teacher educators, student teachers and biographical influences: implications for teacher education

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Teacher Educators, StudentTeachers and BiographicalInfluences: implications for teachereducationShirley Grundy a & Elizabeth Hatton ba Murdoch Universityb Charles Sturt UniversityPublished online: 02 Jun 2006.

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Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education, Vol. 26, No. 2, 1998 121

Teacher Educators, Student Teachers andBiographical Influences: implications forteacher education

SHIRLEY GRUNDY, Murdoch University

ELIZABETH HATTON, Charles Sturt University

ABSTRACT The importance of acknowledging the influence of biography in understandingteachers' work is well established in recent literature. Drawing upon data arising from a studyof teacher educators and their students, we consider the influence of biography on the work ofteacher educators and student teachers. We draw comparisons between the ways in which theymake connections with their demographic characteristics, their personal and educationalhistories and their understanding of their work. We evaluate the data against two majorpositions in the literature on biography and draw some implications for teacher education.

Introduction

The organisation and practice of teacher education are the focus of considerableresearch and critique. However, teacher educators and student teachers have typicallynot received as much attention as subjects of research (Lanier & Little, 1986),particularly in relation to biography/autobiography. (Student teachers are researchedmost extensively in relation to school experience programmes.) Although, there hasbeen considerable attention paid in educational research to the ways in which teachersunderstand their work in relation to their histories and life experiences (Hargreaves,1996), similar studies of the connection of the life and work of teacher educators andof student teachers are rare. Yet as Butt et al. (1992) argue, preservice teachereducation is an important site where the ground is prepared for the formation of ateacher's professional identity. Butt et al. (1992, drawing on Lather, 1984), argue thatpreservice teacher education often reduces the complexity of teaching through atechnological mindset that both deintellectualises teachers and depoliticises the valueladen activity of teaching (see also Elliot & Hatton, in press). If this is the case, andour earlier work in this research programme investigating teacher educators lendssupport to this claim (Grundy & Hatton, 1995), then it is likely also to be the case thatteacher educators view their own careers and work in deintellectualised and depoliti-cised ways. The complex ways in which teacher educators' biographies shape theirtaken-for-granted understandings of the meaning of 'being a teacher' are likely toremain unrecognised and unacknowledged (see also Hatton (1997)). Moreover, we alsoneed to consider whether this has implications for the sort of understandings that arebeing made available to teacher education students. Britzman (1986, p. 454), forexample, has argued that beginning teachers need to develop 'critical ways of knowingwhich can interrogate school culture, the quality of students and teachers lives, schoolknowledge, and the particular role that biography plays in understanding these dynam-ics'. However, if the role biography plays 'in understanding these dynamics' remains

1359-866X/98/020121-17 © 1998 Australian Teacher Education Association

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122 5. Grundy&E. Hatton

unrecognised for teacher educators, then it is unlikely that such critique will beadequately encouraged amongst student teachers.

This paper reports an investigation of this link between understanding teaching andbiography for a group of teacher educators and their students. Drawing upon dataarising from a study of teacher educators and their students, we consider the influenceof aspects of biography on the work of teacher educators and student teachers. Weargue that the unrecognised and/or unacknowledged influence, of gender, class andethnicity upon the shaping of these research participants' life stories, raises questionsabout the ways in which the influence of gender, class and ethnicity as social determi-nants is being dealt with in teacher education courses.

However, there is not a uniform pattern of non-recognition of the influence ofgender, class and ethnicity upon life experience and chances. Rather, we identified acontinuum of recognised influence which appears to be related to teaching about thesefactors as much as to consciousness raising life experiences. This suggests that thedevelopment of critical social awareness in teacher education might be dependent asmuch upon direct teaching about the effects of, for instance, discriminatory socialpractices grounded, in this case, in gender, class and ethnic difference, as it is upon therecollection and analysis of personal experience. Before turning our attention tothe data, to provide the context for our study, we provide an analysis of trends in theliterature on teachers' biography. We next explicate some methodological concerns.

Biography/Autobiography and the Study of Teachers and Teaching

The study of the lives of teachers, through 'life story' or the more rigorously con-structed 'life history' (Goodson, 1992), is now an established tradition widiin sociolog-ical and educational research (Goodson, 1980-1981, 1991, 1992, 1994; Ball &Goodson, 1985; Connolly & Clandinin, 1990). Goodson (1980-1981) has arguedcogently and consistently for the value of life history as a means of supplementing ourunderstanding of schooling and teaching. Using Jackson's 1968 Life in Classrooms as anexample, he has argued that educational ethnography, 'although full of insight' resultsin accounts which are 'depersonalised, neutral, above all eminently interchangeable—the same old familiar teacher we know so well' (Goodson, 1980-1981, pp. 67-68). Bycontrast, paying attention to personal and biographical data allowed the importantquestions of how teachers saw their work and their lives to be addressed.

Research on teachers' lives through life story and life history has a strong autobio-graphical theme. That is, researchers have not been content simply to recount lifehistory as a process of documentation from the outside, but radier the intent is toprovide 'insider' accounts (see Butt et al., 1992). In this sense, the life history researchmovement is connected with, and informed by, ideas about giving voice to teachers'stories which are largely celebratory. Goodson (1992, p. 10), for example, says:

the project of 'studying teachers' lives' should represent an attempt to gener-ate a counter-culture which will resist the tendency to 'return teachers to theshadows'; a counter-culture based upon a research mode that above all takesteachers seriously and seeks to listen to 'the teachers' voice'. The proposal Iam recommending is essentially one of reconceptualizing educational researchso as to assure that the teacher's voice is heard, heard loudly, heard articu-lately.

Lately, however, some reservations have been expressed about some of the celebratory

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Teacher Educators, Student Teachers and Biographical Influences 123

aspects of life story/history. Hargreaves (1996, p. 13), for instance, warns that 'thediscourse of the teachers' voice has tended to construct it in a particularly 'positive' wayagainst a background of silence in which it had been previously trapped by policy andresearch'. Moreover, Hargreaves (1996) is also concerned with the totalising aspect ofthe research on teachers' voice. He notes that teacher biography/autobiography is oftenpresented as representing the singular voice which speaks of, and for, all teachers. In sodoing, it tends to down-play the diversity of voices that are present in the professionand, especially, to silence or edit out 'dissonant voices' (p. 13).

This tendency towards totalisation of 'voice' can be seen as the other side of aconcern raised a decade earlier by Britzman (1986) in relation to student teacherbiography. Whilst acknowledging the importance of 'uncovering biography' for/withstudent teachers, Britzman notes that the cultural myths which are likely to informthe interpretation of the meaning of biographical experience are underpinned by theideology of 'the teacher as rugged individual'. Britzman (1986, p. 453) argues thatthis is:

a stance which bestows valor on the lonely process of becoming a teacher, butat the same time obscure [s] the social forces which individualize this struggle.For the rugged individual, any context—be it history, race, class, sex, orsociety—is viewed as a mere handicap to be individually overcome.

Thus, within the literature on teacher biography, two strands of development arediscernible. First, the approach to biography as essentially celebratory, which whileproblematic, has done much to uncover the complexity of the way in which teachers'lives and work develop interdependently. Second, there have been uncritical, individu-alistic interpretations of the life/work interplay which have the potential to impede thecapacity of teachers to understand the social as well as personal dimensions of theirwork (Britzman, 1986). Neither strand, we would argue, is adequate, on its own, toenable teacher educators to work towards the achievement of our preferred goal forteacher education, which is social critique and social transformation rather than socialreproduction. We oppose social reproduction as a goal on the grounds that it 'leavesunexamined and unchallenged social practices which perpetuate unequal and unjustsocial relationships' (Grundy & Hatton, 1995, p. 9).

Methodology

This paper is the third in a series of papers resulting from a study entitled 'TeachingTeaching' (see Grundy & Hatton, 1995, 1994). In this paper, we bring together someof the data from each of the participant groups, teacher educators and student teachers,to study their perceptions of the influence of biography upon their understandings oftheir work. It should be noted that we are using the term 'biography' rather loosely inthis investigation. Unlike the extensive recollection and documentation methodologiesdescribed by Butt et al. (1992) and Woods (1987), our data were generated on the basisof an initial extensive interview, the transcript of which was returned to participants forconsideration and discussed in a follow-up interview, at which point changes could bemade by informants. The biographical questions were included at two points in theinterview. The first set of questions asked for an account of early life influences uponthe decision to become a teacher/teacher educator with follow-up questions specificallyaddressing the influence of gender, class and ethnicity upon either that decision or uponthe way in which the participant's career had evolved. The second set of questions,

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occurring much later in the interview, asked participants to reflect upon the way inwhich their own gender, class or ethnic social positioning might influence what or howthey teach.

So, the use of the notion of 'biographical experiences' or the term 'biography' doesnot imply as broad a project as those outlined in Bertaux (1981). It is not an attemptto provide a fully documented life history which 'records how the manifold social,economic and psychological influences of particular historical periods intrude on theindividual's actions and consciousness' (Goodsori, 1980-1981, p. 71; Campbell (1988)and Carter (1984, p. 126)). Rather, the project is significantly more modest. It simplyapplies to teacher educators and student teachers the view that life experiences, whichinclude the influence of social and cultural factors, shape teaching (Ball & Goodson,1985, p. 13).

We found that we could categorise our informants' responses across a continuumfrom 'denial of influence', 'non-recognition/non-acknowledgment', 'unproblematicrecognition/not personal knowledge', 'unproblematic recognition of influence/untheo-rised but connected to practice and social understanding', 'problematised recognitionthrough retrospective analysis'. To recognise the potential for other positions to emergefrom the larger data set, we added a null set position we have called 'lived recognition'.Most of these categories are self evident. However, 'lived recognition' requires briefcomment. Here we are trying to portray those who not only problematise the concepts,but carry this through to their teaching practice and use this to monitor and shape theirteaching. In what follows, we examine the connections that the research participantsmake between their social and demographic positionings and the decisions they havemade or continue to make in relation to the way in which they undertake their work.It is important to point out that as researchers we also participated in the data collectionfor 'Teaching Teaching'. As formerly working class females from Anglo-Celtic back-grounds, we make no claims to being more able than our sample to recognise theinfluence of biography. Moreover, we realise that the contradictions we found in ourpeers practice similarly pervades ours.

Biographical Influences on Teacher Educators and Student Teachers

We present data on teacher educators first followed by data on student teachers.

Teacher Educators

Ben tells the following anecdote to claim gender as influence in his history:

my father left school I think about the end of Year 2 and I have always beenextremely sensitive to the fact that my mother was much better educated thanmy father. She did the Intermediate Certificate, she scored very well... shewanted to become a teacher... . But her mother would not let her do itbecause girls did not become teachers. So, subconsciously I suppose I've beenalways fairly sensitive to that sort of thing. I couldn't understand my grand-mother, who I admired very much, saying, saying no. If my daughter wantedto become a Fire Engine driver or something like that, well it wouldn't worryme in the slightest. So, I just couldn't understand that!

(It is interesting, and perhaps significant, that Ben's grandfather is assigned no role inthe thwarting of Ben's mother's ambitions.)

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In elaborating the way in which this history shaped his life, Ben claimed to be free ofthe influence of gender in his teaching, largely, it seems, because he is able to acceptmales and females in non-traditional roles. For example, he says that at university hestudied Organic Chemistry where he was 'quite happy to work with [four or five] veryclever girls in chemistry' because 'gender didn't worry us all that much at all'. He tellsanother story about a time when he was on a panel visiting high schools to informsecondary school students about life in tertiary institutions. At a working class schoolwhere the panel was finding it difficult to involve the students:

I can remember ... there was dead silence ... no hands went up—then a blokesaid, 'I'll tell you what I want to be!'... He said, 'I want to be a Home Scienceteacher.' Here was this rough, tough, bearded, moustached sort ofbloke ... and he wanted to become a Home Science teacher! I was talking tothe teacher later on and the fellow who was with them, and the girl who waswith them said, 'There's a male Home Science teacher at Blacktown at themoment and he really has the boys cooking very well, thank you very muchand they are loving it.' So this fellow wanted to go to Newcastle to become aHome Science teacher. Luckily there was a girl on the panel from Newcastlewho could say a little bit about what you had to do to become a Home Scienceteacher. It was good, you know, I was quite impressed with that (emphasisadded).

What is significant here is that Ben has a fairly simplistic view of the gender issue.Acceptance of non-traditional pathways seems to solve the problem for him. Indeed heseems singularly unaware of issues such as language and the oppression of women bymen in teaching settings. Consider, for example, the consistent use of the term 'girl' forthe Blacktown female teacher and for the female panel member in the quote above. Bycontrast, the male student is referred to as a 'bloke' and the Home Science teacher isdignified with the descriptor 'male'. So, while neither the male student nor the maleteacher are described as 'boys', adult females are consistently 'girls'.

Moreover, when he describes how he became a teacher educator, he seems unawarethat male patronage was implicated in securing this position. As it turned out, one ofthe selection panel members was known to Ben 'and I'd known [person named] whowas on the panel and we had a bit of a talk about that and [he] had said "Do you wantto come to [regional area named] Ben?" I said "Yes,... I'd be delighted to come," andso I was invited to come ... as a seconded lecturer'. Gender was the only issue on whichBen could be persuaded to say anything. Indeed, he had nothing to say on the influenceof class and ethnicity.

James separates himself from his family history when he discusses his biographyproviding an example of rugged individualism par excellence. This view is evident whenhe talks about the role of sociocultural factors in shaping his history as a teachereducator or his teaching. At best, he concedes that these factors must have someinfluence, but has no real conception of how gender, class, or ethnicity might beinfluential: 'I don't believe they have been, I'm not aware of them,... But—I mean Idon't react one way or another so—well because I'm a man, and a male maths teacher,possibly it's had an impact on some students, that a women maths teacher wouldn'thave had, but, I feel [it hasn't]'.

When asked how might the fact that he's a male have had an impact, he said:

Well I'm aware that a lot of students we get here, have an unfortunateexperience with certain types of men teachers who've been... the sort of

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person who would put down girls who are good at maths and not encouragethem as much as they would the boys.... I have thought about that. I don'tthink that that's part of my makeup, I certainly hope it's not, and if it is, I'dlike someone to tell me.

He notes that there are some young women with whom he's had bad relations, butpoints out 'those girls have also had a difficulty with any relationship with any othermale teacher ... it's just a difficulty they have, and they've been helped more by a femalemember of staff. Precisely why the female students might be experiencing bad relation-ships with males that are not replicated with female lecturers is not explored.

Moreover, he also takes his recruitment by a male Head of Department of Math-ematics in the Teachers' College for granted as linked only to individual prowess; thegender dimension that led to the dominance of men in Teachers' Colleges and CAEsescapes him:

Well, I was apparently a successful teacher at the high school and [I was]approached by the Head of Department of Maths in the Teachers' College toapply for a position here. I initially said [that] I was enjoying teaching atschool far too ... and then he came back the next year and said, "What aboutnow?' So I applied and was appointed.

When probed again over class and ethnicity, he responded:

I don't see myself as in a class, I guess one inevitably is, but it's only someoneelse's terminology for you. I don't see myself as in a particular class, but Iguess by my economic situation, I would fall in the middle class, Anglo-Saxontype of stereotype if people were to put me in a box.

Asked again whether this fact had any impact or implications, he said: 'I don't see ithas—unless it's a limitation to not be able to relate to a particular group of people'.Later in the interview, when he was explicitly asked about whether class, gender andethnicity informed or shaped his teaching practices and how this might happen, heconceded that class, gender and ethnicity may be implicit influences, the force of whichhe is not conscious:

I guess I could only say they probably do, not consciously or deliberately butI don't think any of us can escape these influences, we are what we are, andI was trying to discuss this with my wife and say, 'Well if I was the same exceptthat I was a women, would I do anything differently?' and of course it's anabsurd thing to try to imagine, because I would be a completely differentperson if I wasn't a man.

When asked about gender, class or ethnicity, Louise honed in on the issue of genderand claimed that on entering teacher education she was:

not as aware [of gender issues].... when I first came [into teacher edu-cation] ... I tended to highlight [men] at times—you know and say, 'The menin the group can do this!' or something like that. Now, I've learned, I'velearned ... you don't. They are equal people—there's none of this boys or girlssort of thing.

She added, 'I think I just have a very strong sense of people as people... [so socialfactors are irrelevant]'. When prompted about ethnicity/'race', in relation to herself, shesaid simply 'I was thinking of colour as ethnicity'. Therefore, she did not explore it. Itwas responses like this in which most of the teacher educators simply had no grasp on

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the fact that they belonged to the dominant ethnic group in Australia and that this factwas undoubtedly crucial in their biographies and their teaching which led us to labelthis type of response 'white is not a colour' (see Roman, 1993, p. 71-88), which is oftencombined with a professed colour blindness which allowed them, they claimed, torespond simply to the 'individual'.

Louise makes one exception to her colour blindness on the basis that Aboriginalpupils have a special need for support in drama: ' Possibly I would be bending myselfbackwards for a little Aboriginal kid down at the school whereas with another one Imightn't be as tolerant'.

When prompted with social class, she dismissed its relevance: 'We wouldn't knowabout class in [regional centre named] would we?' She added 'Not amongst ourstudents very much, I think'. Interestingly, the area about which she speaks is noted forits rigid class and 'race' divisions.

When asked about the influence of gender, class and or ethnicity in his history as ateacher or teacher educator, Bruce responded 'Not really I don't see that they havebeen significant'. However, he had previously pointed to another significant feature ofhis biography. Bruce claims his upbringing in an all female household is significant inthe way he views gender:

There was my mother, my sister, my grandmother, two grand aunts, and I wasthinking about this last night—I think I must have been seven years old beforeI ever saw a man shave. ... I grew up ... in totally feminine surroundings. But,I think that was a saving grace in a sense, (laughter) It made me far moreconscious of my anima rather than the animus.

Bruce does not really explore or make problematic his own role as the sole male in thishousehold. He claims simply that this experience has the effect of making genderirrelevant.

When asked about the way in which gender, class and ethnicity informed or shapedhis teaching practices Bruce was silent on the issues of ethnicity and class beyonddisclaiming their influence. He also specifically denied his gender issue of gender 'hasany effect'. The existence of a gender equity policy in the university had resulted in agreater consciousness of the need to monitor his language. However, he claimedmonitoring his language was not a new practice for him: 'I suppose I've alwaysmonitored my language. I'm just more conscious of it because it's written here. But... Iwould never want to give hurt or affront to anybody'.

What was interesting about this was that a video-taped episode of his teachingshowed Bruce relating to males and females in very different ways, despite his dis-claimer about seeing people as people. His interaction with males was low key, subduedand serious. By contrast, when interacting with the females in his class he becameanimated and jolly in a way that was not replicated once with the males. When askedwhether or not he was conscious of this, he initially claimed that the boys were makingdifferent demands on him than the girls, hence his different response. However, he alsoadded that he 'wouldn't detract from the point that it might be part of me that havingas I said, very much earlier, grown up in a totally female household, I might be able torelate ... more comfortable, yes, with females than with males. I might not have feltthreatened ... that could be [it]'.

For Suzanne, gender looms more significant than class or ethnicity:

I think that my gender has been quite significant and I think probably classand ethnicity less so. And I say that because—I mean I obviously come from

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a sort of fairly middle class Anglo-Saxon background, so that in a sense Iformed part of a majority group, not a minority group.... and neither did I goto [school in] an area ... which was at all multicultural.

Indeed, it is clear from her biographical accounts of her life, that gender was an obviousomnipresent factor. She grew up on a rural property in a Catholic family in which it wastaken for granted that the property would be given to the only son. The girls, therefore,were encouraged to have a good education and to have a gender appropriate career asnurses or teachers. Moreover, because she happily accepted a traditional role in theearly lives of her own family, this too affected her work and life.

With some prompting, Suzanne was able to make some limited, albeit interesting,points about the influence of ethnicity and class. When questioned about whether beinga member of a majority group would affect the way she perceived herself, she re-sponded:

Yeah. Yeah, I guess ... that's very true, because—I mean the same about mymiddle-classness. I mean it avoids the tag of the elitism that goes with thefilthy rich and the upper-class, and it avoids the tag of inferiority that goes withsort of working-class. Sort of, it meant that... I had pretty straight sailingin ... my growing up. I wasn't confronted with racial discrimination of anykind. I didn't actually see evidence of it in my education. And I wasn't reallyaware, very much, of class differences either. I mean I guess they were there,but it was—I mean we were all thrown in this sort of small country town.

Despite this statement, she still claimed that class and ethnic influences were notevident in her history.

Not surprisingly, when asked whether her gender or class or ethnicity has any bearingon her teaching she was able to speak articulately about gender, but not as articulatelyabout class or ethnicity:

I'm very aware of sexist language now in a way that I just was never before.It didn't hit me. I didn't realise that it was so very exclusive. Sothat... awareness is there. And I think, too, in terms of students who are veryarticulate and those who are not. You know,... are people choosing not tospeak? Are they frightened not to speak? Are they feeling oppressed by otherpeople who are dominating? And I think that those—those are not entirelyseparate from these other issues. I think it's, you know, your life experiencesdetermines your confidence in relation to, you know, speaking out in seminarsjust as much as it does with parents speaking out in schools.... And I guess,too, how classroom practices can be very oppressive. I mean I don't think thatany teacher sets out to be sexist deliberately. I mean, they would never say:"Well I'm deliberately trying to actually exclude these girls ... in this particularsituation', or, 'treat these girls in such a way that devalues them'. But Ithink ... that often happens.

She attributes her awareness of issues such as class, gender and ethnicity to theeducative affect of teaching in tertiary subjects in preservice teacher education:'teaching in a lot of these units, and really taking on some of these issues has been asmuch benefit to me as it has to the students. And therefore it has really raised myawareness about [them]'.

Although Suzanne has engaged in retrospective analysis which enables a problematicrecognition of the issue of gender, her greater awareness has not yet shifted her to the

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level we have described as 'lived recognition' in which she uses her problematicrecognition to monitor and shape her teaching settings:

I must admit that last year when a couple of my students were doing thegender issue, about three weeks beforehand they actually did an analysis of thetalk patterns in our group, where we had a real problem with a male studentwho is very dominant anyway. And I mean their statistics were just extraordi-nary. I mean ... he interrupted thirty-three times ... a female during the courseof... two hours, and ... That.. . showed that even when you think you'rebeing aware of it, it's not as strident as perhaps it ought to be, because we areso accepting of the differences.

We now turn our attention to our sample of student teachers.

Student Teachers

Michael is retrospectively able to link/explain some features of his background to someof the issues of concern in this paper:

Umm, at—at the beginning of the course I would have thought no, but [at theend] but now I'd say yes it does. ... I've been in a lot of small towns out westwhere a lot of people haven't got a lot out of education. They've ended up onfarms and ... unemployed, especially out west. I've been [to] places like Pilligaand Goodooga and I think education really didn't give them the opportunity.I see a lot of people who went to private schools—the opportunities that theygot. So ... in terms of class, yeah, I can see that... there's a motivating factorfor me there as a teacher, to try and change that. ... Uh, in terms of gender,umm,... I'm more aware of that than I was before... in many ways. In termsof language, in terms of... the roles that... men and women are placed into.I'm more aware of those ... I would never have thought about that in the—inthe way that I have if I hadn't... done something in [university subjectnamed].

However, he claimed a closer affinity with the issue of class as this was an issue whichtouched his life: 'I think ... that was something because I was part of that, if you like.It was going on around me in a very visible way, in the towns that I've come from. Butin terms of gender, umm, no. Probably class was the biggest influence'.

Michael seemed to be very conscious of the way in which privileges accrued to thoseof his peers from country areas who were able to attend fee paying, prestigious privateschools which did not accrue to him. It was obvious that he felt the impact of classbecause he felt oppressed by it in ways he did not feel oppressed by gender or ethnicity.Indeed, his own ethnicity passed unremarked. When talking about influences on histeaching, he was also silent on the issue of ethnicity. Class, as a social justice issuerather than an influence on teaching, again featured as a preoccupation:

Umm, gender, I try not to. I've very aware of that after this course and I trynot to let that influence me. Class, as I said before, I came from, you know,small western towns where a lot of people, a lot of the kids that I went toschool with, are still in those towns facing the problems that we get in smallrural towns. So, an influence on my teaching? Umm, I suppose there wasalways a tradition to fag out private schools and, you know. So I suppose I'vestill got that in the back of my mind, that money sort of influence, if you like,

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of people getting—yeah, the inequalities in education, or the education thatpeople get based solely on the parents' income or where they live, or theirability to buy education. You know, afford education. So I suppose if class—ifthat's a matter of class, then I suppose, yeah, I suppose that influences me.

It is interesting to note that gender received a mere mention ('I try not to'). He wasprobed further about the role of his ethnic background and straightforwardly denied itas an influence. He did point out, however, he had a problem with his own negativestereotypes about Aborigines:

Out west, like there were a lot of Aboriginals (we) ... Dad was a policeman andthat put me on the wrong side of a lot of [Aboriginal] people. So—... it's adifficult thing because I don't hold anything against them individually. Youknow, I can accept everyone as an individual and I take them on an individualbasis. But it's difficult for me to overcome, if you like, some stereotypes as awhole... . So as a teacher that's something... I'm trying to come to termswith.

His view was that 'y°ii should sit back and look at how you think and why you thinkthat'. He believed he would use this experience positively:

Because I've seen the problems and I can understand that there are some bigproblems out there. So hopefully I can come up with some answers. But... ina negative sense, it was very off putting. So, you've got to try and reflect andovercome that. It's happened, okay that was then. But you've got a group ofindividuals and you've got to treat them as individuals, all of which have aright to a decent education. You can't put them into an ethnic group or aracial group or whatever, and say well I'm just going to forget about them. ... Imean that would make me just as bad as some of the people out there. Or—ifthat was the view I took, then I don't think I should be teaching.

This was an issue about which Michael was very sensitive. He claimed the onesubject in the programme that addressed Aboriginal education was poorly focusedbecause 'it seemed to place a lot of emphasis on the teachers being influenced bystereotypes'. He added that:

It seemed to me that they were coming up with excuses [for the low achieve-ment of Aborigines. And I think a lot of teachers who go out probably havegood intentions and if people were being put off because of that I can wellunderstand it because they're being out there [Aboriginal people] can at timesbe difficult to get along with.

Teachers, in his view, were positioned inappropriately, despite the fact that theliterature used did not underplay the difficulties facing teachers:

Well I think—I think it brought out the difficulty but I think it put. . . not theblame, but the responsibility too much towards the teachers, if that makes anysense. See I just felt that teachers were being branded as being stereotypes andnot liking Aboriginals and all the rest of it. There were some case studies ina school where a teacher was deliberately annoying the Aboriginal girls. I can'tremember the paper I mean, I don't deny that that happens, but you canprove anything if you take an isolated case. Do you see what I mean ... itproved a point and it got across a point which was important, but if you takeone individual case and write it up, I don't think that necessarily proves thateveryone's like that.

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The view portrayed verged, for him, on a biased one:

It's just my initial reaction to that course was—was that there was a bias-notbias, but it featured on the menu. But I mean I can say that after the courseI did get a lot out of it, and I'm a lot more aware of the social problems andthe inequalities and things like that. But I still maintain that perhaps a morelevel—maybe the other side of the fence type [of thing]. I mean these are theproblems, what are the answers? and how do we go about solving these things?Where have people actually gone about doing these things, and actually havinga case study of something positive. Not, you know, something negative all thetime.

An examination of the materials used in the subject was subsequently undertaken.Significantly, it turned out that all students in the programme had been exposed to dataon outcomes from schooling for Aboriginal students. These data alone might havecaused Michael to think seriously about his isolated case thesis. And of the case studymaterials presented in the subject, only one focused directly on Aboriginal students(Malin, 1990). Although the major focus in this article is on one teacher who, despiteher good intentions, is monoculturally and unconsciously disadvantaging Aboriginalstudents, there is a positive contrast with another teacher who is operating much moreproductively. Moreover, the former teacher is not 'blamed' for her shortcomings.Another article by Henry (1989) had a small section on the experiences of Aboriginalstudents in a rural secondary school in which their disproportionate representation inspecial classes and the like received some attention. Both of these articles, however,devoted attention to why this situation needs to be changed and how this might beachieved. Given this, Michael's perception of 'negative all the time', or lack of'levelness', and his unwillingness to admit that these case studies are not necessarilyatypical, may perhaps be read as a measure of Michael's sensitivity on the issue. It isas though, in the end, he wants to deflect the issue as a concern for teachers. Theattention the issue received in teacher education seems to have been experienced byhim as an uncomfortable, dislocating interruption to his taken for granted knowledge.

Peter is a mature-aged student teacher who responded to the initial question aboutdie influence of class, gender and ethnicity on his decision to become a teacher bysuggesting that, on retrospective analysis, these factors worked in his favour to give hima 'favourable run' dirough education:

I don't know about gender, I don't think that has nothing to do widi it, class,well I guess I suppose because I came from a middle class, a middle-upperclass background,... I was the type of student that the teacher saw as a goodkid and I was probably worse than most of them. ... So I was getting eight outof ten in die exams and so yeah, I guess my class, ... because I was white,middle-class male, I think I've probably had a pretty easy run through theeducation system.... I diink diose factors made it easy for me. I think whenyou don't notice anything going particularly wrong or anything's particularlydifficult, the chances are you're getting a pretty favourable run.

With further probing on die gender issue, he said 'Yeah, yeah I think if I think of thegender ... yeah I think I did get it pretty easy, a pretty easy run through the schoolingsystem'. However, having said that, he was unable to respond to how diese factorsmight influence his teaching beyond positioning himself as someone tolerant of diver-sity, especially given the attention devoted to these issues in teacher education.

Jacqui, who is a mature student in her fifties. When asked about die influence of

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132 5. Grundy & E. Hatton

class, gender or ethnicity on her decision to become a teacher she responded: 'Gender,class, ethnicity? No, I wouldn't say any of those things have had an influence on me'.When probed with 'Do you think the fact that you weren't born in Australia or the factthat you ... were a new Australian,... might have affected your decision to become ateacher?', she denied this possibility:

I'd never even thought about teaching until I went back and did the HSC. IfI'd have done what I wanted to do when I first left school I'd have gone intonursing. ... So teaching, no, . . . - my first [choice] was nursing. My parentswanted me to do secretarial work. In those days you did as you were told, soI went to secretarial college, and became a medical secretary.

Jacqui was clear, however, that her career would have been different had she been amale:

I grew up in an age when ... you didn't worry about educating girls. ... Mostof my mates ... even though we went to scholarship schools, a lot of themended up working in shops. I was regarded as something special because I wasworking in an office. ... girls weren't educated. What's the point? They'regoing to ... leave their jobs, get married and have children, which is what agreat many of them did. Thank God that's changed.

What was really interesting was Jacqui's response to the question concerning whethergender, class or ethnicity influenced her teaching in any way: 'No, I don't think so. Iam who I am. What I am influences what I do, not where I was born, the fact that I'ma woman, no'. Her response is a clear denial of social influences and an assertion ofrugged individualism. The extent to which she acknowledged social influences wasexpressed as a desire to wish away her accent because 'the kids pick up on it'.

Susan acknowledges the influence of social class on her life through her father'sinsistence on a university education:

I mean I was about 5 years old, he said you must go to University. You knowI don't care what you do but just get a degree. You can bum around for therest of your life and so you could say that from, not really class but just mybackground that Dad could have influenced me to become a teacher—it wasexpected. It was always expected, I mean, there was no two ways about it, Ihad to go to University. So class may have had a bit of an influence on mydecision to become a teacher. And that could almost be one of my significantfactors.

Gender was also influential in her career choice:

when I was about... nine or ten—my father is a mining engineer—I said toDad [that] I wanted to be a mining engineer and he said, "Now that'sabsolutely fabulous, but being a girl you won't get anywhere, you'll probablyjust end up in consultancy'. And I thought about it and it's still one of themost male chauvinistic areas you could ever find, girls ... will not progress inthat industry. And that did influence me a lot and so I didn't pursue[engineering] so [gender] has been influential—it has, yeah, I never pursuedthat line of work.

She is prepared to concede that her gender, class and ethnicity has some influence onher teaching. However, she seems to think that on the whole she can put theseinfluences aside or neutralise them by not teaching for social justice:

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being a girl, middle-class white Australian would have to influence, in someway, but I don't set out to teach femalistic (sic) approaches or middle-classapproaches or anything. ... They'd have to be there, yeah, because I'm not[an] androgynous, classless, ethnicity type person ... unethnic, but I don't saythey're not there but I'm not out to change the world....

Susan's concern not to teach for social justice stems from a view that this is a form ofindoctrination, since she believes that pupils must make up their own minds aboutsociety. That a failure to address these might mean she might be unconsciouslyteaching in ways which 'shape' the students minds by propping up an unjust status quo,seems not to occur to her.

Vic claims that his gender, class and ethnicity had no influence upon his decision tobecome a teacher. Moreover, they do not influence the way he thinks about teachingbecause 'I think I'm fairly open minded anyway. And I've sort of viewed boys and girls,men and women as equals. I don't think my ethnicity really has really much to do withit eidier, I never... never really, I don't see myself as racist either'.

When probed about the influence of class he added, 'I've never been a real classconscious person, so I'm not really sure about diat... [but] I don't think its really everhad much effect on me, I'm not a very class conscious person,... whether [people arepoor or ] filthy rich, they get treated the same by me'. However, Vic added, 'But Isuppose with gender and racial background and things like that... well I find it thereanyway, just making sure that you treat boys and girls equally not letting, trying not todominate the black kiddies in the class etc'.

Vic claimed his awareness of racism shaped his teaching in so far as he monitored hiswork 'because you've got to try and be mindful of those things and make sure you'renot actually teaching someone differently because they're Aboriginal or because they'reAsian or because they're white Australians'. ... So, his claim was that 'it does shape toa certain extent, you're going to have it in your consciousness all the time and just beconscious of the fact that you're going to trying to treat everyone equally'. Vic goesbeyond mere monitoring to actively teaching about racism. He described a schoolexperience in which he had responded to racism by teaching about it. The commitmentthat inspired this was his belief that 'society should be an equal thing, shouldn't matterwhether they're black, white or purple. You should be treated the same as the nextperson'.

Analysis

At a general level, it is possible to say that both the teacher educators and the studentteachers are limited in their capacity to recognise or comment upon the way in whichtheir lives and work are being influenced by their class, gender and ethnicity. Theideology of the rugged individual untouched by societal influences seemed to typify theideas of several of our sample. Interestingly, where societal influences rated a mention,it was often because they had, in an oppressive way, impacted on our sample's lives.Take, as an example, the case of Michael who had endured the effects of bad racerelations with Aboriginal people apparently because of his father's societal authorityposition as a rural policeman. Michael also felt himself to be disadvantaged by socialclass positioning which gave to some the ability to buy an education and secure lifechances not available to people like him. So while Michael was unable to discern theinfluence of his own social class or ethnicity on his decision to teach or the way in which

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134 5. Grundy & E. Hatton

he conducted his work, he was able to identify where class or race impacted negativelyand oppressively on his life. That his gender, class or ethnicity might also have animpact on others was not seriously considered.

It is also significant that there were some subtle differences between our teachereducators' and our student teachers' responses. As is evident from the foregoingsummaries, the teacher educators were able to respond, at an unproblematic level, tothe term 'gender'. They were either silent about, or clearly less comfortable with, theterm 'social class' and the term 'ethnicity' occasioned virtually no comment.

The student teachers were, with two exceptions, also able to gesture towards the term'gender'. The term 'social class', however, drew a more varied response than that of theteacher educators. It spread the student teachers responses across a continuum from anon-recognition/non-acknowledgment of its influence, to recognition that was inade-quately theorised but was nevertheless connected with social practice and socialunderstanding. Two of the student teachers joined the teacher educators in theirnon-recognition/non-acknowledgment of ethnicity. However, one student teacher wentbeyond this to a position of unproblematic recognition and another two to recognitionthat was inadequately theorised but was nevertheless connected with social practice andsocial understanding. These findings are summarised in Table I.

It is worth pausing to consider why the teacher educators and student teachers alikewere so unable to address the implications of being a member of the dominant ethnicgroup. Roman (1993, p. 71), in a discussion of the concept of race, notes that 'all toooften' it 'has been used as a synonym for groups and persons positioned as raciallysubordinated'. It is probably this kind of usage of race or even ethnicity whichencourages our sample to think that white is not a colour; that they are in Roman's(1993, p. 71) terms 'colorless, and hence without racial subjectivities, interests, andprivileges'.

It is important to note that heightened awareness for both groups resulted from theeffects of education. One of our teacher educators, Suzanne, attributed her greaterinsight to having to teach about these issues. Another, Bruce, claimed heightenedawareness from working in an institution which had a gender equity policy. And anumber of the student teachers also drew attention to the significance of having theseissues addressed in teacher education. The one issue which typically did not draw thisresponse was the issue of 'race'/ethnicity. It seems unlikely that it is receiving anythinglike adequate attention within teacher education programmes. It would be interestingto see how common it was in teacher education for this issue to be addressed other thanas an issue concerning 'others'.

Discussion

We noted earlier in this paper, the reservations that Hargreaves (1996) has recentlyexpressed regarding the totalising tendency within research related to the teacher'svoice. He argues that 'there are many teachers' voices, not just one' (Hargreaves, 1996,p. 16). On the basis of the study of teacher educators' and their students' accounts oflife history, we. would suggest there is support for this contention in our data. There wasno singular teacher educator's or student teacher's voice. Rather as Table I shows, thereis a range of perceptions regarding the influence of gender, class and ethnicity, uponcareer choice and development. Within this diversity, however, four crucial analyticalpoints with implications for how we go about teacher education, emerge.

First, given the high profile within education of debates, policies and research relating

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TABLE I. Teacher educators' and student teachers' recognition of the influence of biography

Denial of Non-recognition/influence non-acknowledgment

Gender

Class

Ethnicity

MichaelPeter

JAMESLOUISE

BENBRUCEJacquiBENBRUCEJAMESLOUISEPeterSusanJacqui

Unproblematicrecognition

BRUCEJAMESBENJacquiSusanVicSUZANNESusanVicSUZANNE

Unproblematic recognition/untheorised

LOUISE

MichaelPeter

MichaelVic

Problematicrecognition

SUZANNE

Livedrecognition

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to gender issues in education and society, the lack of acknowledgment of the influenceof gender upon career decisions and opportunities amongst both male and femaleparticipants (beyond a general 'there must have been an influence') is remarkable.Perhaps this suggests the struggle for effective pedagogy needs to be continued (Hatton,1997). Second, where there is an acknowledgement that gender, class and/or ethnicityhas been influential, it is typically because of some sense of the discriminatory operationof these social constructs in the life of the participant. Thus, while gender was anunrecognised influence upon career decisions and developments for many of the maleparticipants, a number of them acknowledged an awareness of class influences. Thepedagogical insight here is that experiences which provide insight into oppression(empathetic role play, simulations, the conduct of ethnographies, etc.) would seem tohave potential to impact on beginners in a profession which comes mainly fromAnglo-Celtic, middle class backgrounds (see Hatton, in press). Third, the almost totallack of articulation of awareness of the influence of ethnicity (that is, the advantagesthat belonging to the majority/dominant ethnic group bestowed) suggests that ethnicityas a determinant of social opportunity has not been, and is not being, adequatelyexplored in teacher education courses. It would seem worthy of sustained attentiongiven the lack of ethnic diversity amongst recruits to the profession (Hatton, 1996).And finally, where the participants in our study demonstrated an awareness of theadvantaging and disadvantaging effects of gender, class and ethnic positioning, suchawareness was often acknowledged as being due to educational opportunities; eitherthrough having to teach about or being taught about these issues.

This last insight has significant implications for teacher education courses, as well asfor the professional development of teacher educators. The data from these researchparticipants suggest that explicit teaching about social influences of gender, class andethnicity is a significant factor in raising awareness of these issues. Moreover, it is likelythat teaching about these social context issues needs to be accompanied by criticalreflection upon autobiographical experience. While life story recounts may not inthemselves lead to the sort of critical awareness for which Britzman (1986) argues, suchreflection within a context of direct addressing of issues relating to gender, class andethnicity may well lead to an understanding of these taken-for-granted life experiences.Such self-awareness is ultimately necessary if the learning experiences of all students inour schools are to be enhanced.

We earlier argued, when we identified several teacher educators' conservative dis-courses about their work, that pessimism was unwarranted; that there were within them'spaces and silences which provide possibilities of challenging and transcending thelimits of the discourse' (Grundy & Hatton, 1995, p. 22). Similarly, we would argue thatwith professional development for teacher educators and necessary curriculum andpedagogical changes within the subjects offered in preservice teacher education, it ispossible to modify appropriately the (often conservative) shaping influence of biographyin ways which might make the goal of social transformation for teacher education morethan an ideal.

Acknowledgement

We gratefully acknowledge the two years of Australian Research Council Small Grantfunding we received for this project while at the University of New England, Armidale,NSW. We also acknowledge the helpful comments of two anonymous referees.

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Correspondence: Elizabeth Hatton, School of Teacher Education, Faculty of Education,Charles Sturt University, Panorama Avenue, Bathurst, NSW 2795, Australia.

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teacher educators, student teachers and biographical influences: implications for teacher education

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