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Graham Dixon - Oxford BA Dissertation

Graham Dixon

The Performance Practice of the Baroque Trumpet in the German Lands from 1650-1770

Introduction with a note on sources The aim of my dissertation is to assess the performance practice options available to German Baroque trumpeters, with particular reference to the difficult, high clarino parts of Bach and his contemporaries, including both German and Viennese composers up to 1770. Though I am aware of the limitations of this work, chiefly the constraints of space and time, I hope that it forms a reasonable survey of the matters that it sets out to discuss. Further work on this subject is planned, as I accrue greater experience with methods of working, and discover more about the history of my instrument. The chief source for any discussion of trumpet playing at this time in any European country is The Music and History of the Baroque Trumpet before 1721, 2nd Ed., (Uitgeverij Frits Knuf, Buren, The Netherlands, 1988) by Donald L. Smithers. Dr. Smithers has extensive experience playing the real natural trumpet and is well known for his performances and recordings on the continent and during his time in England. Of particular note are his recordings as part of the Harnoncourt/Leonhardt complete Bach Cantata series, during which he used the real natural trumpet on many occasions, despite the prevalence of nodal vent “finger holes”, which are not historically correct. Other important sources have included the general trumpet survey The Trumpet by Edward H. Tarr (Batsford, London, 1988) and Tarr’s translation of Johann Ernst Altenburg’s Essay on an introduction to the Heroic and Musical Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers' Art (Halle, 1795, translation, The Brass Press, Nashville, 1974). Altenburg’s treatise is particularly important, as he was one of the last professional clarino (high trumpet) players. Acknowledgements I owe a considerable debt to a number of people whose help has been generously given during the writing of the dissertation. I have been in regular contact with Dr. Smithers, who made available several of his articles, which have been immeasurably useful. His encouragement and candour were important in forming the final version of the work, which takes on many of his own ideas, formed during several decades of experience playing the real natural trumpet. I have received additional help from Robert Barclay, Graham Nicholson, Matthew Parker, Michael Laird, Bob Farley and David Edwards and owe them my thanks for their assistance, ideas and comments. In addition, thanks are due to Dr. Helene la Rue, curator of the Bate Collection, housed in Oxford University’s Faculty of Music. Several

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instruments were made available to me from the collection, including several slide trumpets and a copy of the Simon Beale 1667 natural trumpet made by David Edwards, which was a great encouragement. I also owe a considerable debt to Crispian Steele-Perkins, who was generous of his time and ideas, and was kind enough to lend me a copy of Reiche’s tromba da caccia from his own collection, which was of great importance in order to gain practical experience with the coiled trumpet. I have since performed on this instrument several times, and the positive audience reaction to these performances has encouraged me to use the instrument wherever possible in public. Though I have drawn heavily on the experiences and opinions of others, as in any piece of writing of this nature, any faults are all my own.

Chapter 1

A short history of the trumpet and its role in art music The trumpet has a longer history and has undergone a more extensive development than almost any other instrument. It was known in Biblical times and the most primitive trumpets, which can still be found in forest tribes of Brazil and New Guinea, were simply megaphones with no mouthpiece or bell flare. The military instrument with which we are familiar had its origins in the second millennium BC, and has subsequently been used by many peoples as a signalling instrument in war or for ceremonial use. A number of instruments survive from this period, including the two famous examples from the tomb of Tutankhamun, excavated in 1922, though one of these has since been seriously damaged. More evidence comes from iconography, of which there is a significant volume, particularly that concerning battles. These instruments were not intended for making music. Plutarch compared the

sound of the trumpet of his time with the ‘braying of an ass’.[i]

Early perceptions of the trumpet would have been strongly coloured by the links between the trumpet, the priesthood and the military, resulting in an opinion of the trumpet as both sacred and masculine. The same is true of the diverse Asian forms of the trumpet. The modern term “trumpet” comes from the Roman “tubae” which became “trumpae” in the 13th century and later “trumpa”. From this, the Germans formed “trumpa”, “trumb”, “trum(m)et” and “trompete” and the French “trompe” and “trompette”, while the English simply added the final letters to “trump” to form “trumpet”. All of these instruments would perform improvised notes at great volume on the battlefield, perhaps in conjunction with horns and other instruments. The music of these trumpets would have used only the lowest four harmonics; iconography of the time illustrates this by consistently showing the players puffing out their cheeks, which would have severely limited their range. This aside, the trumpet remained a very important and well-respected instrument, and trumpeters were among the first musicians to be



routinely employed by courts. However, consistent with other musicians and actors of the time, trumpeters were still mere servants, whose liberties were restricted. Even in fifteenth century Basel, trumpeters were required to give three months notice if they planned to leave the town for any length of time. Beginning in the thirteenth century, wealthy cities began to emulate the courts and employ trumpeters for signalling. Later, Italian composers wrote sinfonias or sonatas for one or more trumpets to be performed before the mass. Trumpeters were employed chiefly for signalling, though dance music also began to include trumpets, notably the alta ensemble of trumpets, trombones (a derivative of the early slide trumpet) and shawms. Here, the trumpet part would form a drone beneath a lively shawm melody (example 1). Developments in trumpet manufacture, taken in part from Saracen practices, which came into use after contact between Arabs and Europeans during the Crusades, resulted in instruments with thinner walls and therefore a lighter sound. Hammered metal was used for the first time, which resulted in heavy, thick walls. The trumpet’s sound could now be transformed from dark and heavy to light and clear. Lead was introduced to facilitate the bending of tubing, as metal workers realised the importance of the high

melting point of brass (a copper-zinc alloy) compared to lead.[ii]

Thus, the twice-folded or “s-shaped” trumpet developed from the ungainly straight Busine. Throughout the Renaissance, trumpeters’ working conditions steadily improved. They were given rights and a regulated trades union, the Imperial Trumpeters’ and Kettledrummers’ Guild, in 1623, which I will discuss in more detail below. The size of trumpet ensembles increased, with large corps of trumpeters, attached to individual courts or Royal Households, numbering between 6 and 24 players, with kettledrums. The largest ensemble of trumpets was the Charamela Real ensemble of Lisbon, for which a large collection of famous sonatas was written by anonymous composers, including works for trumpets in different keys. Throughout the Renaissance and Baroque eras, players were divided into “musical” and “non-musical” trumpeters, delineating those with specialised clarino training who could play the taxing higher parts in ensemble or solo pieces. The art of playing in the high register of the trumpet was developed steadily in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, reaching its zenith in the eighteenth century, which is referred to as the ‘Golden Age’ of the natural trumpet. The twice-folded trumpet shape with which we are familiar today (figure 1) was almost exclusively in use throughout the Baroque era (c1600–c1750). Emphasis was placed upon soft playing, accurate tuning of the exotic partials of the harmonic series and the ability to lip to non-natural notes and emulating the airflow and style of the human voice. Tonguing was revised from raucous, hard sound of the earlier fanfare trumpets (which still, incidentally, flourished in courts) to become very subtle indeed. These new styles of articulation were set out in detail in Girolamo Fantini’s Modo per impare a sonare di

tromba,[iii]

published in 1638. Prior to him, Cesare Bendinelli wrote a treatise in 1614



which encouraged an end to the practice of puffing out the cheeks when blowing and also stated that clarino (trumpeters skilled in the high register) and principale (low fanfare players) should be kept musically apart so that the clarino players would not damage their hard-earned embouchures playing raucous, low ceremonial pieces. The natural trumpet became involved in German art music after 1616, when Ballestra, Praetorius, Scheidt and Schutz included either the full six-part trumpet ensemble or a pair of clarini in church compositions. The trumpet still retained its ceremonial importance in these works, used for large-scale, splendid settings of the mass and Magnificat.

Chapter 2

The Musical and social environment for trumpet-playing in 18th century Germany

The Trumpet Guilds and perceptions of the trumpet As we have seen in the first chapter, the trumpet has long been associated with the battlefield. Alongside this function, the trumpet was also an important signalling instrument for civil purposes. Town or court trumpeters were employed to awake the populace at dawn, or to alert the townsfolk in case of attack or fire. Through their importance in this rôle and the historic pomp and ceremony so closely associated with the instrument, trumpet players were well respected and remunerated, particularly in Germany, where their talents were highly appreciated. The trumpet took on a degree of kudos in addition to its military role, and Altenburg criticises lesser nobles who could not

afford a consort of trumpets for their court.[iv]

Hiller, who stated that “A solemn event in church or state can hardly be celebrated without the sound of the trumpets and kettledrums”, highlights the importance of the involvement of trumpets in ceremonial

occasions.[v]

Trumpeters who were able to play in the high clarino register were particularly highly prized. In order that secrets of clarino playing did not proliferate more than was profitable, insular and secretive trumpet Guilds were created. These organisations were dedicated to keeping secret the art of the clarino player and making progress in this narrow and lucrative field. Segregation of trumpeters was fierce; there were stiff penalties for emulating the clarini when not a member of one of the Guilds, and it is known that players had their instruments broken, and even their teeth knocked out, to ensure against any repetition of this misdemeanour. Specific rules of conduct were decreed by the highest authorities to govern the trumpet profession and to set out the

rites of a trumpeter’s career.[vi]

In Leipzig, for example, training and apprenticeship were carefully organised, and after apprenticeship the young musician would be granted the title of Kuntsgieger. Later, following a difficult examination during which the player was required to play not only the trumpet, but several other instruments to a high standard, the musician would be given the title of Stadtpfieffer, which carried with it an increased salary and a badge of office. There were about four stadtpfieferen in service at any one time in Leipzig, usually specialising in different instruments so that the mix of talent covered a broad range of musicianship.



The effect of the secrecy of the Guilds was both to ensure that young players had excellent tutors and to retain the highest qualities of performance in local courts, orchestras and churches. It also kept the number of practising clarino players quite small, leading to a comparably small demand for instruments. As only skilled players were allowed to perform clarino music, most performances would have been of excellent quality. The popularity of the trumpet was therefore ensured, as was its burgeoning reputation. This cannot but have encouraged composers to write increasingly taxing and virtuosic works for the instrument. The trumpet’s musical environment and a brief history of musical activity in Leipzig. Leipzig was an important musical centre for much of the Baroque and a significant time before this. It also became a centre for publishing of both books and music, had an excellent university and became a musical meeting place. Public houses in Germany and beyond became centres for secular concerts of music by many composers. Local musical societies had already begun to form in the sixteenth century, though it was not until a more permanent musical society formed in 1688 (of which Kuhnau was an important and highly regarded member) that the foundations for the forming of the permanent Leipzig Collegium Musicum arose. Telemann formed this ensemble in 1702 and it soon gained a reputation for high-quality performances. Bach took over the running of the ensemble on arriving at Leipzig in 1723, and took responsibility for it sporadically throughout his life. By 1650, the reputation of the trumpet as a fanfare instrument had given way to two distinct perceptions – the old fanfare rôle and the newer, more artistic clarino rôle. A small corpus of extremely talented players emerged to perform new, difficult trumpet parts in both choral and purely instrumental music. It would be useful at this point to look at the career of one of these players, and the environment in which he worked. Gottfried Reiche – the Leipzig Stadtmusicus Reiche was born on 5th February 1667 in Weissenfels, an important town for trumpet pedagogy and performance. He was an apprentice in the town between 1680-1688 and had the opportunity to participate in both church and town music making, learning to play the trumpet, cornetto, horn, trombone and violin. It is also possible that

he sang, and learned to play the oboe and bassoon.. [vii]

He arrived in Leipzig in 1688, employed as an assistant to the town stadtpfieferen, quickly earning a reputation for himself playing the small, coiled trumpet with which he is pictured in the famous Elias Gottlob Haussman portrait. The influence of Pezel, the composer and skilled clarinist, who left only seven years previously in 1681, may have been important, though it is unlikely, considering Reiche’s youth at the time of Pezel’s tenure, that Reiche had a chance to visit Pezel himself. It is almost certain, though, that Reiche knew musical associates of Pezel and it is likely that he knew Pezel’s challenging nine-minute long sonata for clarino, bassoon and continuo (example 2). Reiche passed the examination for promotion to Stadtpfieffer in 1706, having



spent six years as a Kuntsgieger. On the death of the Stadtmusicus, Reiche was promoted to fill the vacant position. For the next fifteen years, Reiche served the Collegium Musicum and local churches with playing of superlative quality. Aside from Reiche, Ulrich Heinrich Ruhe, Reiche’s Beistand (assistant) appears to have been highly skilled, as Reiche’s death in 1734 did not preclude performance of the Weinachtsoratorium, of which parts I, III and VI contain magnificent clarino writing. Christmas day, 1734, for example, would have tested Ruhe’s stamina to the limit, involving four full-scale cantatas (BWV 63, 110, 191, 197, with a rest during BWV 91) and the first part of the Weinachtsoratorium, BWV 248. Reiche’s death (apparently the day after performing BWV 215) was well noted in the Leipzig town chronicle, with far greater lament evident for him than was later evident for his more famous colleague J.S. Bach. This serves to illustrate the adulation heaped upon the finest executors of this art. Having seen the course which one might expect the life of a German Baroque trumpeter to take, I turn now to the instruments and playing techniques that he may have used.

Chapter 3

Technical Discussion Equipment – different shapes of trumpet The instrument used by military trumpeters and, it seems, most professional players of either principale or clarino parts was basically the same: a brass or silver trumpet wound round twice in a joined S-shape, with a flared or conical bell, a central boss holding together the upper yards, a degree of embellishment and garlanding and a mouthpiece of varying size, usually far larger than those we use to play modern trumpets. It is more difficult to produce high frequency “buzzing” of the lips when using a larger mouthpiece, and this would have rendered the high register particularly taxing and required a great deal of skill and stamina to execute the highest clarino parts. The Haas Family of Nuremberg German trumpets in particular were well respected for their superior craftsmanship and construction. Nuremberg became a centre of trumpet manufacture after 1500, situated as it was on a major crossroads for the trade in metals. The first Nuremberg makers were the Neuschels who worked at the end of the fifteenth century. Schnitzer built at least four “pretzel” shaped trumpets (which differ surprisingly in shape from that of a pretzel!), one of which belonged to Cesare Bendinelli. The Ehe and Haas families built trumpets throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The latter family built dozens of trumpets over nearly 100 years and these instruments remain the standard by which other German examples are judged. The nature of their instruments and variety of shapes that they used can be seen as indicative of regional German trends. From Johann Wilhelm Haas (1649-1743), 33 instruments survive: two of these are coiled tromba da caccia, one is an alto trombone and another is a horn, leaving 28 standard natural trumpets, two of which, damaged during World War II, survive in fragments in Brunswick. They are in various keys: C and D are foremost, though E-flat and G are also



represented. From his son, Wolf Wilhelm Haas (1681-1760), 22 instruments survive; these include a bass trombone, two horns and one tromba da caccia of unknown pitch. Finally, Ernst Johann Conrad Haas (1723-1792) is represented by two horns, one tromba da caccia and

twelve trumpets in varying keys, from C to F. [viii]

We can safely assume that many more instruments than these 70 were built, though we

can only guess at the actual number.[ix]

Of importance is the lack of interest and knowledge about Baroque trumpets prevalent until comparatively recent times. For example, authors writing in 1935 seem to assume that there were but a tiny handful of

extant examples.[x]

In addition, the past two centuries have seen much violence and destruction on the continent of Europe, particularly 1939-45, when the Allied bomber fleets destroyed large areas of many German cities, including many of the old town centres and important historical buildings. The military usefulness of this campaign is still a matter of heated debate, but it is clear from the example of the Brunswick trumpets above and a pair of Breslau 1735 coiled trumpets destroyed in Leipzig, that many instruments did not survive the war. The RAF bombed Darmstadt a number of times, Dresden was attacked in February and March 1945, resulting in enormous damage, Leipzig was severely damaged on two occasions and, after repeated failures, Nuremberg was accurately and destructively targeted in January 1945. These attacks on important areas of trumpet manufacture and performance must have resulted in the loss of many, perhaps dozens of instruments, scores and other materials. Of note in terms of buildings destroyed is Zimmerman’s coffee house in Leipzig, where the Collegium Musicum gave many performances during Bach’s administration of the ensemble. Also lost are the baptismal records of Ruhe, one of Reiche’s Leipzig colleagues, though his marriage records are preserved in Leipzig. Of particular importance is the loss of the H. Pfeiffer (1680-1718) coiled trumpet of 1697, stolen some time around 1945, though thankfully accurately measured and since copied.[xi]

Also assumed lost is the trumpet held by Gottfried Reiche in the Haussmann portrait[xii]

, though this has also been copied by Meinl & Lauber (now separate firms) with

Edward Tarr’s help.[xiii]

Non-Natural trumpets It is reasonable to suggest, in the light of these considerable losses, that the limited number of trumpets passed down to us represent a fraction of those made and used in the 18th century. The extent to which players were able to correct the “exotic” partials of the harmonic series by lipping or other such techniques has always been debated, and this merits discussion. The number of non-natural notes and the manner in which Bach wrote them suggest that, either the players were extremely highly skilled, or some



technological aid was in place to render performances of this nature less taxing and risky. Any invention which may have been used at the time - and this remains conjecture - may well have been lost in the intervening years, particularly if the contemporary public did not see its importance or felt that the new invention detracted too much from the

traditional trumpet shape.[xiv]

The same is true of the literary materials and scores which would have provided more information on non-natural trumpets had they survived. Very little literary and iconographic evidence for any invention other than the coiled and slide trumpet now exists. Slide TrumpetsWe have a number of zugtrompete, German slide trumpets that enable the player to use the whole chromatic series. However, moving the slide to and fro involves shifting the bulk of the instrument, producing a most unsettling effect on the embouchure, to the detriment of tuning and accuracy. Many of Bach’s parts, and those of his contemporaries, contain florid trumpet writing entirely unsuited to the zugtrompete, and I feel that it would have been unfeasible to attempt these pieces at a reasonable tempo on this instrument. The zugtrompete was intended chiefly to play the soprano line in chorales, though it does have a limited role in Clarino music (e.g. Cantata BWV 5 and BWV 46, both of which include an aria in B-flat major). Vent Holes Modern, commercial copies of natural trumpets are usually built so that the trumpet can be disassembled and the lower yard replaced with a specially constructed yard into which four finger holes are drilled. Placed at precise distances along the tubing and utilising the thumb, index, third and last finger of the player’s right hand, these holes operate with their own harmonic series. When used in combination, the entire harmonic series can be tuned, and a chromatic series of non-natural notes can also be played (figure 2). Early attempts, during the 1950s, included just one finger hole and it has been suggested that a hole of this type was drilled into Baroque trumpets to aid tuning and security. We have no extant German examples of this type (though there is one English example from the late eighteenth century), nor is this technique mentioned in the contemporary German

literature.[xv]

Other devices and conjectures Devices such as keys, flaps etc have left no evidence either in surviving instruments or literature, and it is not until 1796, when Haydn wrote his E-flat concerto for the keyed

trumpet, [xvi]

that we see evidence for such an instrument. A further device not discussed in any literature of which I am aware (not even Altenburg’s normally comprehensive treatise) is the concept of leaking air around the mouthpiece to alter the pitch of a note by a semitone. David Staff has demonstrated this technique to me, and it can be affected rather quickly, though with an appreciable loss in tone quality. I assume that this detraction from the heraldic tone of the trumpet would have been unacceptable.



Yet another concept without substantial literary support is Graham Nicholson’s theory concerning a very specific type of trumpet construction which results in the sound waves within the instrument being tamed to the extent that the 13th harmonic is brought into tune. The 11th harmonic is then lipped in the conventional manner. He stated that other technological devices were unnecessary: “My work over the last two years has convinced me that it is entirely feasible to build a trumpet that has a meantone (i.e. 14 cents flat of equal temperament) 6th (13th harmonic) and a useful flat seventh [B-flat, 14th harmonic] and leading note…” Nicholson stipulates that a large mouthpiece is required for this technique. No instruments survive to bear testimony to this technique, but it is felt that instrument builders of the time were knowledgeable enough in the field of applied physics to be conversant with techniques of this complexity. Similarly, it is thought that players in 1760s Vienna used smaller mouthpieces and a style of instrument more specifically suited to the art of clarino playing to assist with the higher register. Further research is required in this important area. Spiral trumpets

The coiled tromba da caccia (hunting trumpet) is described by both Praetorius[xvii]

and

Altenburg[xviii]

. Extant tromba da caccia examples are coiled thrice or four times and have a wide bell similar to that of a horn (figure 3). Reiche is shown holding one in the

Haussmann portrait (1726), an object of long and heated debate.[xix]

Conjecture has erupted along the lines that the trumpet held by Reiche was recorded among the trumpets left in his will, and therefore may not have been his. I feel that it is unlikely that this is anything other than Reiche’s own instrument, or one belonging to the Thomaskirche, which owned such a trumpet in 1706. It has also been stated that the instrument in this painting is not a trumpet but a horn. However, the angel head decoration used by the maker, (a symbol closely associated with the Haas family) was one related exclusively to trumpets rather than horns. Six trumpets were built in Leipzig for Zerbst in 1753, and these included angel heads, but it is not known if this form of decoration was in use earlier. As we have seen, there were at least four Haas family examples of the coiled trumpet built, one Pfeiffer, several Ehe and at least one Leichamschnieder (I assume many more than this were built, though the nature of this specialised field would limit this to a handful compared to regular natural trumpets). Using the same hand-stopping technique as the horn, players would be able to force notes of the harmonic series into tune and to create non-harmonic tones. It is both Don Smithers’ and Edward Tarr’s opinion that hand stopping was not used until “the end of the eighteenth century” when we are aware of

Hampel’s work with hand stopping on the horn, [xx]

and most trumpeters would have been skilled on both horn and trumpet. documented in Dresden in 1750. My own experiences of hand stopping with the coiled trumpet have provided only a little enthusiasm for my perception of the use of the instrument in Bach’s time. There is a loss of tone quality when notes are stopped, though the ease with which these exotic notes can be tuned is surprising. Another serious question is one of balance. The standard ensemble in both instrumental



and choral works of the German Baroque (up to 1750 and the 5-10 years after) was a group of three trumpets and kettledrums. The upper two parts would have carried much of the melodic interest, with the third (principale) part normally playing notes of the lower series. Iconography of the time consistently shows trumpeters holding the instrument by the boss or cordage at an angle of ninety degrees to the body’s central line. This confident, strident pose assumedly reflects the projection of the trumpet’s sound out into the performance space. One cannot imagine projection of this sort by at least two trumpets blending well with the small string ensembles of Bach’s Leipzig Collegium Musicum, for example. Much of the solution to this problem, though, is provided not by the rear-facing bell of the coiled trumpet, but by the style of playing. Rather than blasting out these passages with the hard tongue of the fanfare trumpeter, Baroque trumpeters were trained to articulate with far more subtlety. The manner of blowing the trumpet was also very different, as demonstrated on many recordings by Don Smithers. This style has more relationship to that of a singer than a brass player, using the diaphragm and throat to articulate the notes of a melisma, rather than the tongue. This is totally foreign to the modern style of Baroque trumpet playing. Use of the coiled trumpet would solve some of the problems of Baroque trumpet performance and it would perform well mixed with one or more natural trumpets, provided that they were particularly attentive to balance. The tromba da caccia’s bell faces away from the ensemble, though there is not a great difference between the sound of the coiled trumpet and that of the natural trumpet. Though it may seem, for all its faults, as if hand stopping presents something of a solution to the problems of balance intonation in the high register, there is frustratingly little evidence available to support my statement. The only iconographic reference to the coiled trumpet comes from one (probably rather inaccurate) engraving on the front of an information book for the faithful of the Thomaskirche and, as Dahlqvist observes, "this

hardly can depict the Thomaskirche". [xxi]

We have the organ and diverse instrumentalists, but little architectural reference to the church. The artwork features a trumpet with only one rough coil pointing up into the air, not by the player's side where he could have hand stopped the notes. The same is true of the impressive artwork on Reiche's beer tankard, which features players of coiled trumpets holding their instruments aloft. Altenburg does not mention this technique; neither do Fantini or Bendinelli. According to Smithers, some 250 works are specifically scored for tromba da caccia. Dahlqvist's article in HBS 5 (1993) states that all Italian tromba da caccia scorings refer unquestionably to a horn, not a trumpet. I would be surprised if the term tromba, which refers unerringly to a trumpet-type instrument through all musical history, here relates to a horn, particularly when the term “corno” was in use to describe the horn. He further conjectures that references to both tromba lungua and tromba da caccia in the same score represent a differentiation on the part of the composer between horns and trumpets, not long trumpets and coiled trumpets. Furthermore, he argues that coiled trumpets were apparently used simply through lack of space in the orchestra pit. I do not disagree that practical problems of this nature have an important (and often overriding) importance to scorings and performance practice, but I feel certain that this argument simplifies the argument somewhat.

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The difficulty lies chiefly in the uncertainties surrounding the use of language. The same term may not have meant the same instrument to everyone and the same term may have been used by one and the same composer to describe different instruments at various points in his career. In addition, that which is understood by one composer to be represented by one term may well be perceived very differently by another. The result is a musicological minefield of quite daunting proportions. I remain certain that the coiled trumpet was used during the Baroque era, though I retain only a dwindling amount of enthusiasm for the use of hand stopping and suffer from a general malaise at the proliferation of terms for these instruments, which cloud the facts when researching topics of this nature. I would state that the use of tromba refers to a trumpet, be it coiled or not. However, the question of hand stopping remains, be it rather discredited. The solution here revolves around the work of Dr. Don Smithers and, more recently, Jean-Francois Mardeuf and Giles Rapin using the real trumpet. These men have proved, despite ardent opposition, that the art of clarino playing relied entirely on the lips, rather than on technology. Instead, the players were obliged to use large mouthpieces and the hard-earned skill of lipping to correct every note of the series and to lip new, non-harmonic notes. In addition to this, players of the time used a cantabile, vocal style quite different to the harsher, bombastic style used by many Baroque trumpeters today. Smithers consistently describes this as an “on the breath” technique using a softer tongue rather like a singer during a melisma, where the throat and diaphragm are used to articulate each short note. The skill of these players is not in doubt: men such as Reiche, Ruhe, Cario and others had to negotiate extremely difficult trumpet parts, both choral works and concertos (see Chapter 3 for a discussion of the late Baroque clarino concertos) which included a considerable number of non-harmonic notes during the earlier Baroque. Later, works of this nature included fewer non-harmonic tones but a similarly large number of the “exotic” notes and extremely high tessitura, which would provide an equal or greater challenge to players of the 1760s and 1770s. In addition, these players were of a level of skill sufficient to be capable to performance level on a number of instruments. Though Robert Barclay has commented that Baroque trumpeters

would have been “fools” not have experimented with hand stopping,[xxii]

it seems that the players were of such a high calibre that this was not required. The disconcerting effect this would have had on the tone of the trumpet, always regarded as a heraldic, pompous instrument, would have rendered the practice unpalatable. Intonation performance practice I have mentioned the importance of the correction of harmonic notes which do not fit accurately into the conventional scale. It has to be remembered that mean-tone temperament, (which differs considerably from more modern equal temperament), was in fairly standard use in Baroque Germany. This method of intonation favoured beatless thirds, and perhaps sharp fourths, and did not permit more than a handful of keys to be used. This was demonstrated recently on Radio 3 when the performer used a harpsichord tuned in mean-tone C major to perform the F-sharp prelude from Bach’s forty-eight preludes and fugues; the result was somewhat reminiscent of a ‘honky-tonk’ bar piano. The importance of this system to the trumpet is limited, though the flexibility



afforded to the intonation of keyboard instruments can be assumed to have been extended to wind instruments. Could an audience used to the sharp thirds of Bach’s organ and harpsichord possibly stomach the sharp fourths and flat sixths of the natural trumpet, particularly when use of meantone tuning was not consistent? Perhaps, but I feel this would be asking too much. The frequency with which these notes are used in Bach’s clarino trumpet music, and that of his contemporaries, suggests that either the audience was prepared to accept them as they were without question, or the players were able to correct these notes as and when they occurred (which was, in fact, very frequent). As mentioned above, I feel that the players would therefore have been obliged to lip all of these notes into tune, apparently without the assistance of hand stopping. This is yet another testimony to the consummate skill of German clarinists. Pitch performance practice The vexed question of pitch is one of the major stumbling blocks in the path of the musician searching for a truly authentic approach to period performance. Today, we have a largely standardised pitch (a’=440), though this is evolving, particularly on the continent of Europe, where experiments with sharper, brighter tunings have begun. We have also decided upon a largely standardised baroque pitch, that of a’=415, or a semitone below modern pitch. This is convenient and most instruments can readily accommodate this method of tuning. In the Baroque era, however, the classification of a’ differed between countries, between regions, between cities and even between churches (Bach had to cope with two different pitch uses in the two churches for which he provided

music in Leipzig). [xxiii]

Mendel and others have completed significant research into the pitches used by Bach and his contemporaries. We have established that there were two different arrangements – chorton (choir pitch, also used for the organ and trumpets) and kammerton (chamber pitch, used by the woodwind), which were treated largely, though not entirely, consistently. Chorton was a tone higher than Kammerton most of the time, though it could differ by as much as a minor third. Bach was obliged to write oboe and bassoon parts out in kammerton on a number of occasions, when they differed from chorton by a tone. Organs and tuning forks of the period give us an enormous variety of pitches for a’, from the fifth below to the fifth above modern pitch. For the purposes of the discussion, we can confine ourselves to Germany and Vienna from 1700-1770, to make matters easier. Indeed, Bach’s regular Kammerton in Leipzig (and, seemingly, elsewhere) was about a’=440. That said, when working in Weimar, Bach had to bear in mind the pitch of the Marien-Kirche organ, which differed somewhat from the organ of the Blasius-Kirche, where Bach was employed. For example, BWV 194 has particularly high soprano parts (even in the choruses). Bach realised that the low pitch of the organ would make these parts easily executable. It is thought that woodwind players had several instruments built to



overcome this difficulty, though string players could simply tune down to the required pitch (modern attempts at this with Schubert’s a’=430 have proved rather difficult, however). There was also a low chamber pitch (tief kammerton) roughly equivalent (given a=440) to a=415. Chorton would therefore be around modern B given kammerton a’=440. Altenburg stated that an eight foot trumpet was in D, though this would sound a modern C. So, trumpets in Leipzig and its environs seem to have played a tone lower than written, not a semitone as we have today in “authentic” performances. The Second Brandenburg concerto therefore is in something around modern E-flat, an important difference. Mendel’s work deals only with Bach’s early years as a professional musician in Weimar and Mulhausen. However, as a result of his research in Germany, Crispian Steele-Perkins believes that Cöthen pitch differs from both that of Weimar and Mulhausen. Huguenot musicians left France, after being sacked by Lully, to settle in Britain, Ireland and Germany, and took their low pitch to these areas – it was approximately a minor third below modern pitch in areas such as Cöthen. Steele-Perkins has stated that “In Bach’s Cöthen where he composed the first version of his Magnificat in E-flat and the Brandenburg Concerti, pitch remained very low. What sounded E-flat to them would approximate C to us, and their F would sound D – this makes the 2nd concerto more

practicable!”[xxiv]

Using Altenburg’s previously considered statement that his trumpets were in “eight-foot D”, Steele-Perkins conjectures that the length of the foot in Germany was longer than that of England, rendering eight feet to Altenburg longer than eight feet to us. Altenburg’s trumpets were therefore not only in C when he thought they were in D, but a very low C, perhaps B. This fits in well with Steele-Perkins’ ideas about the difference between modern F and Cöthen F – a minor third rather than the conventional semitone. Conclusion to the technical discussion These points – lower pitch, the involvement of coiled instruments, the use of a quieter, vocal style of playing and the need to balance with small ensembles – all render the job of the Baroque trumpeter significantly easier. It may well be the case that, given the assistance of a lower working pitch and a playing style more suited to this music than is our own, Baroque trumpeters did not require the additional help of hand stopping on the coiled trumpet. If coiled instruments were used simply as a chamber instrument, it does seem a considerable waste of resources to laboriously coil the trumpet in this fashion for this reason alone. Repairs to such a coiled instrument would have been rather difficult, and the instruments themselves far more expensive to manufacture. Surely, whilst experimenting with a coiled instrument, at least one player found that using his hand over the bell altered the pitch? I find it difficult to believe otherwise. The coiled instrument appears to have been Reiche’s musical trademark, an instrument with which he was so closely linked that he endured the expense of having himself pictured with this unusual instrument in his portrait. There are several reasons why coiled trumpets of this time may not have survived well: the instruments are small and rather different to the



regular natural trumpet, and so collectors and players would have showed less of an interest. Germany has been devastated by war during the intervening years, which must have destroyed a number of instruments. Even initially, a comparatively small number of coiled trumpets would have been required for the narrow, specialised art of clarino trumpet playing, so it is no surprise that so few are extant. The lack of evidence in literature of the time is somewhat perturbing – Altenburg mentions them only in asides and does not include any instructions on performance practice. A trumpet treatise from 1730’s Leipzig would be a Godsend, but we have none extant. The destruction of instruments would have been increased by the localisation of the clarino art, which was concentrated in but a few areas of Germany and Austria. In effect, we can say simply that either a) coiled trumpets were used for hand stopping in clarino works and so few instruments and materials survive as to make study of this technique almost impossible, or b) the players were sufficiently highly skilled, or used twice-wound natural trumpets of a very specific type (which also do not survive), and so did not require any additional assistance in the lipping of these notes. The most obvious answer, though the one which has given rise to a great deal of concern in the minds of those interested in accurately reproducing the music of the past, seems to be the latter. As Smithers has maintained for decades, if we really seek the musical techniques of the past, we cannot compromise and use a mix of modern and baroque equipment and techniques. However, the practicalities of modern musical life are such that an approach which insists upon historical accuracy at the expense of commercial concerns is likely to be more counterproductive than useful, certainly in terms of retaining a flexibility of repertoire and performance techniques, though it is entirely historically truthful. Only when modern players come to master the real natural trumpet to the extent that Bach’s players and their colleagues were able, will we be able to experience in performance that which we attempt to emulate in word and private practice.

Chapter 4 – repertoire discussion Introduction In order that my arguments concerning the nature of performance practice in the German Baroque are thoroughly illustrated, I shall now consider the repertoire of the German natural trumpet from 1730-1770. This section will draw upon works in which the trumpet is a solo instrument and works in which it has a prominent role. The solo works of Telemann were composed during this period, during his long tenure in Hamburg. There is one solo concerto in D major (four movements), one concerto for trumpet and violin in D major (three movements), a concerto for trumpet with two oboes and continuo (four movements), a concerto for trumpet, two oboes, strings and continuo (three movements), a concert sonata (three movements) and two concerti for three trumpets and orchestra. In addition, there is mention in various literary sources of an F-major trumpet concerto, though this author has been unable to locate a score or recording. The E-flat major double concerto scored for “tromba selvatica” is

regarded as a double horn concerto[xxv]

while the single-movement work for two tromba da caccia uses these instruments more in the trumpet’s classical role as a way to



strengthen cadences and fill out harmonies. Telemann’s other works for the trumpet include involvement in a number of cantatas and in his oratorio Der Tag des Gerichts (the Day of Judgement) where the first trumpet has a difficult trill in the first chorus of the fourth “contemplation” (example 4). In contrast to many of his contemporaries, Telemann does not exceed the eighteenth harmonic in any of his solo works and this note appears only in the fourth movement of his D-major solo clarino concerto (example 5). The first movement of this concerto is also particularly demanding, a long lyrical melody with no break for the soloist, ending with a high passage. The concerto for trumpet with two oboes and continuo begins with just such a slow, clarino passage. An interesting feature of the concerto with oboes and strings are the many b’s, which are not always lipped down from a c’ but approached by a small leap. There is no indication that any form of slide trumpet was intended, but the inference is that the player for whom the piece was written was skilled the art of lipping rather than in the highest register (example 6). A composer with a rather different attitude to his trumpet parts was Johann Samuel Endler. Based in Darmstadt for most of his professional life and Graupner’s assistant there for some years, Endler wrote some thirty symphonies and a number of overtures, which involve trumpets. Almost all of his symphonies are in keys, which favour the trumpet (C, D and F), and there are a number of pieces that have notable high trumpet parts. The F-major sinfonia features a taxing solo trumpet part alongside two clarino horns, oboes and strings – the opening is characteristic of the work in its uncompromising nature! (example 7) Most of Endler’s symphonies have yet to be edited, though the F-major trumpet sinfonia has been recorded, as has one of the D-major overtures (in reality the French overture-suite form favoured by Telemann). Bach’s trumpet writing before his move to Weimar in 1717 was limited to BWV 15 for Arnstadt and BWV 71 for Mulhausen, neither of which present any great challenge. Five cantatas involving trumpets were written for performance at Weimar, though none of these are as difficult as the later works for Leipzig. They do include parts for one or two slide trumpets (zugtrompeten) which occasionally present more of a challenge (e.g. BWV 59 and 162) but largely the slide trumpets plays with the soprano in the chorales. Two more challenging cantatas (BWV 21 and 31) were written during this period, but seem more likely to have been written for the resources at Halle and not the chamberesque forces of the Weimar ducal chapel, which was ill-suited for ceremonial music, being rather

cramped and lofty. [xxvi]

However, during the Weimar period Bach wrote the six Brandenburg concertos (BWV 1046-1051) for the Margrave Christian Ludwig, who appears not to have fully appreciated the magnificently copied score presented (with a grovelling preface) by Bach

in 1721. It has been mooted [xxvii]

that the extraordinary trumpet part of the second concerto was written for the Weimar court trumpeter Johann Ludwig Schreiber, and that is was later played (on the coiled trumpet for which he was so famous) at Leipzig by Reiche, and, perhaps, his successor, Ruhe. The inscription on the part “tromba” refutes the suggestion that the second concerto was written with the horn in mind (largely through its extremely high tessitura and the inscription on the part “tromba o vero corno



da caccia”, indicating that the concerto could be performed by a clarino trumpeter or, if one of the required standard was not available (or, perhaps more likely, if he did not possess an instrument in the key of low-F) a clarino horn could be used. The high tessitura (example 8) is explained partially by the low pitch of the area (see above discussion, page 18). Huguenot musicians left France after being sacked by Lully in the last years of the seventeenth century, to settle in Britain, Ireland and Germany, and took their low pitch to these areas – it was approximately a minor third below modern pitch. It is also important to remember the considerable skill of all three potential soloists:

Schreiber, Reiche and Ruhe. [xxviii]

These factors would have rendered the concerto well within the capacities of the Leipzig players. Examples of Bach’s most challenging trumpet works include the B-minor mass (example 9), Weinachtsoratorium (example 10), BWV 90 (example 11), BWV 205 (example 12) and BWV 63 (example 13) and the remainder of his considerable output during this period includes trumpets and kettledrums almost as a matter of course. Zugtrompete parts are also included, some of which are rather difficult, for instance BWV 5 (example 14). One cantata in particular stands out: BWV 51, written around 1731, almost certainly for Reiche, which includes a challenging aria and a final alleluja in which the trumpet takes an equal role to the solo soprano. The opening aria features an interesting combination of fanfare motives and more lyrical, high register passagework, combining both the martial and delicate facets of the trumpet’s repertoire (example 15). There are a group of composers who wrote concerti which utilise this range of the natural trumpet during its golden era. Leopold Mozart includes the clarino trumpet in his D-major divertimento, and the two solo trumpet movements are normally removed from their original context and performed as a two-movement concerto. This piece uses rapid, stepwise motion in the high opening adagio (example 16), with more bombastic passagework in the second movement. This piece has become a favourite among recitalists, as it does not place extraordinary demand on the player when using the piccolo trumpet and the repeated notes in the second movement can be a basis for embellishment. It is a little known fact that Leopold’s son Wolfgang Amadeus wrote a trumpet concerto in his adolescence, which is now lost. This tantalising knowledge leads us to debate the possible nature of this concerto. I feel it unlikely that this was a clarino concerto but more in the style of Graupner’s three concertos, using the trumpet largely in its classical role with the occasional clarino section but placing no great demand upon the player. The attractive D-major concerto of Johann Arnold Groos is very similar to the L. Mozart, though in three movements and not so consistently high. Johann Melchior Molter’s concertos for one or two trumpets, which make relatively free use of the high register, though more so in the solo concerti. One of the solo concertos (MWV 13 in D) is particularly taxing.



In this more demanding category are a large number of works written for specialist clarini after 1750. Riepel wrote a little-known D-major concerto, which uses the highest register (example 17). Johann Michael Haydn (brother of the famous symphonist) wrote two very high concertinos, one each in C and D, the second of which was also part of a divertimento. The D-major concerto utilises the highest note written for a trumpet in the Baroque era, a printed g’’’, sounding a’’’ and feared by every piccolo trumpeter (example 18). Though this extraordinary note is approached stepwise, there are some difficult leaps in the highest sections of the C-major concerto (example 19). The same is true of the D-major three-movement concerto recently reconstructed from a handful of partbooks in the Washington Library of Congress and thought to be by either Stamitz or, less likely, Holzbogen. Both Haken Hardenberger and Wolfgang Bauer have successfully recorded this work on the piccolo trumpet, though considerable courage would be required to attempt the work on the natural trumpet (example 20). In this category are also the concertos of Franz Xavier Richter (example 21) and Johann Wilhelm Hertel, the latter of which contributed three concerti to the repertoire, two of which are in E-flat major, an unusual but not unknown key. Johann Valentine Rathberger also wrote a double concerto in E-flat and Franz Querfurth wrote a very difficult E-flat concerto with particularly taxing high trills in the slow second movement (example 22). The only other keys used by writers of trumpet concertos are F-major, in which key are the second Brandenburg concerto, the one unseen concerto of Telemann, and two Endler sinfonias, and E major, in which key Carl Friedrich Christian Fasch wrote his concerto for trumpet, violin and oboe d’amore. His father Johann Friedrich Fasch wrote an attractive three-movement concerto for trumpet with two oboes and strings, and the trumpet features also in a double concerto and a large-scale three-choir concerto for nine trumpets, nine oboes and three bassoons. There are a number of Fasch overtures, which also involve trumpets. Perhaps the most difficult trumpet parts are those of the Viennese opera composer George von Reutter. Apart from two concerti, both of which are stratospherically high (example 23), Reutter composed much table music which involves high trumpets and several opera arias which are extremely high and difficult, one of which ascends chromatically through the upper register in an adagio movement, as far as f’’’, surely the most taxing phrase in the trumpet’s repertoire. Perhaps the most striking of these works is the Servio di Tavola no.2, a double concerto in three movements in C-major, in which e’’’ is written very frequently and there are extremely difficult double trills from the soloists (example 24). Also written for talented Viennese clarini were the two D-major works of Johann Matthias Sperger and the ensemble works of Antonio Caldara, the latter of which wrote music for two clarini with four orchestral trumpets and strings as accompaniment. These pieces were written with particular players in mind. It is significant that e’’’ begins to appear in Caldara’s trumpet music around 1719, a year after the court trumpeter Joseph Holland came to the attention of the composer J. J. Fux, the latter commenting that Holland had ‘particularly distinguished himself on his instrument’. Active at much the same time (1711-1754), Franz Kuffel probably served in a similar role, though the historical limelight consistently falls upon Johann Heinisch. He appears first in 1726 as a ‘scholar’ and later also came to the attention of Fux as an ‘entirely special virtuoso’, also reported to have played a long trill with a soprano in the opera Artaserse by Bernasconi, during which the trumpet ‘behaved like a little flute’.



[xxix]

Comments such as this, and the necessity to reduce the amount of force used when playing in such a high register, give yet greater credence to Smithers’ long-standing conviction that players used the vocal, “on-the-breath” style rather than the more brilliant and bombastic style adopted today. It is to be remembered that, even at this late time (Heinisch died in 1750), there were no technological aids to the clarinist that we are aware of and, from the indications of surviving commentaries, it seems that none were needed. This survey of the trumpet repertoire of this period is rather incomplete, largely on grounds of space, but also through the sufficiency of the cited examples and their usefulness in relating the total picture. In addition, much of the music cited is not yet readily available in score, and the author has made many comments from recordings and performances. The musical examples given in the appendix were largely transcribed by ear from these sources but provide a useful record of the nature of composition for the clarino trumpet during this period.

Conclusion Having entered into the veritable hornet’s nest of such matters as terminology, pitch and the use (or otherwise) of lipping as a technique, I cannot but be alarmed at the variety of points of view and the tenacity with which the promoters of those perceptions grasp onto their ideas. The various minefields to be negotiated, daunting as they are for a relative novice, are testimony to the strong opinions held by many in this field of academia, and the volume of writing on this subject is equally revealing in this regard. Having navigated these problems, I feel that I have reached satisfying and convincing conclusions on the history of my instrument, though they would not appeal to all. They can be summarised thus:

· Trumpet writing of the late Baroque and early Classical era became increasingly difficult in terms of high tessitura, but less so in terms of non-natural notes.· Bach enjoyed the services of a number of highly skilled trumpeters, and was therefore able to produce trumpet parts of unparalleled difficulty, though not unrivalled tessitura. · The later Baroque composers had available a corpus of extremely skilled clarini who were trained in the best traditions of clarino playing. It must be assumed that, though difficult, none of the Baroque concerti written were impossible by the standards of the time. There are no reports of players refusing to perform concerti which were too difficult for them, and it is to be remembered that composers composed for a living; it is unlikely that they would deliberately write in excess of their players’ ability. · There is no evidence for the use of nodal vent finger holes during the Baroque era, or before 1790. Their use today is not historically truthful.· There is also no evidence for the use of hand stopping on the coiled trumpet, though we must not count this out on these grounds alone. It makes good sense to the author, and to other scholars, but the lack of iconographical or literary evidence is perturbing.· The same is true of trumpet built with corrected harmonics “built-in”, as described and built by Graham Nicholson. This trumpet would have been built in very small numbers with an extremely limited clientele in mind, which goes some way to explaining the lack of extant examples.



· The strongest case is put by the adherents to Dr. Don Smithers’ opinion that almost the entire Baroque repertoire was performed without recourse to any other technique than lipping. The remainder of the repertoire was executed on one or more type of slide trumpet. Those who would have us believe that these pieces were

written for a horn ‘lack the integrity to meet the expectations of historical truth’.[xxx]

We therefore face a difficult choice as an increasing number of musicians become aware of the dichotomy between historically-informed performance and the use of finger holes: either we consider using only real natural trumpets built in the Baroque style with Baroque mouthpieces, or we risk denigrating our art with half measures and modern inventions which mislead our audiences. The positive reaction which I received whilst performing on the real natural trumpet, when the audience was thoroughly informed beforehand has convinced me that it is not impossible to play in this manner in public. In addition, I feel that the genuine authenticity and novelty of this approach would counterbalance any negative reaction on the part of the audience to the slightly unusual tunings, which are the result of using the natural trumpet. The additional respect to which the player would be entitled could not fail to be an enticement! It will not be until we have thoroughly mastered the natural trumpet, with all of its idiosyncrasies and foibles, that we will experience the true art of clarino playing and the satisfaction engendered in the taming of an unruly animal. The enjoyment, which I have found in entering into the history of my instrument, rather than simply emulating it, has been enormous and unparalleled in any of my other musical experiences to date. It is true that this matter is not one of the greatest importance to the world at large, or indeed the music industry as a whole, but I feel always in the shadow of such men as Reiche, Ruhe, Cario and Heinisch, almost as if using anything other than the techniques which they attempted to pass down to me would not meet with their approval. If these men were skilled enough to play pieces of extraordinary difficulty without recourse to any other technology than that which they were born with, I believe that we would do well to allow them to lead by example.

Endnotes and sources

[i] Quoted in Edward Tarr, The Trumpet, London, 1988, p8

[ii] Though, as Bob Barclay comments in his book The Art of the Nuremberg Trumpet Maker,

there is evidence that the Romans had sufficient metallurgical knowledge to bend tubing using molten lead in exactly this manner.[iii]

Girolamo Fantini, Modo per impare a sonare di Tromba, Frankfurt, 1638. Facsimile reprint, Milan, 1934.[iv]

“A Sovereign may have ever so good an orchestra, royal stables and other such ministrations, [but] if he does not retain at least one choir of trumpeters and kettledrummers, there is, in my opinion, something lacking in the perfection of his household”; see J. E. Altenburg, ‘Trumpeters and Kettledrummers’ Art’, trans. Edward Tarr, 1974, p.28[v]

Quoted in Edward Tarr, The Trumpet, London, 1988 p3[vi]

Don Smithers “The Hapsburg Imperial Trompeter and Heerpauker privileges of 1653”, Galpin Society Journal, 24 (1971), pp 84-95



[vii] For Altenburg’s recommendations for trumpet teaching, see Altenburg, trans. Tarr,

p116-7[viii]

Don Smithers ‘The Trumpets of J. W. Haas: A Survey of four generations of Nuremberg brass instrument makers’, Galpin Society Journal 18 (1965) pp 23-41[ix]

See Barclay, The Art of the Nuremberg trumpet maker, Oxford, 1996, p 24-5, who discusses the factors influencing rate of production and the mass-production of Nuremberg trumpets.[x]

Blandford, W.F.H. “The Bach Trumpet”, Monthly Musical Record, March-April 1935[xi]

See Menke “The Trumpet of Bach and Handel”, frontispiece and notes[xii]

Best seen, with detail, in Smithers, Don “The baroque trumpet after 1721: some preliminary observations”, Early Music 1977 p 177-183 or in the Stadtisches Museum, Leipzig.[xiii]

Horace Fitzpatrick, “correspondence” in reply to Jeremy Montagu, Early Music 1976 p347-355[xiv]

The military role of the trumpet and its role in mythology and lore leave little room for the instruments produced when new technology is applied – the zugtrompete and tromba da caccia do not fit into our perceptions of the trumpet, and would most likely have been rejected by collectors and ‘authorities’ of the instrument as oddities or toys.[xv]

Altenburg (p107 of translated edition) mentions a single finger hole used during his lifetime (1734-1801) which he observed on a trumpet belonging to the Weimar trumpeter, Schwanitz. However, he indicates only that this technique can be used to play non-natural notes in the lower series, including a’ and b’ rather than notes of the higher series, for which finger holes are used today.[xvi]

Reine Dahlqvist The Keyed trumpet and its greatest virtuoso Anton Weidlinger (Nashville, Brass Press, 1975)[xvii]

Michael Praetorius, Syntagma Musicum II, Wolfenbuttel, 1619, Plate VIII, no.11 or see Naylor, The Trumpet and Trombone in Graphic Art, p77 [xviii]

Altenburg, The Heroic Art of Trumpet and Kettledrums, trans. E. Tarr, p 12.[xix]

T. Naylor, The Trumpet and Trombone in Graphic Art, (Nashville, Brass Press, 1979) p 104 (plate) and 197 (notes) The painting was also used as the basis of an engraving and part of the hand painting on a ceremonial tankard belonging to Reiche and probably presented to him on the occasion of his 60th birthday.[xx]

Anthony Baines, Brass Instruments, their history and development, p161.[xxi]

Reine Dahlqvist, “Gottfried Reiche's Instrument: A Problem of Classification”, HBS 5 (1993) The Reiche portrait and Thomaskirche engraving are both shown with commentary.[xxii]

Personal communication with the author, April 1998[xxiii]

Arthur Mendel, ‘On the pitches in use in Bach’s time’, MQ 1955, pp332-54 and 446-80[xxiv]

Personal communication with the author, October 1997



[xxv] Except in the Hardenberger/Laird/ASMF recording on Phillips when it is performed as a

(rather high) double trumpet concerto[xxvi]

For more information, see Terry, Bach’s Orchestra, London, 1932.[xxvii]

Don Smithers, “Bach, Reiche and the Leipzig Collegia Musica”, HBS 2, 1991, pp1-51[xxviii]

Don Smithers, ibid. p30 “we may reasonably suppose that Reiche did, in fact, play the second Brandenburg concerto under Bach’s direction with the Collegium Musicum at one or other of the venues where he is known to have performed with the ensemble. Moreover, it is not beyond the bounds of reason to suppose that Ruhe, Reiche’s successor, may have played the same work with the same ensemble sometime after Reiche’s death in October, 1734”[xxix]

CD Inlay card to The Emperor’s Trumpet, E. H. Tarr CD.[xxx]

Don Smithers, Music and History of the Baroque Trumpet before 1721, add. 13, p329
