourist destination areas,mainly because of the rich wildlife resources it sustains and its scenic beauty.Tourism has stimulated the development of a variety of allied infrastructureand facilities, such as hotels, lodges and camps, airport and airstrips, in theOkavango region. Through its backward linkages, wholesale and retailbusinesses have also been established, especially in Maun, to offer variousgoods to the tourist industry. Tarred roads and other communicationfacilities have also been developed in Ngamiland District partly to facilitatetourism development. Tourism in the Okavango Delta also providesemployment opportunities to local communities and it is a significant sourceof foreign exchange for Botswana. Despite its positive socio-economicimpacts, the industry is beginning to have negative environmental impacts inthe area such as the destruction of the area’s ecology through driving outsidethe prescribed trails, noise pollution and poor waste management. This,therefore, suggests that tourism in the Okavango Delta has socio-economicand environmental impacts, issues which are addressed by this paper basedon the concept of sustainability.

# 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd.

Keywords: socio-economic and environmental impacts; tourism; enclavetourism; community-based tourism; eco-tourism; sustainability and sustain-able development

Introduction

This paper discusses the socio-economic and environmental impacts of tourismdevelopment in the Okavango Delta located within Ngamiland District in north-western Botswana. Because of its rich wildlife diversity and scenic beauty, theOkavango Delta has in the past two decades attracted tourists from various countriessuch as those of North America, Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand and SouthAfrica. The growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta has also resulted in theestablishment of tourist facilities in the area. Tourism in the Okavango Delta ischaracterized by both consumptive and non-consumptive wildlife uses. As a result,significant tourist activities in the delta include safari hunting, game viewing, walking

*Corresponding author. Fax: +267-661-835. E-mail: [email protected]

0140-1963/03/020447 + 21 $30.00/0 # 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd.

448 J. E. MBAIWA

trails, dug-in canoe or mekoro safaris and several other photographic tourist activities.The nature of tourism development in destination areas such as the Okavango Delta(a natural wetland) make it have socio-economic and environmental impacts, anaspect that this study aims at addressing. These issues are assessed based on theconcept of sustainability, which is anchored on the three main principles of socialequity, economic efficiency, and ecological sustainability.

Generally, it is difficult to accurately quantify tourism, it is arguably, the world’slargest industry, accounting for about 5?5% of the world’s Gross National Product and6% of the employment, and it is growing fast (Glasson et al. 1995). Most governmentsencourage the growth of tourism in their respective countries in order to supporteconomic development. For poor countries, regions, towns and cities, tourism is seenas the fast track to development. Hall (1995) states that the main reason whygovernments, particularly in developing countries encourage tourism investment isbecause of the expectations that it will contribute to economic development. It is alsoargued that tourism should be seen as a means of development in a broader sense (see,for example, Krapf, 1961; Kaiser & Helber, 1978; Mathieson & Wall, 1982; Murphy,1985; McIntosh et al.,1995; Wahab & Pigram, 1997; Cooper et al., 1998). Theseanalysts describe the broader sense of tourism to mean the potential of the industry tohave direct socio-economic impacts on destination regions. This issue is made moreclear by Binns (1995), who states that development should not only refer to economicmatters but should encompass social, economic, environmental and ethicalconsiderations such that its measurement may incorporate indicators of poverty,unemployment, inequality and self-reliance. Carter (1991) notes that there is acumulative relationship between tourism development, the environment and socio-economic development. This means that if tourism is to contribute to sustainabledevelopment, then it must be economically viable, ecologically sensitive and culturallyappropriate (Wall, 1997). This suggests that an economic initiative such as tourismshould be based on the idea that economic development should conform to theconcept of sustainable development. The basic principle of this concept is that ofintergenerational equity, which says that our development is sustainable only to theextent that we can meet our needs today without prejudice to those of the futuregenerations. Therefore, the present generation should leave for the next generation, astock of a quality of life assets no less than those we have inherited (Pearce et al.,1989). The main thrust of the concept of sustainable development is the utilizationand management of renewable resources for the benefit of today’s generations and atthe same time making the same resources available for future generations (WCED,1987). However, Chambers (1986) state that sustainable development appears to bethe terminology of managers, and is not as yet, the terminology of the managed. As aresult, in many parts of the world, the growing numbers of poor people have inevitablyled to the degradation of the environment each day just to make ends meet. Thissuggests that the development of tourism in environments such as those of theOkavango Delta should be designed such that it does not lead to an environmentaltrade-off but to an improved environmental and human welfare. It must give priorityto the livelihoods of the poor (Redclift, 1987; WCED, 1987).

Despite the positive assumptions of the concept of sustainable development, thereare those who feel that sustainable development involves contradictory goals (e.g.Redclift, 1987; Arnold, 1989; Lele, 1991; Warren, 1996), but in spite of this, it hascome to be generally accepted that ‘real’ development cannot be achieved unless thestrategies are sustainable and consistent with social values and institutions. Related tothe issue of sustainability in tourism development, is the new concept of eco-tourism.Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) states that eco-tourism is a type of tourism that promotesconservation, has low visitor impact, provides for beneficially active socio-economicinvolvement of local populations and promotes visitor awareness in environmentalconservation. According to Carter (1991), green or eco-tourism focuses on the need

SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT 449

to promote a symbiotic, or at worst, co-existent relationship between tourism andenvironmental conservation. This then suggest that the two concepts of sustainabledevelopment and eco-tourism are interrelated and both advocate for securelivelihoods of the poor, equitable distribution of tourism benefits, equal participationin decision-making by stakeholders and promotes environmental conservation.

The information contained in this paper was collected from both primary andsecondary data sources. Primary data collection involved the administration ofstructured and semi-structured questionnaires to 202 sampled households in thevillages of Maun, Seronga, Khwai and Ditshiping. Several factors were taken intoconsideration when choosing these villages, For example, Maun was chosen mainlybecause it is the last and the main town towards the Okavango Delta from which majorsupplies for tourist camps and lodges are obtained. The other three villages are locatedwithin the delta and were chosen based on their location and their level of community-based tourism. For example, Seronga is located in the Okavango Panhandle and has awell-developed community-based tourism while Khwai and Ditshiping are located onthe lower Okavango Delta and recently started community-based tourism initiatives.Questionnaires were also administered to 30 safari operators in the Okavango Deltaand 35 tourism-related businesses in Maun. Informal interviews were also conductedwith central and local government officials. Secondary data sources used includegovernment reports and other relevant literature on tourism in the Okavango Delta.

International and regional tourism trends

The development of the tourism industry in the Okavango Delta and in Botswana ispart of the global tourism trend. According to the WTO (1999) international arrivalsincreased from 429 million people in 1989 to 625 million people in 1998. Thisrepresents an increase of 45?7% in the 10-year period. In terms of receipts, theyincreased from US$ 211 billion in 1989 to US$ 445 billion in 1998. This alsorepresents an increase of 101?4% in the same period. The growth of internationaltourism is attributed to higher standards of living in the west and improved modes oftravel (Harrison, 1995; McIntosh et al., 1995; Cebaloss-Lascurain, 1996). Of theglobal tourist arrivals, approximately 4?0% visited Africa (WTO, 1999). This showsthat in the last decade, international tourism, both for arrivals and receipts grew fasterin developing countries, reflecting a wider distribution of tourism revenues in favour ofthe traditional and new, emerging tourism destination areas in developing countries.

Southern Africa is presently the fastest growing tourist destination in Africa, withincreases of 17?1% and 10?5% for arrivals and receipts, respectively, between 1994and 1995. The share of Southern Africa in total tourist arrivals in Africa increasedfrom 13?5% in 1990 to 31% in 1995 (WTO, 1999). The end of liberation wars andthe establishment of democratic governments in the Southern Africa, particularly inSouth Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique partly contributed to the growthof tourism in the region as peace and political stability returned to the area. Table 1shows that Botswana is the third largest tourist destination in Southern Africa afterSouth Africa and Zimbabwe.

From Table 1, tourist arrivals in Botswana increased from 644,000 in 1995 to740,000 in 1998. This increase is also noted by the Department of Tourism, DOT(2001), which states that tourist arrivals in Botswana have grown considerably from1994 to 1998 with an annual growth rate of almost 13% and a remarkable growth of23% in 1997. DOT also notes that in 2000, Gaborone received the largest share ofvisitors (44?8%), Francistown (28?2%), Okavango Delta (12?1%), Kasane/Chobe(11?8%), Maun (10?6%) and Selebi-Phikwe (3?0%). Combined visitors to Maun andOkavango Delta stood at 22?1% (DOI, 2001). The increase in tourist arrivals in the

Table 1. Regional trends in tourist arrivals and receipts

1995 1996 1997 1998

BotswanaArrivals (000) 644 707 734 740Share in Africa (%) 3?2 3?2 3?2 3?0Receipts (%) 2?2 2?1 2?0 1?9

NamibiaArrivals (000) 399 405 502 510Share in Africa (%) 2?0 1?9 2?2 2?0Receipts (%) 3?8 3?4 3?7 3?5

South AfricaArrivals (000) 4488 4944 5437 5981Share in Africa (%) 22?0 22?7 23?5 24?0Receipts (%) 21?7 22?8 25?5 24?8

ZimbabweArrivals (000) 1539 1746 1495 1600Share in Africa (%) 7?6 8?0 6?5 6?4Receipts (%) 1?8 1?8 1?9 1?7

Source: WTO (1999).

450 J. E. MBAIWA

Okavango region in recent past implies that the area is bound to have socio-economicand environmental impacts resulting from tourism activities.

The socio-economic impacts

An assessment of tourism’s contribution to economic development in host regionsrequires an analysis of the backward and forward linkages between tourism and othersectors, an understanding of the spatial location of tourism activities and identificationof the beneficiaries of its economic and other impacts. This means if tourism is to havea major influence on the economy of a country or a particular region, it should havestrong linkages with the rest of the domestic economy. Tourism can, therefore, be acatalyst for national and regional development, bringing employment, exchangeearnings, balance of payments advantages and important infrastructure developmentsbenefiting locals and visitors alike (Glasson et al., 1995). In the Okavango Delta,tourism was, in this study, found to be important for the following:

Contribution to gross domestic product (gdp) and government revenue

At a macro-economic level, the growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta and otherparts of northern Botswana such as the Chobe region was found to have resulted inthe increase of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). At Botswana’sindependence in 1966, tourism’s contribution to GDP was insignificant since tourismwas by then almost non-existent. However, the development of the sector in the lasttwo decades has made it the second largest government revenue earner andcontributor to GDP after diamonds. For example, in 1996/97, the sector contributeda total of P800 million to the GDP, this represented 4?5% of the country’s total GDPin 1996/97 or 7?0% of the non-mining sector (BTDP, 1999). Revenue that accrues to

Table 2. Types of Fees tourists paid at Moremi Game Reserve, 1998 and 1999 (in Pula)

Year Entry fees Camping Vehicles Boat Air craft Other PARRO(Camping)

Total

1998 3,195,160 466,617 222,485 2385 4564 2157 475,796 4,373,4521999 3,006,140 423,238 231,798 3760 7776 4241 508,095 4,175,012Total 6,201,300 889,855 454,283 6145 12340 6398 983,891 8,548,464

Source: DWNP (2000).

Table 3. Revenue Collected at Maun International Airport, 2000

Type of fee Revenue collected (in Pula)

Landing fees 170,107?00Parking fees 6,353?00Temporary air service permit 44,380?00Passenger service fee 69,743?00En route charges 205,310?60Other 71,977?40

Totals 567,871?00

Source: DCA (2001).


government from the tourism sector includes import duties, taxes (income and salestax) and licence fees.

In addition to the various taxes paid to government by tour operators, revenue isalso collected from tourists visiting protected areas and is in the form of user fees.Revenue collected from Botswana’s protected areas increased from P5,835,051 in1995 to P9,280,987 in 1999. Much of this revenue was collected from the northernparks of Chobe National Park and Moremi Game Reserve which are located in thearea due to the influence of the Okavango Delta. The Chobe National Park in 1999generated P4,492,505 while Moremi Game Reserve generated P4,175,048 (DWNP,2000). Out of Botswana’s nine protected areas, Moremi Game Reserve is the secondlargest in terms of revenue generation after Chobe National Park. As shown inTable 2, some of the user fees charged in protected areas include park entry fees,vehicles, camping, boats and aircraft fees.

Maun international Airport, which is the main airport used by tourist who visit theOkavango Delta has also become a major source of government revenue in NgamilandDistrict. Table 3 shows that in 2000, the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA)collected P567,871 from the various fees charged to passengers, aircrafts and touroperators for using airport facilities.

The economic contribution of the tourism sector to the national economy showsthat the sector provides the potential of diversifying Botswana’s economy and reduceits dependence on diamonds. At present, diamond exports and revenue earned frommining leases and taxes accounts for over 50% of government revenue (Governmentof Botswana, 1997). The role that tourism development in the Okavango Delta playalso shows that the sector is an important economic activity not only in the Okavangobut in Botswana as a whole.

At a micro-economic level, the development of the tourism in the Okavango has ledto the establishment of community-based tourism initiatives which have resulted inincome generation and employment of the local people. Local communities in theOkavango have been allocated land by the Tawana Land Board on which through joint

452 J. E. MBAIWA

venture partnerships with tour operators have been able to generate revenue forthemselves through hunting and photographic tourism activities. Table 4 shows someof the community-based organizations (CBOs), type of tourism activities they areengaged in and the amount of revenue that each community has managed to generateon annual basis ever since inception of the projects in their respective communityareas.

Although the idea for adopting community-based tourism was purely based onachieving conservation needs, it has become one of the main employment and revenueearners for the people of Ngamiland District. Community-based tourism is built uponthe ideals of Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) whichwas adopted to halt the decline and degradation of natural resources through theinvolvement and participation of local communities in resource management (Ashley,1995). CBNRM assumes that once local communities obtain benefits from naturalresources around them, especially from wildlife resources, they are likely to use themsustainably (Mbaiwa, 1999).

While it has been possible to involve local communities in the tourism business andthat some of the revenue have been accrued to them, indications are that most of thecommunity tourist projects are performing poorly. There is no meaningful re-investment of the tourism revenue into other tourist projects. This is mainly a result oflack of entrepreneurship and marketing skills in the tourism business and that theconcept of CBNRM is still new and generally lack understanding amongst the variouscommunities (Mbaiwa, 1999). Informal interviews with CBO Board members in theOkavango Delta pointed out that benefits (e.g. revenue) that local communities obtainfrom community-based tourism are insignificant when compared to those obtained bythe private tour operators or by government. For example, local communities sell asingle elephant to a safari operator at P40,000 (US$ 8000), the same elephant is soldto an overseas safari hunter by the operator at US$ 80,000 (P400,000). This meanstourism in the Okavango Delta does not have substantial and meaningful economicbenefits to the local people, hence its sustainability in terms of socio-economicbenefits becomes questionable.

Impacts on employment

The primary concern with tourism in the Okavango is its potential to createemployment for the people of Ngamiland District. The extent at which employment iscreated is influenced by the degree of linkages between tourism and other sectors ofthe economy. Tourism in the Okavango Delta has influenced the establishment oftourist facilities such as camps, lodges, transport, wholesale and retail industries in theregion. In a sample of 30 safari camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta carried out inMarch 2001, there were 923 people employed. A similar study conducted at the sametime but on different camps and lodges revealed that 735 people were employed in 20camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta (Scout Wilson, 2001). This suggests that in atotal of 50 tourist camps and lodges, there were 1658 people employed in 2001. InMaun, about 727 people were employed in 35 tourism-related businesses such aswholesales and retail businesses in the same period. However, the BTDP (1999) statesthat in 1997, the total number of formal jobs generated by the tourism sector in thewhole country was 9900, which is about 4?5% of the total employment in Botswana.BOB (1999) states that this figure is an underestimate and puts the figure at 10,015people which is also supported by the 1995/96 Labour Force Survey (CSO, 1998).The number of people supported (e.g. financially) by people employed in tourism-related activities such as hotels, airlines, safari companies, handcrafts and transport inBotswana is estimated at 27,000 people (Government of Botswana, 1997). This isabout 2?1% of Botswana’s population of 1.3 million people.

Table 4. Community-based tourism organizations in Ngamiland district and annual revenue generated in Pula

Name of community-based organization

Village(s) involved Tourism activity Revenue generated (in Pula)

Year Amount % Increase

Sankuyo TshwaraganoManagement Trust(STMT)

Sankuyo Hunting and photographic 19961997199819992000

285,000285,000345,000562,800595,000

F0

21?163?15?7

Okavango CommunityTrust (OCT)

Seronga, Eretsha,Gunotsoga, Beetsha,Gudigwa

Hunting and photographic 19961997199819992000

446,000468,050625,650652,340686,240

F4?9

33?74?35?2

Mababe Zokotsana Com-munity Trust (MZCT)

Mababe Hunting and photographic 2000 675,000 F

Okavango Kopano MokoroCommunity Trust (OKMC)

Ditshiping, Boro, Xaxaba,Daunara, Xharaxao, Xuxao

Hunting and photographic 199819992000

680,000710,000

1,100,000

F4?4

54?9Khwai DevelopmentTrust(KDT)

Khwai Hunting and photographic 2000 954,000 F

Cgaecgae TlhabologoTrust (CTT)

Cgaecgae Hunting and photographic 19981999200020012002

70,750105,000315,000420,336430,336

�48?4200?233?42?4

Source: Mbaiwa (2000). 6?2 BWP = 1 USD.

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454 J. E. MBAIWA

While the tourism industry provides employment to people of Ngamiland District,locals generally hold poor-quality and low-paying jobs that mostly involve manualwork. Most of them are employed in management positions and work as cleaners,kitchen hands, drivers, cooks, watchmen, groundsmen with a few employed asprofessional guide and assistant managers. These findings are related to those byMbaiwa (1999), who noted that in Sankuyo residents involved in tourism employmentwork in safari companies such as Crocodile Camp Safaris and provide manual labourfor tasks such as skinning of wild animals during the hunting seasons and tent keeping(housekeeping). In Khwai, the local people are employed at Tsaro Game Lodge andKhwai River Lodge as cooks, housekeepers and drivers. On the other hand, expatriatestaff occupy senior and management positions such as managers, accountants,professional guides and chefs. These findings are also similar to those by Ndubano(2000), who states that in Maun, accommodation facilities are largely foreign ownedhence there are only six (14?2%) Botswana managers out of 42 established posts.

While tourism contributes positively to income earning for the people in theOkavango and in Botswana, findings indicate that there is a disparity in wages betweenthe local staff and the expatriate staff even when they happen to occupy the sameposition. On average, the local staff earn salaries that range from P350?00 to P1000?00per month. On the other hand, expatriate staff earn salaries that range from P4500?00to P18,000?00 a month. Ndubano (2000) notes that out of a sample of 50 local peopleemployed in the tourism sector in Maun, 33 (66%) of them earn between P400?00and P990?00 per month. These salaries are below the country’s poverty datum level ofP954?78 hence she concludes that 62% of the salaries paid to local people in Maun arefar below P954?78 or the poverty datum level of Botswana.

The above findings are consistent with those by BTDP (1999), which state thateven though the percentage of foreigners in the tourism employment is small (about4% in the hotel and lodge sectors), they dominate better paying jobs. The mediansalaries range from around P500?00 per month for the lowest paid categories toaround P5000?00 per month for the highest paid. Expatriate salaries are considerablyhigher than those paid to locals in similar positions, especially for executive managers,general managers and professional guides. The BTDP report further notes that thegap between citizen and expatriate levels of remuneration becomes still wider whenbenefits and allowances are taken into consideration. Most expatriate employeesqualify for generous tax-free gratuities, home leave passages, children’s educationallowances, furnished housing allowances, and encashment of leave allowances.

This trend is characteristic of developing countries. In the Caribbean, Pantin(1998) states that about nine out of ten management positions in the hotel andrestaurant sectors are occupied by expatriates with average salaries several timeshigher than those of the unskilled local workers. In the Okavango Delta, the reasonsthat have been given for this development is that expatriates possess skills in thetourism industry which locals do not have. It can, therefore, be concluded that eventhough tourism in the Okavango Delta has led to the creation of employmentopportunities and the generation of revenue for the people of the area, thepoor-quality jobs and low salaries they get indicate that tourism can be an exploitativeindustry to local people if proper management and control are not in place.

Impacts on infrastructure development

One of the areas in which tourism can influence the domestic economy is through thedevelopment of infrastructure in host regions. In the Okavango Delta, there has beenan expansion of the infrastructure since the 1990s to support the growing tourismindustry. Some of the specific infrastructure developments include the following:


(i) The road network in northern Botswana. Northern Botswana was prior to the1990s, very much inaccessible, tarred roads were virtually non-existent. The situationgradually changed in the 1990s as government began to realize that tourism in north-western Botswana has the potential of significantly contributing to the economy of thecountry. Infrastructure development such as the construction of tarred roads tofacilitate the tourism industry in the Okavango and Chobe regions in northernBotswana became one of the major government pre-occupation. Tarred roads such asthe 505 km road linking Francistown and Kasane were constructed during this period.The Francistown–Kasane road is important in that it provides a link betweenBotswana’s Chobe National Park and the Okavango Delta with Namibia’s CapriviStrip and Zimbabwe’s Victoria Falls. As a result, it is easier for tourist to drive fromSouth Africa passing through Francistown to visit the Okavango Delta and theVictoria Falls. Other tarred roads completed after the 1990s include the 304 km Nata–Maun road completed in 1992. The Nata–Maun road is important in that it alsoprovides a link between Maun and Francistown, most of the supplies for the wholesaleand retail sectors are provided through this link (most of the tourism supplies in thedelta are provided from Maun).The Maun–Mohembo road covers about 500 km and was completed in 1995. Thisroad provides a link between north-western Botswana and northern Namibia. The200 km Sehitwa–Ghanzi road that provides a link between Maun and Namibiathrough Ghanzi and the Mamono Border Post in the west was completed in July 2000.The total tarred road network in northern Botswana is over 2500 km. The tarred roadnetwork in northern Botswana facilitates the easy movement of mobile and self-drivetourists into the delta as well as promoting the quick delivery of tourist supplies tocamps and lodges in the delta. Although the road network in northern Botswana is animportant factor in the development of tourism in the Okavango, it is also importantin that it has made it possible for Ngamiland to be easily connected to the rest of thecountry.

While infrastructure development such as roads is an important socio-economicdevelopment to the Okavango region, informal interviews with tour operators andlocal people in Maun indicate that the development is also associated with negativesocio-cultural impacts as well. Some of the impacts mentioned include crime,prostitution and the western influence on local language and dress especially on youngpeople. Glasson et al. (1995) note that socio-cultural impacts of tourism in destinationareas are associated with changes in traditional ideas and values, norms and identitiesof the local people. These changes are beginning to affect Ngamiland district, hence itcan be noted that tourism is not only carrying positive developments in the area, butalso has negative aspects, hence need to be controlled such that negative impacts areminimal.

(ii) Maun International Airport. The development of infrastructure to promotetourism in the Okavango Delta is also in the form of airports, such as the MaunInternational Airport. The extension of the terminal and runway for MaunInternational Airport was completed in May 1993. The Maun Airport play a majorrole in the facilitation of tourism development in the Okavango Delta. Theimprovement of the Maun Airport and air transport system in Maun has resulted ininternational flights linking Maun to Johannesburg, Windhoek, Harare, Victoria Fallsand Gaborone. These links form the main air routes that are used by tourists who visitthe Okavango Delta. The Maun Airport is one of the busiest airports in Botswana andAfrica especially during tourist peak seasons. According to the Ngami Times (2001, p.1), ‘yMaun Airport is also regarded as the second busiest international in Africa interms of aircraft movements after the combined Johannesburg area (South Africa)airports of Johannesburg International, Lanseria, Rand and Grand Central’. Based onaircraft movement data from the Maun International Airport for 2000, the airport hasan average of 256 aircrafts landing and taking off each day during the tourist peak

Table 5. Aircraft Movement at Maun International Airport, 2000

Description Total movements Percentage

CommercialInternational 2846 7?0Domestic 34,666 86?1

Non-commercial 2786 6?9

Totals 40,246 100?0

Source: DCA (2001).

456 J. E. MBAIWA

seasons of April to October. In the non-tourist peak seasons of November to March,the figure is reduced to an average of 152 aircraft landing and taking off each day. Asshown in Table 5 a total of 40,246 aircraft movement were recorded at Maun Airportin 2000. Domestic aircraft made 86?1% of the total movements, internationalmovements made only 7.0% while non-commercial aircraft make 6.9% of the totalmovements.

Most of the aircraft movements were domestic flights made by small engine aircraftthat fly into the delta either transporting tourists or carry supplies or returning toMaun from the delta for parking. At present, there are about eight privately owned aircompanies operating about 44 small aircraft in the Okavango Delta and using MaunAirport as a base. The high numbers of aircraft movements indicate the role that theairport is playing in the facilitation of tourism in the Okavango Delta. Theimprovement of air transport in Maun has also been of benefit to the majority ofthe people in Ngamiland District since social services are now provided quicker tothem than it was before the 1990s.(iii) Hotels and safari camps in Maun and Okavango Delta. The growth of tourism in theOkavango Delta is directly associated with the proliferation of hotels, lodges and safaricamps in the Okavango and other parts of Ngamiland District especially in Maun.Findings in this study indicate that there are about 60 photographic lodges and campsin the Okavango region with about 554 rooms and 1018 bed spaces. This representsan increase of 46.7% of the rooms from 1996 to 2001. It is in these accommodationfacilities where most people in the Okavango Delta are employed. In addition toaccommodation, the hotels, lodges and safari camps offer food and beverages totourists. The establishment of tourist accommodation facilities is further explained bythe BTDP (1999) which states that there are presently around 4000 bed placesavailable in hotels, lodges, safari camps, and campsites in tourist areas of Botswana ofwhich the majority are in the Okavango and Maun region. These bed places areprovided in a range of accommodation, including permanent lodges, non-permanentlodges, mobile campsites, observation hides and educational camp grounds. Asalready noted, accommodation facilities are important to Botswana’s economybecause of the significant amount of revenue they generate and the number of peoplethey employ. Accommodation facilities are, therefore, playing a major role in thesocio-economic development of Ngamiland District and of Botswana as a whole.

Impacts on rural development

In order to meet the needs of tourists, the production of food, equipment, furniture aswell as construction is usually necessary in host regions (Dickman, 1992). This meansthat tourism provides a boost for local manufacturing and industry, as well asagriculture. The growth of the tourism industry in the Okavango Delta has resulted inthe establishment of several tourism-associated businesses in Ngamiland District,

especially in Maun. About 83?6% of the households and 68?6% of the tourism-related


businesses in Maun acknowledge that most of the socio-economic facilitiesand infrastructure development in Maun and Ngamiland are a direct result ofthe influence the region gets from tourism. To these respondents, Maun is perceivedto be a tourist centre where most of the tourist offices for tourists facilities in thedelta are located and that tourist supplies for these facilities are obtained. Maun isalso the main departure centre for tourists who visit the Okavango Delta. Basedon these results, it has, therefore, been necessary for government to ensure theprovision of social facilities and improve infrastructure development in NgamilandDistrict.

The wholesale and retail trade in Maun provides a variety of services to touristsand the people of Ngamiland District. This includes various types of foods inrestaurants, spare parts in garages, petrol-filling stations and beverages in bars andbottle stores. However, most of the products are imported from outside Botswanaespecially from South Africa and Zimbabwe. For example, petroleum products usedas the main source of energy in the Okavango are imported in refined form mainlythrough South Africa. Chain shops and supermarkets such as Spar, Shoprite andScore have also been established in Maun after the 1990s to provide food suppliers totourist camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta. Interviews with managers ofsupermarkets and chain shops in Maun indicate that most of the food suppliesespecially perishables such as vegetables are either obtained from eastern Botswana inthe Tuli Block or are imported from South Africa. Dairy products used in theOkavango region are also imported from either Namibia or South Africa. Poultryproduction, especially eggs and meat are also imported either from eastern Botswanaor outside the country. This also applies to furniture shops and other related tradecentres established in Maun which also obtained their products from South Africa orZimbabwe. The craft industry is also not fully developed, apart from baskets, most ofthe craft products are either obtained from Zimbabwe (e.g. wood cravings), SouthAfrica (e.g. clothing) or from other parts of Botswana such as Ghanzi and Serowe (e.g.bushmen craft).

These findings indicate that the development of tourism in the Okavango Deltahas been unable to influence agricultural production and the manufacturing sectors.A factor that has resulted in the industry depending on products produced elsewherein the country or outside Botswana. In addition to this problem, the small villages inand around the Okavango Delta remain relatively remote characterized by the absenceof social facilities which are only found in Maun. The reliance of the tourism industryin the Okavango Delta from products produced outside the Okavango regionespecially from South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia indicates that it has not yetbecome economically efficient, hence cannot sustain itself without outside economicinfluence.

While most materials, equipments, spare parts, energy and food products used inthe tourism industry in the Okavango Delta is obtained outside the region andcountry, tourism has been able to influence the established social facilities such asinternational banks in Maun. Maun has three commercial banks, namely StandardChartered Bank, Barclays Bank and the First National Bank. The banks areinternational and are equipped with modern facilities and services to enable touristsobtain the necessary assistance they require on financial transactions while in thecountry. Other services that are provided in the region include post offices which arealso equipped with modern facilities to meet the demands of tourist clients. Maun isalso connected to the national electric grid for the provision of power and thetelecommunication systems has improved in the last decade. However, while theseservices are important for the promotion of the tourist sector in the region, they havealso encouraged local development in Ngamiland District and are of significantbenefit to the people of the region as well.

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The socio-economic problems of tourism

One of the major problems with the growth of tourism in the Okavango Delta hasbeen the development of a type of tourism referred to in recent literature as ‘enclavetourism’ (Britton, 1981; & Ceballos-Lascurain, 1996) or internal colonialism(Drakakis-Smith & Williams, 1983; Dixon & Hefferman, 1991). Ceballos-Lascurain(1996) defines enclave tourism as tourism that is concentrated in remote areas inwhich the types of facilities and their physical location fail to take into considerationthe needs and wishes of surrounding communities. Such tourist facilities arecharacterized by foreign ownership and are designed to meet the needs and interestsof foreign tourists. In the Okavango Delta, the type of tourism that has so fardeveloped is characterized by tourist facilities such as hotels, lodges and camps thatare also foreign owned and controlled. That findings in Table 6 show that 81.5% ofthe tourist facilities in Maun and in the Okavango Delta has foreign influence in which53.8% are 100% foreign owned. Citizens and expatriates jointly own about 27.7% ofthem while only 18.5% are 100% owned by citizens.

A study by Ndubano (2000) also showed that about 95% of the accommodationand transport sectors in Maun have foreign involvement, with 60% of them being100% foreign owned, 35% of them are jointly owned between locals and expatriates,only 1% is 100% locally owned. However, data from the licensing office in theDepartment of Tourism indicate that in 2000 out of 103 tourism-related businessregistered in Maun and operational in Maun and in the delta, 16 (15?5%) are citizenowned, 36 (35?0%) are jointly owned (between Botswana and non-citizens) while 51(49?5%) are non-citizens owned. This suggests that 87 (84?5%) of the tourism-relatedcompanies registered in Maun and operational in the Okavango region have directforeign involvement. Related to the issue of ownership of tourism facilities, interviewsof the Tawana Land Board officials indicate that in a total of 15 concession areasunder its custody in the Okavango Delta, four (26?7%) are leased to citizencompanies, six (40?0%) to jointly owned companies (between citizens and non-citizens) and five (33?3%) to non-citizen companies. This means 73?3% of the non-citizen companies operate in 11 concession areas (this excludes those controlled by thecentral government and are also leased out to operators).

Glasson et al. (1995) note that the dominance of the industry by foreign investorsand the non-local investment can reduce control over local resources. Glasson et al.further note that the loss of local autonomy is certainly the most negative long-termeffect of tourism. A local resident may also suffer a loss of sense of place, as his/hersurrounding is transformed to accommodate the requirements of a foreign-dominatedtourism industry. Interviews with the local people in Ngamiland indicate that there is ageneral assumption that the delta has been taken from them by government and givento foreign tour operators. As a result, citizens view the approach negatively becausethey perceive the domination by non-citizens as ‘selling out’ of their resources(Mbaiwa, 1999). The fact the tourism industry is pre-dominantly foreign owned andcontrolled indicates that there is no equal access to the use of resources and decision-

Table 6. Ownership of tourist facilities in Maun and in the Okavango Delta

Ownership Frequency and percentages Totals

Safari companies Tourism business

Citizen owned 7 (23?3%) 5 (14?3%) 12 (18?5%)Jointly owned 10 (33?3%) 8 (22?9%) 18 (27?7%)Non-citizen owned 13 (43?3%) 22 (62?9%) 35 (53?8%)

Totals 30 (100?0%) 35 (100?0%) 65 (100?0%)


making between the local people and the tour operators. This is not in line withsustainable development since the concept presupposes equal access and opportu-nities to all user groups. Glasson et al. (1995) and Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) notethat tourism should be sensitive to the needs and aspirations of the host population. Itshould provide for local participation in decision-making and the employment of localpeople in order to make it sustainable.

Butler (1980), Prosser (1994) and Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) note that resentment,antagonisms and alienation often emerge between the host communities and theforeign tourism investors if efforts are not made to include local communities in thetourism business. The suspicions and mistrusts between the local communities andtour operators in the Okavango Delta have since developed into another problem ofracism between the two groups. Racism in the tourism industry between the localblack population and white tour operators was confirmed to be in existence by 53?3%of the managers and 73?1% of workers in safari camps and lodges in the delta and60.0% of the managers and 47.6% of workers in tourism-related industries in Maun.Racism was explained to be characterized by failure on the side of tour operators toemploy local people in top management positions, hence the assumption thatmanagement positions in the tourism industry are reserved for expatriate workers.Racism was also explained to be characterized by the unpleasant working conditionsfor local workers in the delta (e.g. working long hours without compensations, pooraccommodation in camps, unfair dismissal of local workers and the use of abusivelanguage often used by employers towards local workers). This accusations were,however, confirmed to be true by the Department of Labour, the Ngamiland Districtcouncil and by the Minister of Trade, Wildlife and Tourism.

The development of enclave tourism in the Okavango Delta is a result of thepursuance of Botswana’s Tourism Policy of 1990. The policy emphasizes thepromotion of high-cost–low-volume tourism. This strategy was adopted to raisethe needed revenue for the industry to sustain itself. As a result, from 1990, there hasbeen a shift from encouraging casual tourist campers in favour of tourist who occupypermanent accommodation. The policy also presumed that low volumes of touristsare more consistent with the need to protect the environmental basis of the industry.As a result, the Tourism Policy was implemented through targeted marketing andimposition of high fees for the use of public facilities. High-spending tourists have as aresult been encouraged to visit the Okavango Delta while low-budget tourists areindirectly being discouraged by the high fees charged. As Ceballos-Lascurain (1996)notes, enclave tourism is characterized by high prices charged in tourist facilities andservices, such prices become unaffordable to the majority of the local people. In theOkavango Delta, on average, a tourist is expected to pay 400 United States Dollars asaccommodation charge per night in a tourist camp or lodge. A 1-h flight in theOkavango Delta costs on average about 220 US $ (Mbaiwa, 2002). These chargesmake the Okavango Delta a very expensive resort area for locals to visit. This is shownby a low figure of 8?1% of the citizens who managed to visit Moremi Game Reserve in1999, while 91?9% of the visitors are non-citizen tourists (DWNP, 2000). Richforeign tourists from North America and Western Europe, therefore, mostly use theOkavango Delta.

However, it can also be argued that the low level of Botswana’s economicdevelopment, a great deal of capital needed for tourism development and high levelsof management in the tourism sector also contribute to tourism in the Okavango Deltabeing under the control of foreign investors. The exclusive nature of tourism in theOkavango Delta has tended not to be of direct benefit to the people of NgamilandDistrict. The facilities are operated with minimum commercial trading including localagriculture and social links with existing local communities. This situation has,therefore, made it possible for a lot of money that is paid for tours by visitors to neverarrive in the Okavango or Botswana, since bookings is mostly done outside Botswana

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(either in Johannesburg, America or Europe). Even if a tourist pays a local touroperator in Botswana for a safari tour to the Okavango, a large proportion of thismoney is used to pay for imported food, equipment and expatriate staff (Silitshena &McLeod, 1998; Mbaiwa, 1999). The BTDP (1999) estimates that tourists spent P1.1billion in 1997. Of this gross expenditure, 55% (P605 million) was spent outsideBotswana and a further P175 million was first-round linkages of receipts due totourist-related imports. Only 29% (P320 million) was spent in Botswana on localgoods, wages, taxes and other activities. This scenario is explained by Ceballos-Lascurain (1996), who states that in enclave tourism, any foreign currency generatedmay have only a minimal effect upon the economy of host nations as it is transferred tohome regions. Cater (1991) notes that in situations where headquarters ofmultinational tourism companies are in the developed world, there is considerablereduction in the net tourism receipts in Third World economies. Britton (1991)estimates that these leakages to be of the order of 55–60% of the inclusive tour retailprice paid by tourists in their home countries if foreign airline is used. This appears tobe the case with the development of tourism in the Okavango Delta and in Botswanaas much of the tourist revenue is not retained in Ngamiland or in Botswana.

Enclave tourism can be described as the direct opposite of eco-tourism, which isenvironmentally friendly and takes into account the needs, wishes and participation ofthe local communities. Eco-tourism is explained by Ceballos-Lascurain (1996, p. 20)as a type of tourism that promotes conservation, has low visitor impact and providesfor beneficially active socio-economic involvement of local populations. As a result ofenclave tourism, the local people in the Okavango Delta are being economically andpolitically marginalized with respect not only to access to natural resources or tourism,but also to decision-making in natural resource management and conservation.

Environmental impacts

According to Butler (1980), Prosser (1994), Ceballos-Lascurain (1996) and Glassonet al. (1995), tourism contains the seeds of its own destruction, tourism can killtourism, destroying the very environmental attractions which visitors come to alocation to experience. Most tourism development places additional pressure on theenvironmental resources upon which it is based, compromising the future prospects ofthe local population and, indeed, the expectations of tourists themselves (Carter,1991). Glasson et al. state that tourism is, by its very nature, an agent of change. Someof the impacts of change may be controlled, regulated or directed. If properlymanaged, tourism has the potential of being a renewable industry, where resourceintegrity is maintained or even enhanced. If mismanaged, or allowed to expand withinshort-term goals and objectives, it has the capability of destroying the very resourcesupon which it is built. Carter (1991) notes that the concept of sustainabledevelopment is thus important to tourism development since the destruction oftourism resources for the short-term gain will deny the benefits to be gained frommobilization of those resources in the future.

Based on secondary data and through observations and informal interviews with keyplayers, the development of tourism in the Okavango Delta was found to have negativeenvironmental impacts to the wetland (these impacts were found to be at a smallscale). Some of the negative environmental impacts identified include the following:

(i) creation of illegal roads in protected areas. The high numbers of tourists in theOkavango Delta create problems of efficient monitoring of tourist activities bygovernment officials especially from the Department of Wildlife and National Parksand Department of Tourism. This has resulted in the creation of illegal roads by

tourist vehicles in some environmental sensitive areas such as the Xakanaxa. The


creation of illegal roads affects vegetation and reduces the scenic beauty of theOkavango. Roodt (1998) states that there are 178 tourist vehicles that usethe Xakanaxa area every day in the tourist peak season. However, the number mightbe more if other additional vehicles are taken into consideration. This includes supplytrucks, official vehicles, research and filming vehicles. She states in page 6 ‘‘The actualnumber is closer to 250 or more vehicles per day during the busy seasony I havepersonally counted 63 vehicles in the Xakanaxa camping sitey.’’ Apart from theoverutilization and creation of illegal roads by tourist vehicles in the Xakanaxa area,they are also a source of noise pollution and a disturbance to the wildlife of the area.The Department of Tourism, DOT (2000), states that overutilization of certain zonesin conserved areas occur when such zones are used by all the tourist groupsparticularly in high tourism seasons. The DOT further notes that this occur in theXakanaxa area in Moremi Game Reserve. The creation of illegal roads is exacerbatedby the fact that tourist camps and lodges are generally concentrated within small areasin various parts of the delta. The DOT also notes that the concentration of touristfacilities in the western part of the Xakanaxa triangle means that the various categoriesof tourist outlined before are mostly concentrated in a narrow street of the reservebetween Xakanaxa and Third Bridge. The concentration of camps and lodges with asmall radius indicates failure by government to diverse a proper management plan fortourism development in which the radius between each facility is determined based onecological impacts of such facilities in the Okavango Delta. The creation of manyillegal roads and trails also indicates failure by government to implement the country’srules and regulations in controlling tourist traffic and numbers in environmentalsensitive and protected areas.

(ii) Noise pollution. Noise pollution from engine boats, small engine aircrafts, roadvehicles and tourists is also a problem in the Okavango Delta. The noise is disturbingto hippo populations, nesting birds and other wildlife species in the delta. Roodt(1998) notes that 10 years ago when there were fewer boats in the Xakanaxa area, theislands in the fringes of the Xakanaxa lagoon were favourite nesting spots but todayonly a few birds nest in the lagoon area. Roodt further states that the increase in boattraffic in the Gedikwe/Xhobega area has already shown a decreasing effect on thenumbers of nesting sites over the last 7 years.

The influx of tour operators in the delta has simultaneously led to an increase in thenumber of small engine airplanes and establishment of airstrips in the delta. Airstripshave a number of small engine aircraft landing and taking off time and again, hencethey are a source of noise pollution which alarm the animal and bird life. Aircraft areused to carry supplies and tourists on guided tours around the delta. There are about23 privately owned airfields in and around the Okavango Delta registered with theDepartment of Civil Aviation. In addition to the 23 privately owned airstrips in andaround the Okavango Delta, government has seven airstrips in the area, this excludesthose owned by the Botswana Defence Force. Interviews with the Department of CivilAviation (DCA) in Maun indicate that some of the airstrips in the Okavango Delta arecrowded and did not necessarily warranted their construction. However, the DCAnotes that the problem was created by the zonation of the delta into concession areaswhich were each allocated to different concessionaires who prefer separate andindividual airstrips than on sharing with neighbours. In addition to the problem ofcrowded airstrips in the Okavango Delta, it has already been noted that there areroughly eight privately owned air companies with a total of 44 small engine aircraftoperating in the Okavango Delta. The presence of too many aircrafts in the OkavangoDelta which in most cases fly at very low altitude cause a disturbance to the wildanimals and nesting birds.

Noise pollution by small engine aircraft is also related to that caused by engine boatsin the area. Roodt (1998) states that a total of 32 power boats of which 26 belong to

safari operators and six to government officials are currently licensed to use the

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Xakanaxa area. The fast movement of engine boats creates waves which disturbnesting birds, mammals and reptiles which live in water. Crocodiles and hippos seekundisturbed areas and the presence of too many engine boats in the Okavango Deltadisturbs these species. Roodt (1998) states that hippos, which were in large numbers 7years ago, have already moved out in to the Xanaxanaxa lagoon. The disturbance ofthe animal habitats negatively impacts on the wildlife numbers of the delta. Thebreaking of eggs by birds as noise disturbs them means the species decline in numbersin the long run.

While impacts of boats at Xakanaxa show the effects of tourism in the lower parts ofthe Okavango Delta, in the upper parts, that is, in the panhandle, engine boats are alsocausing noise pollution (NRP, 2001). The boat traffic in the area amounts to 15 – 20boats that passes a day in most parts of the river. There is an estimated 111 engineboats owned by the various tour operators in the area (NRP, 2001). According toMatthews (1982) and NRP (2001), noise pollution by motor boats and by people candisturb waterfowl, leading to higher infantile death rates in sensitive populations.However, Gall (1995) notes that waterfowls in the Okavango Panhandle are not onlydisturbed by the wakes and noise from motor boats but also by the frequency of othermore general boating and tourism-related activities. For example, the fishermen in thepanhandle area note that boat noise is disturbing fish at nesting sites (NRP, 2001).The problem of noise pollution in the Okavango Delta also shows poor planning orfailure to implement existing management plans by the government. The crowding oftourist facilities and the noise pollution generated in these areas suggest that OkavangoDelta is likely to be environmentally degraded in the near future if measures are nottaken to address the problem.

(iii) Impacts on the sanitation system and water resources. Littering especiallyplastic bags, pieces of paper, cans and bottles are a common sight along the roadsand on campsites in the Okavango Delta. The high volume of tourists visiting theOkavango Delta has reached levels where the amount of garbage generated hasincreased and is beginning to negatively impact on the delta environment (Masundireet al., 1998; DOT, 2000). The problem of waste is characterized by failure to disposedomestic waste following proper waste-disposal procedures in tourist camps. TheDOT (2000) states that the large number of tourism enterprises licenses that havebeen issued for mobile safari operators results in most of the mobile operatorssites permanently occupied and solidly booked. This has led to mobile operatorsspilling over to public campsites, and occupying these sites with many people thanpermitted thus exceeding carrying capacities and design capabilities of ablutionblocks. This, therefore, negatively impacts the sanitation systems and the environmentin the area.

The proliferation of tourist camps in the Okavango Delta, each with its septic tankfor wastewater collection, is likely to increase the potential for ground-water pollution.Septic tanks for human waste are not constructed following any environmentalstandards, and in some camps such tanks do not exist except for the ‘pit latrines’.McCarthy et al. (1994) state that many tourist camps in the Okavango Delta rely onborehole water to supply camp needs, and moreover discharge waste and sewageeffluent into the ground-water. This situation creates the potential for contaminationof drinking water supplies. The water table in the Okavango Delta is high and the soilsare sandy with a high permeability. Pollutants can thus travel much greater distancesinto the soils. According to McCarthy et al. (1994), the water table in the OkavangoDelta is usually less than 1 m below the surface during flood seasons; as a result,discharge of effluent into ground-water is unavoidable. NRP (2000) states that blue-green algae (Microcystis sp.) have been recorded in the Okavango system, and thesecan be toxic under bloom conditions. The report further notes that the potential forground-water contamination with nitrate from septic tank drainage in areas where


ground-water is close to the surface (10 m or less), and contamination by faecalbacteria and possibly viable pathogens could occur if septic tanks are situated in areaswhere ground-water is at 1 m or less beneath the surface. This scenario suggests thatwater pollution might be possible in areas around tourist camps and lodges in theOkavango Delta.

Summary and conclusion

This study has demonstrated that tourism in the Okavango Delta is still at its earlystage of development. While this is the case, issues of sustainability are not given muchconsideration. Sustainability, as already noted is hinged on three main concerns, theseare: social equity; economic efficiency and ecological sustainability (Angelson et al.,1994). Social equity advocates for the fairness and equal access to resources by all theuser groups. The aim is to ensure equity in the distribution of costs, benefits, decision-making and management. This assumption is believed to have the potential oferadicating poverty on the poor communities. Contrary to this viewpoint, this studyhas shown that the local communities in Ngamiland District have limited access andcontrol over tourism resources in the Okavango Delta. Much of the land and itsnatural resources such as wildlife that are the main tourists attraction are controlledand owned by either the private tour operators or by the government. This situationhas resulted in lack of a meaningful involvement and participation of the local peoplein the tourism business. Major decisions and policy issues in relation to thedevelopment of tourism are taken without the full participation of the localcommunities. The demarcation of the Okavango Delta into Wildlife ManagementAreas and Controlled Hunting Areas done to facilitate the development of the tourismindustry in 1989 was carried out without consultation with the local people, hencethe land-use conflicts between the local people and the wildlife and touristindustries in Ngamiland District (Mbaiwa, 1999, 2000). Therefore, if tourismin the Okavango Delta is to be sustainable, it should take into consideration theparticipation of the local communities in the planning, design and implementation oftourism programmes. Consultation and empowerment of the local people aremajor components that can facilitate the sustainability of tourism in the OkavangoDelta. Eco-tourism advocates for a locally controlled tourism industry toensure benefits to the local people and the sustainable use of resources (Ceballos-Lascurain, 1996).

As noted earlier, economic efficiency aims at the optimal use of natural resources tomeet human needs or to maximize human welfare within the constraints of existingcapital (Serageldin, 1993). This study has shown that tourism in the Okavango Deltahas influenced the development of infrastructure and the provision of social facilitiesin Ngamiland District. However, tourism has been unable to promote agriculturalproduction, the craft and manufacturing industries. As a result, most of the goodsused in the industry are either imported from South Africa or Zimbabwe or areobtained from other parts of Botswana. This study has also shown that in terms ofrevenue generated from tourism, much of it accrue to the private tour operators and toa limited extent to government in the form of tax revenues, rather than to the localcommunities on which tourism resources are located. While there are attempts tomake local communities derive benefits through community-based tourism, theapproach is problematic and is performing poorly (Mbaiwa, 1999, 2000). This isbecause local people lack the necessary entrepreneurship and management skills toparticipate in the tourism business in the area. This, therefore, suggests that strategiesshould be developed with emphasis on ways that will increase local participation andenhance the use of local knowledge, material and labour in order for local people to

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obtain meaningful benefits from the tourism business. As mentioned earlier, issues oflocal empowerment especially the provision of entrepreneurship skills and the controlof tourism resources in the Okavango Delta need to be given priority. While lack ofskills amongst the local people to manage large-scale tourism businesses remains aproblem, efforts should be directed towards advising local communities to come upwith tourist projects that use locally available knowledge, skills and materials. Theseprojects can include leatherworks, curio shops, campsites, community tour opera-tions, cultural tourist activities that may involve provision of traditional accommoda-tion, traditional dishes, music, dances, walking and boat (mokoro) safaris. This meansthat local communities can benefit from the booming tourist industry in theOkavango Delta if they engage in small-scale and simple projects that match theircapabilities and require local skills and knowledge. Britton & Clarke (1987) note thatsmall-scale projects, locally controlled, can have a significant impact on raising livingstandards of the local people. Carter (1991) states that large-scale tourismdevelopment is often the precursor to small-scale development. This suggests thatas tourism development proceeds, indigenous firms and locals gain knowledge andexperience in the tourism business. Carter also notes that government planners shouldco-ordinate investment infrastructure with the needs of small-scale entrepreneurs andthe needs of local communities, paying careful attention to the environmentalcomponent. This approach if adopted has the potential of making tourismdevelopment in the Okavango Delta socially, economically and environmentallysustainable.

The tourism industry in the Okavango Delta is such that it is predominatelyforeign owned, hence can be described as enclave tourism or internalcolonialism. There are socio-economic and environmental problems associated withenclave tourism. This includes a tendency by operators to desire to maximizeprofit within a short period of time even at an environmental cost (Butler, 1980;Carter, 1991; Prosser, 1994). However, once the resources are depleted, touroperators and tourist usually re-locate elsewhere where there is a tourism boom andthe cycle starts all over again (Butler, 1980; Prosser, 1994). Ecological sustainabilitythus becomes vital to avoid the negative environmental impacts of tourism indestination areas such as the Okavango Delta. Ecological sustainability stresses theneed to preserve the integrity of ecological subsystems viewed as critical for the overallstability of the global ecosystem. Ecological sustainability stress that the use ofrenewable natural resources should not be faster than the rate at which thenatural process renews them (Serageldin, 1993). The establishment of touristinfrastructure such as camps and lodges in the Okavango Delta is such that they arecrowded in specific areas. This has resulted in tourists and tourist activities havingnegative environmental impacts such as the creation of illegal roads and noisepollution. These impacts suggest that carrying capacities of tourism infrastructureand of tourists as well as their activities should be controlled to avoid theenvironmental degradation of the wetland. This can be possible through theimplementation of existing management plans and efforts being made to come upwith a comprehensive land use and integrated management plan for the OkavangoDelta. This management plan should be designed such that the use of tourismresources in the Okavango Delta benefits the present generations while at the sametime not jeopardizing chances of future generations to benefit from the sameresources. As the Okavango Delta does not have an integrated management plan, thuscarrying capacity levels are often exceeded by tourist activities in some areas (DOT,2000). An integrated land-use policy should therefore ensure that the carryingcapacity levels of tourist activities are not exceeded. In coming up with such a policyall stakeholders especially local people should be involved in policy formulation,implementation and monitoring for it to be effective and to ensure the sustainability oftourism in the Okavango Delta.


My sincere gratitude to the University of Botswana’s Research and Publications Committee forhaving funded this study. My gratitude also goes to Mr Moseki Motsholapheko (Social ScienceTechnician) at the Harry Oppenhiemer Okavango Research Centre (University of Botswana) forthe role he played in this study. He was involved in data collection, data entry as well as drivingin the harsh Okavango Delta environment. Lastly, many thanks to the numerous respondentswe interviewed, this study was partly possible because of the valuable information theyprovided.

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