The PNAC and Other Myths

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  • 8/11/2019 The PNAC and Other Myths

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    The PNAC and Other Myths: A Short List of Observations

    James BennettChiefb@gmail.com

    Abstract

    This is a rebuttal of the paper titled 9/11 Evidence Suggests Complicity: Inferences fromActions(available at http://www.journalof911studies.com) by Frank Legge (Ph D) ofthe group Scholars for 9/11 Truth. While no attempt can be made to address every singleissue in his paper, I will proceed to show how his conclusions are based on themisrepresentations of evidence, unreliable accounts, and wild assumptions, as to how theUS government, or some unnamed entity in control of US government agencies werebehind the September 11, 2001 attacks.

    1. PNAC

    Mr. Legge, like many critics of the administration in recent years, attributes both the9/11 attacks, and the subsequent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to a plan produced by thegroup Project For a New American Century (PNAC). From the introduction to his paper:

    It is certain that there was a strong desire on the part of some members for acatalyzing event, like Pearl Harbor, 3 in order to provide the impetus of theinvasion of Afghanistan and Iraq; however desire is not proof of complicity.

    The footnote supporting this argument then points to:

    3. A plan existed. The Project for the New American Century (PNAC)

    The process of transformation. The plan said, is likely to be a long one, absent

    some catastrophic and catalyzing event- like a new Pearl Harbor.

    While the somewhat edited quote1, is superficially accurate, the conclusion which isdrawn from it, is completely wrong. This is not only "not proof of complicity", this is

    such a mischaracterization of what that quote says as bordering on academic fraud.

    The author states that the Pearl Harbor they arereferring to is "in order to provide theimpetus of the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq". The invasions of these two countries,however, are nowhere mentioned in the PNAC document, they are not even vaguelyalluded to. It exists purely in the imagination of the person writing this paper. In fact theonly time the paper mentions Iraqi policy at all, is in regards to continuing thecontainment policy around Iraq with regards to the no-fly zones2, not in invading it.

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    Afghanistan only merits a brief historical mention, in regards to the cruise missile attackscarried out by President Clinton in 1998, and only while discussing the Navys decreasedstaffing.3

    A researcher does not need to try and infer what PNAC is talking about, however, the

    "process of transformation" that they are referring to is specifically discussed on the pageprevious to the Pearl Harborquote (emphasis added):

    To preserve American military preeminence in the coming decades, theDepartment of Defense must move more aggressively to experiment with newtechnologies and operational concepts, and seek to exploit the emergingrevolution in military affairs. Information technologies, in particular, arebecoming more prevalent and significant components of modern military systems.These information technologies are having the same kind of transformingeffectson military affairs as they are having in the larger world. The effects of thismilitary transformationwill have profound implications for how wars are

    fought, what kinds of weapons will dominate the battlefield and, inevitably, whichnations enjoy military preeminence.4

    It is no surprise that proponents of this theory only quote the one sentence, not even thewhole sentence in this case, because if you read the rest of the paragraph, it becomesabundantly clear, that this has absolutely nothing to do with US international policiesafter 9/11 (emphasis added):

    Further, the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, islikely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing eventlike a newPearl Harbor.Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace andcontent of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions.Adecision to suspend or terminate aircraft carrier production, as recommended by thisreport and as justified by the clear direction of military technology, will cause greatupheaval. Likewise, systems entering production todaythe F-22 fighter, forexamplewill be in service inventories for decades to come. Wise management ofthis process will consist in large measure of figuring out the right moments to haltproduction of current-paradigm weapons and shift to radically new designs. Theexpense associated with some programs can make them roadblocks to the largerprocess of transformationthe Joint Strike Fighter program, at a total ofapproximately $200 billion, seems an unwise investment.Thus, this reportadvocates a two-stage process of changetransition and transformation overthe coming decades.5

    Furthermore, there is no strong desire for this catalyzing change, not even thetechnological transformation which they are actually talking about. They are merelypointing out the likely timetable for these changes to take place, thus the sentence at theend about the process taking decades.

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    2. Denial of explosives

    In a rather bizarre sequence, the author doesntuse the allegations of explosives at theWorld Trade Center as evidence, but the fact that the government is denying there were

    explosives at the World Trade Center is the evidence. I am personally amazed at the

    circular argument. Assume someone committed a crime, and then prove it off of thebasis that they give no evidence for the crime they have committed. The author argues:

    How then was it possible that three substantial investigations could have been carriedout without examining the possibility that explosives where used?

    Could it be, because there was no indication that there were explosives? The NationalInstitute of Standards and Technology (NIST) has performed an engineering study,involving dozens of specialists, over the last 5 years. What do they have to say regardingthis:

    NIST found no corroborating evidence for alternative hypotheses suggesting thatthe WTC towers were brought down by controlled demolition using explosivesplanted prior to September 11, 2001. 11

    What about the 9/11 commission, who looked into the intelligence aspects of this. Theonline magazine Salon asks this question to Jamie Gorelick, a former Clintonadministration official and member of the 9/11 commission:

    I asked Gorelick if she believed the commission had been sufficiently open toinvestigating the idea that the government, and not terrorists, was behind the attack. "Ithink it's fair to say that our assumption going in was not that the World Trade Center

    was blown up by our own government," she said, "but had the facts led us there wewould not have hesitated to go there. And we ourselves blew up lots of myths -- forexample, that the 19 hijackers were undetectable, or that there was a relationshipbetween 9/11 and Saddam." 12

    One could logically make the argument that the investigation had flaws, but one mustremember, if you are going to label this a conspiracy because of a cover-up of the useof explosives, you are not just accusing whichever body planned and carried out theattacks, you are also accusing those that participated in the aftermath. This would includethe Federal Emergency Management Agency, The Federal Bureau of Investigation, the

    New York Police Department, the New York City Fire Department, The NationalInstitute of Standards and Technology, the American Society of Civil Engineers, theNational Transportation Safety Board, the union ironworkers who worked on the clean-up, the bipartisan 9/11 commission, the list goes on.

    3. The collapse of WTC2

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    In this section, the paper takes a bizarre twist into weird pseudo-engineering theories andcompassionate mass murderers. Beginning with:

    In the case of the north tower, WTC 1, sufficient time was allowed between the planeimpact and the demolition for evacuation of the building, at least for the part below

    the impact zone. This did not happen however with WTC 2, the south tower, the topof which started to topple over. This building started to collapse downwards withinone second of it starting to tilt, which suggests the timing of the demolition was underthe control of a close observer. The collapse started long before evacuation wascomplete, causing much loss of life.

    There are several logical and factual errors with this paragraph alone. First the idea thatsome secret observer was able to watch the towers, notice its slight lean through all thefire and smoke, make the decision to detonate it prematurely, activate whateverdetonation device they were using, and have the demolition charges start the controlleddemolition, all within one second of it starting to tilt is a bit much to accept.

    Secondly, this requires the reader to accept completely contrary views regarding ourunnamed conspirators. They are supposedly callous enough to hijack 4 airliners, makethe passengers disappear in cold blood, crash those planes into skyscrapers, and killthousands of people, then demolish those buildings for no logical reason, continuing onto demolish WTC7, also for no reason other than to make their plot appear moresuspicious, but they were still kind enough to make sure as many people as possible had achance to get out of the buildings first, even at the risk of exposing their plot. One getsthe feeling that the author is stretching to make this theory, to put it kindly.

    Thirdly, as the author says more specifically in