the influence of the european union on turkish foreign policy – by o. terzi

Book Reviews

European Integration and Its Limits, Intergovernmental Conflicts and Their Domestic Origins, byD. Finke (Colchester: ECPR Press, 2010, ISBN 9780955820373); ix+242pp., £27.00 pb.

Daniel Finke argues that the European Union post-Maastricht has experienced what he calls a‘constitutional quandary’. His main purpose is to determine how European leaders have come toagree on a path to solve this constitutional quandary by balancing three partially conflicting goals– decision-making efficiency, democratic legitimacy and political integration (p. 6) – while pres-sured by the impending massive eastern Enlargement (p. 70). He analyzes the government’sdisclosed preferences at three intergovernmental conferences (IGCs) – Amsterdam, Nice and RomeII – in order to answer three questions. First, what has been the agenda of treaty negotiations sinceMaastricht and how have the most prevalent splits between states affected these negotiations?Second, how can we explain treaties’ reform outputs since Maastricht? And third, how can weexplain the formation and change of governmental preferences towards European reform?

Although a significant branch of literature on the EU has explored treaty reform negotiationsand particularly the positions of governments in these negotiations, Finke’s approach is innovativeas it builds on the work of previous researchers. He focuses on the influence of domestic politics(including voters, parties and parliaments) in shaping governments’ preferences on Europeanintegration, while not disregarding the importance of context. Using a mixture of qualitative andquantitative approach, his conclusions are supported by extensive statistical data and represent asolid contribution to the debate on intergovernmental preference formation.

According to Finke (p. 135), official governmental positions on integration are constrained by‘structural political characteristics of member states’, but are ultimately ‘a result of the dynamicpolitical processes of domestic-preference aggregation’. In his analysis, Finke also acknowledgesthe increasing complexity of the European integration process since Maastricht. As the agenda oftreaty reform has shifted away from the common market to political integration and institutionalreform, European integration became increasingly contested at the domestic level, leading to theend of ‘permissive consensus’. Consequently, Finke concludes that intergovernmental bargainingprior to Maastricht was essentially determined by ‘economic co-ordination beneficial to all gov-ernments’ (p. 207), meaning that states with the largest expected economic benefits would push forextended delegation of sovereignty and higher decision-making efficiency, whereas in the post-Maastricht period this economic logic no longer applies. Instead, national position ‘responds to thepolitical dynamics of a heterogeneous public opinion [much more sceptical regarding integration]as well as party politics’ (p. 162). Therefore, Finke brings into question the criticism about theallegedly elitist and undemocratic nature of the European integration process. In fact, he goes onto argue that ‘overall the European integration process reveals a significant degree of electoralaccountability’ (p. 215) – a trend that hopefully will be maintained in future IGCs.

ISABEL CAMISÃOPolitical Science and International Relations Research Centre, University of Coimbra

Ethnic Citizenship Regimes: Europeanization, Post-war Migration and Redressing Past Wrongs, byA. Maatsch (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, ISBN 9780230284241); ix+212pp., £55.00 hb.

This book casts fresh light on the developments of citizenship legislation in Germany, Hungary andPoland. In examining the convergence and divergence of nationality laws in these countries from

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1985 to 2007, Maatsch defines ‘citizenship’ narrowly, as legal status. She unveils the rationalebehind the nature of citizenship policies in the European Union and the causes of their change.Maatsch’s main argument is that convergence in citizenship legislation in Germany, Hungary andPoland was caused by the horizontal Europeanization of national legislation, while divergence iscaused by two factors: the need to rectify past wrongs and the countries’ migration profiles. Aparticularly valuable aspect of the book is its tables and charts, which not only provide a useful linkbetween the theory and practice of citizenship, but are also indispensable for any comparison.

In the introduction, the author presents the main hypotheses, provides an overview of themethodology, and identifies research variables. The second chapter presents the conceptual frame-works of rational choice, sociological and historical institutionalism. Although this chapter buildson the subsequent one, which looks at comparative framework and methods, it could have beenstrengthened by better integration with Maatsch’s debate on direction and causes of change innational citizenship legislation. Chapters 4 and 5 focus on the divergence of citizenship policies inGermany, Hungary and Poland. Thereby, the author empirically examines the patterns of legislativereforms and the parliamentary (plenary) debates that sparked them. She successfully explains howcitizenship policies in Hungary and Poland shifted from de jure liberal to ethno-republican ones,while Germany experienced a decline of ethnic citizenship. In the sixth chapter, Maatsch looks atconvergence patterns, and sensibly concludes that the approximation of citizenship policies wascaused by the acquisition of practices from other EU states. In the conclusion, Maatsch reiteratesher claims and offers directions for further research.

While Maatsch’s book is a much needed publication in citizenship studies, it could be improvedby a better integration of its theoretical and empirical chapters. Its fourth and fifth chapters areslightly repetitive (pp. 58–62 and pp. 84–9). The two might have been more effective had they beencombined into a single chapter. In terms of factual accuracy, it may be useful to reconsider theclaim that the countries of central Europe ‘successfully democratized’ at the beginning of the 1990s(p. 85), since post-communist transition took over a decade in most of these states. Finally, itshould also be considered whether the rhetorical questions about communist legislation (pp. 70–1)fit the overall style of this book, which is generally well-balanced and effective.

JELENA DZANKICUniversity of Edinburgh

Religion and the Public Order of the European Union, by R. McCrea (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2010, ISBN 9780199595358); xx+294pp., £50.00 hb.

This book is truly the first publication of its kind. McCrea sets out to analyze the complex web ofhistory, law and policy that defines the relationship between the European Union and religion, thusfilling several large gaps in the pre-existing literature. He achieves this quest with clarity, not leastthanks to the careful choice of the elements of culture, identity and autonomy as recurrent themesconnecting the ideas presented throughout the chapters.

This monograph offers five substantive chapters, each assessing a major area in which religioninteracts with the EU. These chapters respectively deal with religious legacy, constitutional values,fundamental rights, religion in the single market and, finally, competing identities with examples.Commencing with Europe’s religious inheritance, McCrea identifies the Union’s Christian andhumanist underpinnings which have come to shape its character today. Despite Christianity’sdwindling impact, the author explains why the religion’s historical role justifies classifying the EUas a formally neutral, yet not entirely secular, polity. Against this backdrop, the subsequent chapterscomprehensively explore the current interactions between religion and EU law and policy, as wellas cross-fertilization with equivalent national models.

Importantly, McCrea’s evaluation throughout comprises politically sensitive topics, wherereligion, humanism and culture seemingly or actually collide – for instance, religiously motivated

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lobbying, civic integration, freedom of speech, and religious discrimination in the workplace. Ofparticular practical significance is the claim effectively carved out by the author that ‘outsider’religions – mostly notably Islam and newer religions – do and may experience double standards inmaintaining their interests at political level and in terms of legal protection. Although little can bederived from the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) jurisprudence at this point, thisbook sensibly suggests that the Court is, nevertheless, bound to adopt an approach focused on equaltreatment rather than letting states promote certain religions, in contrast to the European Court ofHuman Rights.

Summarizing the many findings, the EU’s public order appears to accommodate religiousinfluence as an aspect of culture, but not if it claims to hold truth in matters of politics. Therefore,it is fair to agree with the author that the Union at large succeeds in balancing the religious andhumanist facets of its identity – a pursuit that is continuously evolving and renewing itself.

Undoubtedly, this book provides vital reference points for questions likely to be posed beforethe EU’s institutions in the future, especially with regard to fundamental rights and politicalparticipation. It is remarkable that McCrea has examined the pertinent aspects through carefullybalanced, non-judgemental debate, resourcefully detailing arguments for the interests involved.The outcome is a book that is highly relevant to those researching, teaching and working in the fieldof religion and EU law and politics.

STEPHIE FEHRSchool of Law, University of Manchester

Transaction Costs and Security Institutions: Unravelling the ESDP, by M. Weiss (Basingstoke:Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, ISBN 9780230280120); xv+269pp., £57.50 hb.

Ample scholarly efforts have been devoted to explaining the design and development of theEuropean Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Reaching beyond traditional international relationstheories, Weiss’ book represents an innovative approach to the matter by borrowing insights frompolitical economy to explain the creation of European security institutions after the cold war. Thetransaction cost framework he proposes is applied to Germany, Britain and France, with the mainargument put forward being that European governments’ institutional security preferences havebeen steered primarily by the relative magnitude of transaction costs.

Refuting the explanatory value of realism, liberal intergovernmentalism and constructivism,and building on their shortcomings, the first part of the book embarks on the construction of atransaction cost framework to analyze security institutions: keeping current and future costs forcommon security institutions low is what underpins government preferences. The risks of oppor-tunism and governance costs will then determine the direction and depth of a Member State’sinstitutional engagement. Applying transaction cost economics to questions of security preferencesis certainly ground-breaking, and Weiss can be considered a worthy pioneer. Moreover, many willappreciate the manner in which he fills a theoretical gap in the existing literature with a solidintellectual puzzle and analytical exercise.

The second part ambitiously applies this novel approach to Germany, the United Kingdom andFrance, comparatively analyzing their preferences for ESDP. The transaction cost frameworkprovides a lens to comparatively address the question why the Big Three engaged in ESDP in thefirst place, as well as how they looked to guide ESDP institution-building.

A third and final part of the book weighs the explanatory value of the proposed framework.Admitting to the case study bias towards large European Union Member States (and exploring thewidth of the suggested framework), Weiss convincingly tests the transaction costs argument in a‘plausibility probe’ on Ireland – a neutral and small EU Member State. The main conclusion –which paradoxically has a realist touch – confirms the substantial explanatory value of govern-ments’ transaction cost considerations when developing a European security pillar.

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Offering valuable insights into EU, German, British and French institutional preference for-mation and security contexts, the empirical data are, however, overshadowed by the conceptualcomplexity involved. The solid theory-driven focus is admirable in its depth, but on occasion, wetend to get drawn into complex and abstract conceptual reasoning to explain what are relativelystraightforward ‘common-sense’ issues. The book still provides a useful academic contributionthrough its original analytical framework, for the first time bringing transaction costs economicsand security institutions under the same European security roof.

AN D. JACOBSCentre for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich, Switzerland

The Others in Europe, edited by S. Bonjour, A. Rea and D. Jacobs (Brussels: Éditions de Universitéde Bruxelles, 2011, ISBN 9782800415062); x+203pp.

In recent decades, issues of migration and integration have been pivotal in the political agenda ofEurope. European Member States have increasingly become home to people of diverse origins,bringing about profound socio-political transformations: while European identity itself remainscontroversial, Member States are having to reframe their national identities and rethink theirrelationships with ‘foreigners’.

Based on a mid-term conference at the research centre for Migration, Asylum andMulticulturalism of the Université Libre de Bruxelles, this edited volume offers a stimulatinganalysis of the construction of ‘otherness’ in contemporary Europe. Relying on a trans-disciplinary approach that includes law, politics, sociology, social psychology and anthropology,the editors argue for the need to reconceptualize the issue of the ‘others in Europe’. Even ifMember States retain a primary role in implementing immigration policies, their Europeaniza-tion has led to important changes in how foreigners are represented in national discourses ofeach Member State and to new categorizations that distinguish nationals from EU Member Statecitizens and third country nationals. Consequently, the distinction between Europeans and non-Europeans has been exacerbated and many Europeans increasingly perceive non-Europeans as‘outsiders’ regardless of their citizenship status. Moreover, non-Europeans are sometimesperceived to be a threat.

The first part of the book (Chapter 1) analyzes the legal categories of immigrants used both inEuropean and national laws and their relationship, while the second part (Chapters 2 and 3)considers integration policies and their potential role in limiting migration flows, with specialattention to the Dutch and French situations. The third part (Chapters 4–6) provides a criticaloverview of EU actions on anti-discrimination policies by focusing on the protection of thirdcountry nationals, border management practices and their securitization, and the emergence of thenotion of reasonable accommodation as a way to avoid discrimination on religious grounds in theworkplace. The last part (chapters 7–11) examines the effects of ‘racialization’ in public debatesand the reactions by individuals facing discrimination, from the use of legal actions to the creationof community associations.

This volume is solidly grounded in European law and its jurisprudential interpretation, withoutneglecting national laws, political debates and operational instruments. Overall, the book signifi-cantly contributes to the debate over European identity and the construction of ‘otherness’ inEurope by bringing together diverse literatures to analyze these issues from different but comple-mentary angles. Nevertheless, some chapters would have been strengthened if the perspectives ofsecurity studies and criminal justice had been more systematically taken into account. Moreover,the book lacks a conclusion that highlights the key contributions of the individual chapters and theirpolicy implications.

ANITA LAVORGNAUniversity of Trento

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The Europeanization of Party Politics in Ireland, North and South, edited by K. Hayward and M.C.Murphy (Abingdon: Routledge, 2010, ISBN 9780415578912); vi+212pp., £75.00 hb.

While it is hard to understand European Union-level decisions without looking at domestic politicsand public opinion, it is increasingly difficult to comprehend domestic political developmentswithout taking the EU-level dynamics into account. In this context, this volume makes a timelycontribution to debates on the future of European integration given the economic crisis spreadaround the continent. It also broadens the study of Ireland by addressing a thus far understudiedtopic: the responses of parties in the North and South of Ireland to the EU. The volume takes alongitudinal approach and provides information on Irish parties since the Treaty of Rome (1957)until the Treaty of Lisbon (2009). More specifically, it looks for empirical evidence of the EUimpact on parties’ programmes, policy positions, competition, organizational structures and party–government relations as well as relations beyond the national party system. Hence, this volume,which includes contributions by highly qualified scholars, constitutes a useful source for studentsof European integration and party Europeanization and necessary reading for students of Irishpolitics.

The book begins with a general overview that serves as the introduction and the conclusion of thevolume. After sketching out the party systems in Ireland (North and South), the editors explain whatis understood by the ‘Europeanization’of political parties throughout the volume (pp. 3–4), wherebythey build on works by Robert Ladrech and the late Peter Mair. Importantly, they highlight the mainthemes that emerge from three comparative and eight case studies: ‘resistance’, ‘conditionality’,‘pragmatism’, ‘(sub-)national priorities’ and ‘elite-led’ (pp. 4–9). Albeit brief, this discussion caninspire works that aim at theorizing about why parties (do not) change given the EU context.

The comparative chapters deal with party behaviour regarding referendums on EU treaties(O’ Mahoney), with the salience of Europe and party positions on European integration (Benoit)and with party attitudes towards neutrality and the European Security and Defence Policy (Devine).The rest are in-depth analyses of: Fianna Fáil (Hayward and Fallon), Fine Gael (Reidy), the LabourParty (Holmes), the Green Party (Bolleyer and Panke), Sinn Féin (Maillot), the DemocraticUnionist Party/DUP (Ganiel), the Ulster Unionist Party (Murphy) and the Social Democratic andLabour Party/SLDP (McLoughin).

Except for Benoit’s quantitative analysis that relies on expert surveys and manifesto data, theauthors study Irish party politics qualitatively, based on a variety of primary sources (for example,interviews, parliamentary debates, manifestos, leader speeches, party statutes) as well as onexisting works. Their findings confirm previous studies of other countries about ‘subtle’ and‘limited’ party Europeanization. Although many chapters would benefit from more explanationconcerning the choice of data sources and the exact techniques used to analyze them, the narrativesoffered are on the whole interesting, instructive and a pleasure to read.

ZOE LEFKOFRIDIInstitute for Political Science, University of Vienna

EU Constitutional Law: An Introduction, by A. Rosas and L. Armati (Oxford/Portland: Hart, 2010,ISBN 9781841139173); xvii+260pp., £16.95 pb.

This book conducts a detailed analysis of the European constitutional framework, showing how theEuropean Union has evolved since its origins from an intergovernmental to a sui generis supra-national organization with its own constitutional system. Throughout the chapters, the authorsexamine the different legal and institutional characteristics that define the EU legal system as aconstitutional one, dealing with important issues such as the structure of the EU legal order; the EUinstitutions, its competences and legitimacy; and the configuration of an EU citizenship under theprotection of fundamental rights beyond the economic rights and freedoms.

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Rosas and Armati’s approach departs from previous literature on the topic of constitutionalityof the EU under the perspective of the new Lisbon Treaty by offering an updated description of thecontent of the amendments and its consequences for the EU constitutional structure. The bookdescribes how the modification of the treaties under Lisbon deepens in the constitutionalization ofthe systems (for example, the elevation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights to the level of bindingprimary law, or the abolishment of the pillars creating one single legal entity). In addition, itanalyzes a number of constitutional challenges raised by the powers conferred by the MemberStates to the EU by the Lisbon Treaty such as the increase of the legislative and judicial powers ofthe Union on the Freedom, Security and Justice Area, or the effort to improve democracy in the EUand horizontal accountability among the EU institutions.

The authors accurately address the question of which fundamental rights or what type ofseparation of powers dominates their conception of an EU constitution. However, the book lacks aclear theoretical discussion of the EU constitutionalization process, explaining the legal, politicaland institutional dynamics that empowered this process in the past and future, such as would satisfythose expecting more theoretical justifications. Nevertheless, the authors provide a glimpse of thekey elements in this process, in which the European Court of Justice, defined as the ‘constitutionalguardian of the Union legal order’, is a recurrent actor, continuously characterizing the treaties asa ‘constitutional charter’.

This book is strongly recommended to readers interested in deepening their knowledge of EUlaw, especially to students, professors and researchers of law and political science eager to gaingreater insights into EU constitutional law. Moreover, the style of the book is pleasant to read andclearly understandable, although to digest it fully requires some preliminary knowledge of, orbackground in, EU constitutional issues.

JUAN A. MAYORALEuropean University Institute, Florence

The External Dimension of Justice and Home Affairs: A Different Security Agenda for the Euro-pean Union? edited by S. Wolff, N. Wichmann and G. Mounier (London: Routledge, 2010, ISBN9780415497190); 160pp., £80.00 hb.

This edited volume contains contributions focused on an increasingly popular topic: the externalaspects of the European Union’s broadly defined justice and home affairs (JHA) area ofco-operation. Since the early 2000s, JHA co-operation has attracted scholars interested in studyingwhy, how and with what effect the EU’s internal approach to immigration, asylum and criminaljustice has prompted change beyond EU boundaries. For the most part, however, this topic remainspoorly understood in both empirical and theoretical terms. The research agenda is highly frag-mented and poorly connected to existing theoretical streams of inquiry within EU studies. Thus thecriterion for judging a new book on the topic is whether it can enhance our understanding of thisburgeoning area of EU co-operation and do so in a way that is coherent and connected to previousliterature.

Previously published as a special issue in the Journal of European Integration, the book isdivided into four sections. The first includes two introductory pieces which, although useful in theirown right, overlap in setting out key questions the book will address. The first article sets out fourquestions the volume will address, including the why and what of EU external JHA activities(Smith), while the subsequent article outlines further questions and offers ‘new institutionalism’ asa loose, guiding framework (Wolff, Wichmann and Mounier). The second section includes twoarticles examining the institutional aspects of making externally oriented JHA policies related tothe fields of common security and defence policy (CSDP) (Mounier) and counter-terrorism(Pawlak). The third section looks outside the EU to consider how the EU has extended internalsecurity ‘governance’ to its neighbours, both in terms of policy transfer techniques generally

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(Lavenex and Wichmann) and in the case of the Balkans (Trauner). The fourth section examinesthree further external aspects of the EU’s JHA policies, including EU relations with Georgia oncriminal justice reform (Di Puppo), the influence of the United States over the EU on passengername records (Argomaniz) and Mediterranean co-operation (Wolff). The book has no concludingchapter.

The main value of this volume lies in its detailed case studies, which offer valuable empirics onhow the EU exports its internal standards to third countries (with limited success, most authorsnote). The cases examined here are rich but quite disparate, constraining our ability to make astructured comparison across cases. There is very little theoretical progress made in this volume.An early discussion of new institutionalism is not operationalized or carried through the volume.What little theory appears is limited to individual cases. Such criticism is not unheard of in the caseof edited volumes, however, and the authors deserve credit for bringing useful insights to a nascentfield of study.

MARK RHINARDSwedish Institute of International Affairs and Stockholm University

Europe United: Power Politics and the Making of the European Community, by S. Rosato (Ithaca,NY: Cornell University Press, 2010, ISBN 9780801449352); xiv+265pp; £22.95 hb.

As the European Union limps through the 21st century one may question the need for yet anotherbook on the origins of the EU. Yet this is an extremely worthwhile and valuable contribution to theliterature for those interested in both EU history and the Union’s future trajectory.

Rosato places himself unequivocally within a realist camp, seeing the origins and early evolutionof the EU through a balance of power lens, which emphasizes the overwhelming desire of France andGermany, in particular, to work together to insulate themselves against the twin threat of Sovietaggression and American withdrawal from Europe. The book is divided into six chapters, with thefirst two providing a summary of the overall argument and the framework for the balance of powerapproach that underpins the analysis. Chapters 3–5 provide an analysis of the three key periods ofearly EU history: 1945–50, focusing on events ultimately leading to the creation of the EuropeanCoal and Steel Community; 1950–54, coinciding with the failed attempts to ratify the proposedEuropean Defence Community; and 1955–57, coinciding with the foundation of the EuropeanEconomic Community. Finally, chapter 6 looks at the implications of the book as a whole.

Each chapter makes extensive use of archives in order to demonstrate in convincing fashion thecompeting motives of French, German and British policy elites in seeking to balance Soviet power.In particular, it shows why the French and Germans prioritized European integration and central-ization in order to counter concerns over Europe’s relative weakness vis-à-vis the Soviet Union,whereas the relatively geographically isolated British did not. While this emphasis on archivalwork is to be welcomed, one minor caveat is that the author relies mainly on American archiveswith the motives of French and German actors summarized via American intermediaries. Doing soraises important potential implications for the theoretical framework being developed here: mightFrench and German policy-makers have sought to emphasize their own vulnerability and the needfor a maintained balance of power in order to pressure the United States to remain within theEuropean theatre?

However, what sets this book apart is its capacity to reflect on the implications of its historicalfindings in terms of showing why it is that the EU remains the ‘only example of communitybuilding since 1815’, through comparative analysis with other examples of inter-state co-operation(p. 231). Rosato concludes that, in the absence of a compelling external threat, the integrationprocess is destined to stall and potentially unravel due to the unprecedented strain of the financialand economic crisis, with ‘its members unlikely to even consider political integration, yet alonepursue it’ (p. 245).

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Overall, this is an excellent, accessible book which meets its aim of offering a new take on theEU’s history and future: it should be a key read for researchers and students in the field.

NICK ROBINSONUniversity of Leeds

The Influence of the European Union on Turkish Foreign Policy, by O. Terzi (Farnham: Ashgate,2010, ISBN 9780754678427); x+165pp., £55.00 hb.

Turkey’s foreign affairs have been in the headlines particularly owing to the governing Justice andDevelopment Party’s (JDP) active foreign policy. When it came to power in 2002, the JDP followeda revisionist line in the Cyprus question and mobilized the European Union reform process whichbrought the start of the accession negotiations in late 2005. While ‘democratization’ along the EUaccession process consolidated the JDP’s power in domestic politics, ‘democracy promotion’becomes a component of Turkey’s foreign policy towards the collapse of the authoritarian regimesin the Middle East. Turkey turns out to be a credible model for the new Arab regimes since its ownrelations with Israel have been strained. Instrumentalizing EU accession, the JDP masterfully usesforeign policy as a populist tool to sustain its power in the domestic arena.

Dr Terzi’s book is an introductory-level account of EU influence on Turkey’s foreign policy,covering multiple dimensions including the domestic one, and the sustaining of power by theJustice and Development Party (AKP). Unfortunately, it does not put forward a specific argument.Based on secondary sources, its arguments concern the involvement of civil society in foreignpolicy-making, the Cyprus question and the Armenian question – themes that have been previouslybeen examined by authors such as Rumelili, Oguzlu, Onis, Kirisci, Tocci, Aydın and others. Itsmain weakness, however, lies elsewhere. Despite the first few pages being devoted to the conceptof ‘Europeanization’, the author does not employ a causal analysis, showing the mechanisms of EUinfluence over Turkish foreign policy, such as one might expect from a scholarly work on Euro-peanization – that is, showing how it operates. The author also seems to be confused about the realcause of change in Turkey’s foreign policy. In attempting to show the EU’s influence on Turkey’sforeign policy, the author misses out other influential factors, such as systemic changes in inter-national relations, the ‘strategic depth’ perspective of Foreign Minister Davutoglu, and Americanforeign policy in Turkey’s surrounding regions; in some sections these have been touched upon ina superficial way without integrating them in a proper perspective to show the influence of otherkey factors.

The author considers Europeanization in straightforward terms. Recent events have shown thatthe EU’s impact on Turkey is rather conjectural and motivated by the immediate target of startingaccession negotiations at the earliest stage. Currently, the EU’s credibility for domestic reform israther low. It is difficult to expect it to be any higher in foreign policy. The tensions between Turkeyand France in various areas such as Cyprus, Libya and Armenia are signs of this divergence, whichhave moved into the Nato sphere, as the Cyprus question and the intervention in Libya demonstrate.The author ignores the temporal dimension, whereas effective Europeanization is constrained bytime, as is any ‘credible’ award of membership in the foreseeble future.

KIVANÇ ULUSOYFaculty of Political Sciences, Istanbul University

Shaping the Post-Soviet Space? EU Policies and Approaches to Region-Building, by L. Delcour(Farnham: Ashgate, 2011, ISBN 9781409402244); xii+182pp., £55.00 hb.

This book offers an insightful analysis of the policies designed and implemented by the EuropeanUnion in the former Soviet Union from the angle of region-building. The author provides acomprehensive analysis of the EU’s various approaches to regional co-operation with and between

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post-Soviet countries, in concurrence with the EU’s attempts to encourage inter-regionalism. Thebook is a timely contribution to the literature, which has focused more on the bilateral relationsbetween the EU and newly independent states (NIS), or the specific initiatives of the EU, ratherthan on regionalism or the NIS. As a result, Delcour’s book fills a gap in the literature by providingan extensive focus on regionalism and inter-regionalism between the EU and the NIS.

The central argument of the book is that the post-Soviet area stands as an exception to the EU’sactions for pushing regionalism and inter-regionalism, in which the EU does not seem to attemptstrengthening regional co-operation and inter-regional links in the region. Rather, following thecollapse of the Soviet Union, a bilateral dimension prevailed in the EU’s approach to the post-Soviet geography. The author questions this post-Soviet space as an ‘exception’ in the wholepicture of the EU’s external action, starting the analysis by assuming it to be revealing andmeaningful. Therefore, the book has a different and very interesting approach as a starting point.

Delcour relies on a variety of sources: policy documents issued by EU actors (analyzed viacritical discourse analysis), empirical data from fieldwork in four NIS (Russia, Ukraine, Georgiaand Kazakhstan) and secondary sources. The volume presents a theoretically informed, empiricallyrich and methodologically sophisticated analysis.

The book is organized in eight chapters, followed by a conclusion. The first chapter introducesthe analytical framework of the volume. The second and third chapters provide backgroundinformation to the roots of the EU’s policies towards the NIS in the 1990s and the growingdifferentiation and sub-regionalization process by the early 2000s. Chapter 4 explores the strategicpartnership with Russia. Chapters 5 and 6 address the neighbourhood policy of the EU with aspecific focus on Ukraine, unresolved conflicts in Moldova and South Caucasus and Central Asia.Chapter 7 analyzes the degree of consistency in and between the current policies of the EU in thepost-Soviet area. Chapter 8 examines two initiatives of the EU, specifically: the Northern Dimen-sion and Black Sea Synergy.

Overall, Delcour has written a comprehensive and highly convincing book. It should beregarded as an important contribution to European studies, and therefore is highly recommended tothose interested in the EU’s external policy and relations with Russia and the neighbourhoodcountries.

GÖZDE YILMAZBerlin Graduate School for Transnational Studies, Freie Universität Berlin

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the influence of the european union on turkish foreign policy – by o. terzi

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