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Sarah M. Dunn

Professor Stephanie S. Holmsten

IRG Capstone - IRG 378W

Spring 2016

Syrian Refugee Crisis in Europe

Introduction to Migration

“Migration is the movement of people from one place in the world to another for the

purpose of taking up permanent or semi-permanent residence, usually across a political

boundary” (Hunter 1). Human migrations have occurred throughout human history and people

can either undergo voluntary migration, where they make the choice to move, or involuntary

migration, where they are forced to move (Hunter 1). There are 10 different types of migration

but for the purpose of this discussion it is important to remember the following: internal

migration, the movement to a new home within a state, country or continent; external migration,

which is moving to a new home in a different state, country or region; population transfer, also

called involuntary migration, in which a government forces a large group of people out of a

region, usually based on religion or ethnicity; impelled migration, also called “imposed”

migration in which individuals are not forced out of their country, but leave because of

unfavorable situations; and finally, step migration, a series of shorter, less extreme migrations

from a person’s place of origin to a final destination (Hunter 1-2). The purpose of this essay is to

cover the scope of migration, particularly the impelled migration of many Syrian refugees

seeking asylum, and to discuss the costs and benefits that this impelled displacement has on the

refugees and on the host countries responsible for granting the refugees asylum.

Migrants and their Reasons

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The mass migration of populations from one region to another can occur for several

different reasons due to “pull” and “push” factors, especially in the globalized world we live in

today. Pull factors are the reasons for immigrating to a new place because of something desirable

such as better food supply, nicer climate, or more freedom (Hunter 2). Push factors are the

factors that cause individuals to emigrate out of a particular place because of a difficulty, such as

famine, war, or floods (Hunter 2). The four main types of pull and push factors that influence the

migration of people that can work independently or at the same time include environmental,

political, economic and cultural factors (Hunter 2). These pull and push factors essentially

determine which type of migrant an individual is and in many cases, push and pull factors work

together in that people may be leaving a particular country due to push factors, and choose to

move to another country for desired pull factors. Pull factors could generate immigrants or a

migration stream, whereas push factors could generate emigrants, internally displaced persons

and refugees. Immigrants are people who enter a country from another to take up new residence,

and migration streams are essentially immigrants migrating in a group (Hunter 2). Emigrants are

people who leave a country to reside in another (Hunter 2). The two other types of emigrants

include: internally displaced persons, who are classified as people that are forced to leave their

home region because of unfavorable conditions, but do not cross any boundaries; as well as

refugees, who are people that are residing outside their country of origin due to fear of

persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or

political opinion (Hunter 2).

Costs of Migration on Migrants: Private and Social

It is safe to assume that if an individual decides to migrate, the benefits of migrating

probably outweigh the costs incurred from migration. Benefits can be represented by “pull

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factors” such as economic opportunity, increase in living conditions, or more freedom in the host

country. In Larry A. Sjaastad’s article “The Costs and Returns of Human Migration” for the

Journal of Political Economy, he explains that the decision to migrate comes with private and

social costs, consisting of both money and non-money costs, that migrants need to consider

(83). Private costs include money costs that migrants must think about which comprises of out-

of-pocket expenses of movement including food, lodging and transportation, all of which are

variables whose total costs depends on the distance being travelled (Sjaastad 83-84). Other

private money costs includes the average cost of urban amenities that are essential to urban

living which includes housing, sewer, water, streets and electricity as well as schools and

healthcare. It is also important to consider the foregone productive capacity of the migrant,

(Collier and Rempel 203) including their opportunity cost, or foregone earnings, while traveling,

searching for, and eventually finding a new job, which is undoubtedly affected by the level of

unemployment (Sjaastad 83-84).

Non-money costs of migration tend to be more significant and at times, more complex,

combining both private and social costs. Whereas the non-money cost previously mentioned

represents tangible resource costs, “psychic” costs do not. Psychic costs are the psychological

costs of people being removed from their homes, families and friends (Collier and Rempel 203).

This type of social cost includes the challenges that they face in the forms of unfamiliar

language, culture and foods which can cause people to experience acculturative stress, often

defined as culture shock (Rajan 89). In terms of the social lives of migrants, this acculturative

stress represents loss of their lifelong social contacts and challenges to daily interactions (Rajan

89). “This range of experiences and the resulting behaviors constitute social costs of migration,

thus the study of issues of everyday lifestyle, support, loneliness and even isolation assume

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significance” (Rajan 89). Social costs would also include the “effect on a society of a breakdown

in family cohesion caused by extensive separation of family members,” the personal and social

anxieties created by having to live under very crowded conditions with limited access to

resources, the possibility of unemployment creating irremediable ‘culture of poverty’, and the

despair and eventual political and social unrest created by the persistent divide between

expectations and reality (Collier and Rempel 202, 204).

Costs of Migration on Host Countries

There are many costs incurred by host countries due to immigration and whether the

benefits outweigh the costs depends on the country in question as well as the group of migrants

moving into the country. Although international human rights laws assure the protection of the

rights of migrants, in many countries public opinion is adverse to migrants and instances of

xenophobia, discrimination and racism are extremely prevalent in today's society (Valuing

Migration 2-3). Often based on misinformation, anti-immigrant sentiment can be aggravated and

fueled by images of migrants at the margins of society, unemployment of local workers,

especially during times of economic recession, as well as by irregular migration, particularly

involved in trafficking, smuggling and organized crime. In this case, the benefits of migration

can be undermined due to the politicization of the topic, with migrants being considered as a

burden to society rather than a benefit, regardless of what the reality may be.

Migration can be economically beneficial or can be offset by economic loss if it is not

effectively managed in host countries. Economic benefits of migration on the host country may

include their ability to meet their labor market needs, which would maintain or improve

productivity levels (Valuing Migration 3). Furthermore, this increased supply in labor reduces

the growth in wages which raises national income, in which case both the host country and

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migrants themselves would benefit from (Valuing Migration 3). However, on the other side of

the argument, host countries may experience a loss through, for example, strains on physical

infrastructure and public services including increased expenditure on health, education and

general welfare programmes, as well as increased unemployment if migrants successfully

compete for jobs sought by local workforce (Valuing Migration 4).

The costs of migration management of host countries require a dedication of resources,

both human and financial, to both strengthen the borders and to facilitate entry (Valuing

Migration 4). Systems of identifying and tracking migrants are important for the economy of the

host country to ease access for those who are authorized to be there properly identify those who

are not (Valuing Migration 4). Mismanagement can lead to the abuse of migration and asylum

systems by the migrants, which diminishes public support for migration (Valuing Migration 4).

High profile cases of abuse have been highly damaging and diminished support for refugees has

been reflected in many European countries as a result of perceived widespread abuse of asylum

systems (Valuing Migration 4).

Largest Migration in History: The Syrian Refugee Crisis

Migrations have occurred all throughout history for all of the reasons previously

mentioned, however, the Syrian refugee crisis has proven to be the largest displacement of

people in history. Since the onset of the Syrian civil war in 2011, an estimated 9 million Syrians

have fled their homes, seeking asylum in neighboring countries or within Syria itself (“Syrian

Refugees”). More than a million refugees from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan have crossed into

Europe in light of the ongoing conflicts that are taking place in the Middle East, marking the

largest migration and displacement of refugees in history (Loizidou 2). This massive quantity of

people migrating into Europe, mostly from Syria, raises many questions about the future of

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Europe and its citizens. The influx of refugees from these countries into Europe has become a

critical human rights issue by affecting the health of the European population, including the

newly admitted refugees by impacting the pre-existing economic, political, social and cultural

infrastructure of the states that have been given the responsibility of taking in most of the

refugees. In order to understand the scope of the crisis, it is important to first examine the

conflict in Syria, including the causes behind their migration out of Syria or into refugee camps,

as well as the effects that it has on the Syrian refugee population.

Background of Civil War in Syria and Reasons to Flee

The Syrian refugees are emigrating out of Syria in order to seek asylum due to a number

of push factors caused by the bloody armed conflict that began in March 2011. It all began when

pro-democracy protests erupted in the southern Syrian city of Deraa after the incarceration and

torture of teenagers who painted revolutionary slogans on a school wall (“Syria: the story of the

conflict”). During the pro-democracy protests, counterinsurgency security forces issued by the

government opened fire on the demonstrators, killing several, which led more people to join the

protests (“Syria: the story of the conflict”). President Bashar Al-Assad’s use of his father's

counterinsurgency approach of violence to attempt to silence the protestors only hardened the

protestors’ determination to end the Assad regime by demanding his resignation, and to

ultimately create a democratic society (“Syria: the story of the conflict”). By July 2011, hundreds

of thousands of Syrian protesters were taking to the streets across the country. Protestors began

to take up arms to defend themselves and later expel the counterinsurgency security forces from

their local area (“Syria: the story of the conflict”), marking the transition of the conflict from an

insurgency to a full blown civil war by the summer of 2012 (Holliday 7). Four years into the

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civil war, more than 200,000 people had been killed, but the exact death toll has been so hard to

determine that the UN gave up counting the dead in early 2014 (Cousins 931).

The Assad government forces such as the Syrian Army as well as pro-Assad militias like

the shabiha mafias, which have become the most significant source of armed reinforcement for

the Syrian Army, has employed artillery, air power, bulldozers, sectarian massacres, and even

ballistic missiles to force Syrian populations out of insurgent held areas which “ensures that even

when rebel groups win over towns and neighborhoods, they lose the population” (Holliday 7).

Furthermore, non-state armed groups opposing the government, such as the extremist Islamist

groups, the Islamic State (also known as ISIS) and al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria, Jabhat al-Nusra,

are also responsible for war crimes and other serious abuses, including attacks on civilians, use

of child soldiers, kidnapping, torture in detention and sexual assault and rape with the aim of

establishing an Islamist State in Syria (Sunderland 4, 6).

The constant threat of violence, the military draft to serve the Assad regime, and the

destruction of the infrastructure of cities are some of the other reasons why Syrians fled their

country (Sunderland 4). Before the conflict began in 2011, 93 percent of eligible children were

enrolled in school (Sunderland 6). By 2014, 3,000 schools had been partially or completely

destroyed; “A ten-year-old Syrian boy… told Human Rights Watch that when his school was

bombed, ‘I felt like my future had been destroyed’” (Sunderland 7). Children also described how

they witnessed attacks on their schools, raids by government forces that involve violence and

arrests, and how their schools had been transformed into buildings used for military operations

by both government forces and opposition armed groups (Sunderland 7).

Inevitably, the civil war has unprecedented and multidimensional effect on the country’s

health system and infrastructure, which was once considered “one of the best healthcare systems

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in the Arab world is now the worst” (Cousins 931). The remaining healthcare system has been

divided into multiple systems: government areas, opposition areas, and areas controlled by ISIS

(Cousins 931). Hundreds of doctors, nurses, dentists, pharmacists, and paramedics have fled and

according to Zaher Sahloul, president of the Syrian American Medical Society, more than 600

healthcare professionals have been killed during the conflict (Cousins 931). This has left Syria

with a huge gap in experience and expertise in the medical field that cannot be replaced, leaving

only a few doctors who risk their lives every day to provide treatment to thousands of Syrians

who cannot afford to leave or refuse to (Cousins 931). Furthermore, 14 years since the country

had been declared polio-free, the resurfacing of the highly contagious virus in Syria in October

2013 led to a huge immunization campaign which has been labeled by the UN as being “the most

challenging in the history of polio eradication” (Cousins 931). One of the biggest problems in

Syria is now financial because since the war has gone on for over four years, the amount of

charitable money is drying up, and donors do not trust where the money is being allocated,

making it more and more difficult to financially support the humanitarian crisis (Cousins 931-

932).

Syria has increasingly become almost uninhabitable, threatening the livelihood and

basically everyday life of its inhabitants. As of March 2016, there are almost 5 million registered

Syrian Refugees, most of them consisting of women and children (“Syria: the story of the

conflict”). Inside Syria, a further 6.5 million people are internally displaced with about 70%

lacking access to clean drinking water, one in three people unable to meet basic food needs, 2

million children out of school, and four out of five people living in poverty (“Syria: the story of

the conflict”). Migrants and asylum seekers that do decide to flee Syria then also have the

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dangerous and at times fatal journey to host countries, including Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon,

Turkey as well as Europe.

Dying to Get to Europe: Loss of Life on the Mediterranean

Over the past several years, Europe has witnessed people arriving on its shores after

embarking on dangerous journeys across the Mediterranean Sea. Despite the efforts of the EU

and some national authorities to rescue boats packed with migrants and refugees, the number of

casualties continues to grow. According to the UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency, in 2015

alone, there were about one million arrivals to Europe by sea which is about 5 times the number

of people that arrived in 2014. The UNHCR also stated that in 2014, 3,500 people were reported

dead or missing and in 2015 this number increased to 3,770 people. In the first four months of

2016 alone, there have been an estimated 184,913 arrivals into Europe by sea and a reported

1,361 dead or missing people. To put these numbers into perspective, the UNHCR reported that

the first four months of 2015 experienced an influx of about 53,109 migrants, and 2016 has

already reported about a third of the casualties that took place in 2015. The deadliest month in

2015 was in April when nearly 1,250 migrants died crossing the Mediterranean, particularly due

to the worst tragedy on record involving the death of 800 people when their overcrowded vessel

capsized off the coast of Libya-- only 28 people survived and made it to Italy.

The increasing number of deaths in the Mediterranean of desperate migrants attempting

to reach asylum has called for the European Union to take action to improve the protection of

migrants trying to reach the borders of the EU. Migrants face human rights violations before they

reach the EU, on the journey to the EU, and once they arrive in the EU (European Parliament

27). The first phase, the pre-departure phase, is different depending whether the migrant is

departing from countries bordering the Mediterranean, from Sub-Saharan countries or from the

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Middle East (European Parliament 27-28). Human rights violations faced by migrants in the pre-

departure stage include the risk of travelling to departure countries. For example, migrants

traveling across the Sahara Desert toward the Mediterranean face rough natural conditions,

corrupt officials and bandits that put the life and safety of migrants at risk (European Parliament

28). Once migrants reach the country of departure, they are often forced to stay in ‘makeshift

camps’ which are camps organized by migrant communities, regularly dismantled by local

police, or, in some cases, are locked up by the smugglers while they are waiting for a boat to

Europe (European Parliament 28). In these departure countries, migrants do not have access to

education, healthcare and other basic services, which violates their basic human rights by not

being able to receive education or obtain treatment for any health problems they might have

(European Parliament 28). In some of these transit countries, migrants are sometimes

apprehended by authorities and placed in detention facilities “on the ground that they are

considered to be ‘illegal’, regardless of the valid refugee claims they may have under

international law” (European Parliament 28). Detention centers put migrants at risk of severe ill-

treatment and violate civil, political, economic, and social rights, as well as the rights of a child

(European Parliament 29). This can have psychological and physical damages to migrants,

including victims of torture, sexual violence, unaccompanied older persons, persons with a

mental or physical disability, and persons living with HIV/AIDS (European Parliament 28).

Another major problem with the detention of families and children is the lack of a proper

guardianship for children. For example, In Turkey, when apprehended with their mothers, boys

over the age of 12 are automatically separated from their mothers and placed into orphanages,

directly violating the rights of the child, which prohibits the unlawful or arbitrary deprivation of

their liberty (European Parliament 28-29).

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The second phase of the migration consists of the actual crossing of the Mediterranean by

boat which also entails considerable risks and violations of human rights (European Parliament

29). Migrants crossing the Mediterranean experience large-scale violations to the right to life due

to the absence of safer migration opportunities to seek asylum in the EU (European Parliament

29-30). “The Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe observed that migrants

were at risk during their journey of losing their life or facing serious injury ‘as a result of (a) the

actions of private individuals in the course of trafficking and smuggling by land or at sea; and (b)

excessive use of force by law enforcement officials charged with border control’” (European

Parliament 30). Private individuals include smugglers whose actions systematically exploit those

desperate to reach safer soil and display a remarkable disregard for the dignity, life and rights of

migrants (European Parliament 30). Smugglers often send overcrowded, unseaworthy boats to

cross the Mediterranean, and often avoid being arrested by forcing the migrants to operate the

boats themselves even if they have limited or no sea experience (European Parliament 30). Other

factors that affect the safety of the journey include the route, the weather and sea conditions, the

number of people on the boat, and the navigation skills of the captain or migrants (European

Parliament 30). Furthermore, proper navigation systems as well as food and water are not always

present on board (European Parliament 30). Due to all of these factors, it is not uncommon that

migrants get lost at sea, run of fuel, encounter heavy seas or have engine problems, or that the

boat fills with water (European Parliament 30).

The third phase is when migrants reach a Member State of the EU. In order to reach their

final destinations in western and northern Europe, migrants must go through the Western

Balkans route (European Parliament 30). In countries like Serbia and Macedonia, the massive

influx of migrants has put severe pressure on their hosting capacities (European Parliament 31).

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For example, due to the lack of shelter in these areas, thousands of migrants are forced to sleep in

the open without access to medical care, toilets, or sanitation facilities which can be extremely

detrimental to their overall health (European Parliament 31). Vulnerable groups of migrants

including women and children are especially at risk while making the trip toward the EU

(European Parliament 31). “The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported that

during the trip from Libya to Italy, Nigerian women ‘were repeatedly raped or forced to

prostitute themselves in near slavery condition’” (European Parliament 31). Furthermore, another

report by the IOM stated that the number of Nigerian women that arrived in Italy that became

victims of sexual trafficking increased by 300% in 2014 (European Parliament 31). Migrant

children, particularly unaccompanied children, are also extremely vulnerable to becoming

victims of violence and abuse and are in need of psychological support (European Parliament

31). Migrants’ human rights are also violated when national coast guards implement ‘push-back

operations’ that violates the right to non-refoulement (European Parliament 31). According to the

UN Refugee Agency, non-refoulement is the most essential component of refugee status and of

asylum, and is defined as protection against return to a country where a person has reason to fear

persecution (Note on Non-Refoulement 1). In light of this refugee crisis, there have been many

reports of push-backs by states such as Italy, Greece or Spain as well as by Frontex which is

responsible for the coordination of European border management (European Parliament 31).

Besides the violation of the right to non-refoulement, these push-back operations have also put

the lives of the migrants at risk due to damages being incurred on the boats themselves, or due to

the ill treatment that coastguards impose on the migrants, “for instance, some migrants claimed

that they had been beaten with batons, others to have been stripped naked” (European Parliament

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33). The conflicts faced by refugees as they cross the Mediterranean reflects the desperate need

of the EU to respond more adequately to the current refugee crisis in the Mediterranean.

European Asylum System and Responses to Syrian Refugee Crisis

Europe’s asylum system is rooted in the belief that refugees have the right to seek and

enjoy asylum. A common asylum policy was created after the establishment of the Schengen

Area in 1995 which created an EU visa-free zone, which eliminated border controls among

twenty-six European countries (Park 7). Furthermore, the Dublin Regulation holds that entry-

point states bear the responsibility for processing migrants’ asylum applications, meaning that

asylum seekers must remain in the first European country they enter and that those migrants who

travel to other EU states might face deportation back to the EU country they originally entered

(Park 4). German Chancellor Angela Merkel warns that the future of Schengen is at risk unless

all EU member states do their part to find a more equitable distribution of migrants (Park 7). The

Dublin Regulation has proven to be faulty since in practice, none of the countries at the external

borders of the EU could possibly process all the asylum claims each is supposedly responsible

for (Stavropoulou 8). “Under the current system, the burden of responsibility falls

disproportionately on entry-point states with exposed border” but in practice, many of these

countries have stopped enforcing the Dublin Regulation and have been allowing migrants to pass

through to other EU countries (Park 4). Reforming the Dublin Regulation is therefore an

important step in the development of a common European asylum policy.

The dilemma for European states lies in how to respond to the influx of Syrian refugees

into Europe. The first type of response is to push and force these migrants away, building walls

and fences to make it clear that they are unwelcome, with the promise to organize aid outside of

the European Union soil (Baldacchino and Sammut 1). This first form of response has been

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adopted by Hungary and is the approach preferred by European governments that are “unsure of

how to respond to panic-stricken constituencies that are open to rabid 21st century nationalism”

(Baldacchino and Sammut 1). This response is rooted in arguments from “panicked” host

countries which “oscillate between utilitarianism (“we don't have the space”), ideological

identity (an influx of Muslims threatens to denature “Christian Europe” or “Secular Europe”,

depending on the country), and the invoking of security threats (there are jihadists hiding

amongst the migrants) (Loizidou 3). This panic is also demonstrated in the European media by

coining the phrase “migrant crisis” which subtly delegitimizes calls for protection, whereas using

the phrase “refugee crisis” reinforces them (Holmes and Castañeda 16). Eastern European states

such as Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic have openly expressed their preference for

non-Muslim migrants and Poland has similarly focused on only granting Syrian Christian asylum

(Park 6). Selecting migrants based on religious beliefs is in clear violation of the EU’s non-

discrimination laws but these leaders defend their policies by pointing to rising discomfort of

their constituents to growing Muslim communities (Park 4).

The second type of response is the response adopted by Germany, driven by an

outpouring of public sympathy, of the acceptance and integration of about 800,000 immigrants

during 2015 to help them quickly integrate into, and contribute to, German society and the

economy (Baldacchino and Sammut 1). These two types of response to the Syrian refugee crisis

perfectly represents the conflicting views toward the influx of refugees since 2011. While most

refugees from Syria have been absorbed by its neighboring countries Lebanon, Jordan and

Turkey, the evolving crisis is now presenting Europe’s leaders and citizens with tough moral

questions. While individuals are mainly showing compassion and kindness, Europe's leaders

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continue to exercise their own agendas as national interests have continuously trumped a

common European response to this migrant influx (Abbasi, Patel and Godlee 1).

Obligation of European Union to Grant Asylum

“Europe’s refugee crisis is the greatest test of humanity faced by the world’s rich

countries this century” (Abbasi, Patel and Godlee 1). Europe has long prided itself as having

human rights being one of its defining features (Abbasi, Patel and Godlee 1). Article 14 of The

Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to

enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution, and (2) This right may not be invoked in the

case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the

purposes and principles of the United Nations” (Universal Declaration of Human Rights 4). The

European Commission, the EU’s executive body has pledged to take action to address various

aspects of the refugee crisis. However, after some efforts to improve the status of migrants and

asylum seekers in the EU, the refrain of Europe’s migrant crisis has changed from “welcome” to

“enough already” (Charlton 1). Although the EU states it firmly believes in human rights and the

right to asylum, there is a rapid rise in the fear of the “other” and some states persevere in

criminalizing migrants by branding them as ‘illegal’ and are involved in various measures that

give their citizens a false sense of legitimacy and security (Baldacchino and Sammut 2-3).

Generally, restrictive immigration policies are well received, however, there has been occasional

public resistance to their implementation, especially in the case of individuals and families

framed as “deserving” (Holmes and Castañeda 15). Syrian families are seen as “deserving” of

the international community’s physical, economic, social and health aid because they have been

involuntarily displaced by political circumstances, or the ongoing civil war (Holmes and

Castañeda 15). At times, immigration and refugee policies prioritize morally legitimate

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biological or health differences in delineating deservingness (Holmes and Castañeda 17). While

Humanitarian refugees are considered “deserving” of obtaining asylum, families that are

considered “undeserving” include economic refugees because they voluntarily leave their home

communities in search of a better life (Holmes and Castañeda 17).

Conflicts in Response to Refugee Crisis in the EU

The previously mentioned Dublin Regulation system had consequences of placing the

majority of the responsibility for processing asylum claims of refugees on southern and south-

eastern member states with external land or sea borders, while northern countries benefit from

the buffer this created for them (Hampshire 9). Up until recently, the EU’s response to the unfair

burden imposed on frontline states has been to offer them financial transfers under the European

Refugee Fund, operational support including the deployment of Frontex, the EU borders agency

to the Greek-Turkish border, and the creation of the European Asylum Support Office in Malta

(Hampshire 9). However, these measures did not address the fundamental inequity of the Dublin

Regulation system, which were left unresolved (Hampshire 9).

By 2015, growing tensions made it clear that the European asylum regime was at a

breaking point, but it wasn’t until April 19th, 2015, when a boat carrying migrants off the Libyan

coast sank, and an estimated 900 people were killed (Hampshire 9). A few days following the

tragedy, European leaders held an emergency summit in which they agreed to set up maritime

patrols (Hampshire 9). In May, the Commission proposed a redistribution scheme across the EU

to alleviate pressure on frontline states, but the European leaders were unable to reach an

agreement on the proposals (Hampshire 9). Attitudes once again shifted in early September when

media outlets circulated the horrifying image of the lifeless body of infant Aylan Kurdi, a Syrian

refugee who was one of the victims of drowning in the Mediterranean (Hampshire 9). These

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shifting attitudes led to another series of emergency summits in which Germany and then France

moved to support the relocation of forced migrants (Hampshire 9). Germany’s leaders also

announced that it would no longer be enforcing the Dublin Regulation by no longer returning

Syrians to the first country they entered (Hampshire 9). While this ameliorated the south-north

tensions over asylum burden-sharing, east-west division arose (Hampshire 10). The Czech

Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Romania clearly stated their opposition to mandatory

relocation (Hampshire 10). In September 2015, the Commission put forward a permanent

emergency relocation scheme for 120,000 migrants in Italy, Greece and Hungary and a new EU

list of safe countries of origin (Hampshire 10). They were unable to reach an agreement with

Hungary, who refused to participate in relocation, which focused the scheme solely on Italy and

Greece (Hampshire 10). The Polish government eventually dropped its opposition, but the other

four countries remained adamant about their opposition (Hampshire 10). Eventually, the Council

was able to force through the relocation scheme by a Qualified Majority Vote (Hampshire 10).

Opposition to this scheme is rooted in domestic politics of sovereignty and identity rather than

the number of refugees that each country will be forced to accommodate (Hampshire 10).

Implications on European Economy

The economic impacts of the Syrian Refugee Crisis on Europe is challenging to measure,

and history provides us only with a few clues of economic and fiscal impacts on host-countries

after a sharp rise in refugees. Many factors make the assessment of the economic impact of the

crisis challenging, notably: “estimating the number of asylum seekers; the expected duration of

stay is uncertain and will depend on how many are recognized as refugees and the enforcement

of return for those who are denied international protection; and the time required to process the

asylum claims varies a lot across receiving countries, as does the time required to enter the labor

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market” (How will the refugee surge 1). There will be many effects on public finances of the

host country including short term expenditures required to provide support to newly-arrived

refugees can be substantial and includes humanitarian assistance to meet basic human needs such

as food, shelter and basic income support (How will the refugee surge 2). Other types of

expenditures include up-front expenditures that are associated with education and necessary

language training, as well as the expenditures associated with processing asylum claims and

enforcing returns (How will the refugee surge 2). Monthly allowances will provide asylum

seekers with some help during their first year of asylum and additional support is needed to assist

recognized refugees to integrate into the labor market and society (How will the refugee surge 2).

While these allowances enhance the purchasing power of refugees, it causes prices in local

markets to rise, highlighting the livelihood vulnerability of an increasingly large number of local

households (Zetter and Ruaudel 7). In the short term, net direct fiscal impact of welcoming

refugees is high, but long term patterns show that it will also decrease rapidly over time as they

become more integrated into the labor market (How will the refugee surge 2). Major host

countries including Germany and Sweden have begun economic planning, including Germany's

projected addition of 0.5% of GDP per annum in 2016 and 2017, and Sweden's additional

spending of 0.9% of GDP per annum, in order to provide initial needs of newly arrived

immigrants and to integrate them into the labor market (How will the refugee surge 2).

The initial impact of asylum seekers varies by country of origin and “will depend on the

success of the asylum-seekers in gaining refugee status, the length of the application process and

whether or not they will enter the labor force” (How will the refugee surge 3). The conditions

and wait period to access the labor market also vary across countries and many asylum seekers

do not immediately enter the labor market (How will the refugee surge 3). Taking into account

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several factors such as the composition of inflows by country of origin, the age structure of

refugees, and labor market participation rates estimates that by December 2016, refugees will

amount to 0.3% of the European Economic Area (EEA) labor force (How will the refugee surge

4). The European labor market globally has the capacity to absorb a shock of this magnitude but

there are a number of factors that may strain this capacity (How will the refugee surge 4). The

first factor that may affect the capacity to take in refugees includes high levels of unemployment

that some countries in the EU still face (How will the refugee surge 4). Secondly, within

countries, inflows into the labor market might be concentrated in some areas with potentially

sizeable local effects (How will the refugee surge 4). Thirdly, the above estimates assume that

asylum seekers who experience an unsuccessful claim will return to their countries of origin

(How will the refugee surge 4). Finally, the ultimate economic impact of refugees being

integrated into Europe will depend on the success of labor market integration (How will the

refugee surge 4).

Health Implications of Refugee Crisis on Europe

The Syrian Refugee Crisis has also had a detrimental impact on all public services,

especially the health and education sectors, alongside severe impacts on services such as water

supply and power (Zetter and Ruaudel 6). Furthermore, socio-economic factors and the lack of

legal status increase refugees’ vulnerability to a number of human rights abuses and

vulnerabilities (Zetter and Ruaudel 9). Austerity and exclusionist policies have also undermined

immigrants’ access to social and health services (Gotsens et al. 923). A case study done in Spain

to measure the health inequality between immigrants and natives in Spain proved that during

times of economic crisis, immigrants are losing their health advantages compared with the local

native population (Gotsens et al. 298). Furthermore, some EU countries still have no (or no

Dunn 20

longer offer) unrestricted medical care for undocumented migrants and are often forced to work

in adverse working conditions (Razum and Stronks 703).

The overall health of Europe and all of its original inhabitants, as well as its newly

admitted Syrian refugees, are affected in many different ways. One of the implications of the

refugee crisis on health is the increase in the prevalence of violence, especially amongst the most

vulnerable of the population: women and girls (Parker 2341). “Gender-based violence predated

the crisis within the Syrian community and is now one of the most salient features of the current

conflict” (Parker 2341). So far, only one sexual violence-related case has been reported to the

Turkish police when a girl at a refugee camp was pregnant and the family was aware that she

was impregnated by a Turkish man (Parker 2341). The girl had a miscarriage and her family

moved out of the camp and into an urban area “where nobody knew them” and the Turkish man

was prosecuted under Turkish law (Parker 2341). Officials reportedly asked women to report

mistreatment, to which they’ve responded with ‘no’ (Parker 2342). About 70% of women and

girls are disclosing intimate partner violence to humanitarian groups and women’s groups in high

numbers, but not to the police (Parker 2342). “Women are often forced to exchange sexual acts

in return for items like food, clothing and shelter. Women are treated like commodities during

desperate times like conflict situations” (Parker 2342). the UN Special Representative on Sexual

Violence in Conflict, Zainab Hawa Bangura, went on a missions trip to the Middle East at the

end of April to investigate the reported sexual violations (Parker 2342). Her mission findings

concluded that “there is a catastrophic trend of using sexual violence as a tactic of war” and that

the only way achieve a successful global future, we must ensure that the 50% of the population is

being safeguarded (Parker 2342).

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The health of migrants needs to be seen as a global health issue because their poor status

is often a result of their long and exhausting journey into the European Union (Soares and

Tzafalias 822). Furthermore, the reemergence of Polio amongst refugees could lead to the

reemergence of the virus in Europe. The vast majority of refugees are victims of extreme

violations of human rights and dignity “such as torture, war-related trauma, murder of relatives

and friends, and the destruction of human, material and abstract community values” (Kéri 1080).

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is defined as a pattern of profound and enduring changes

in mood, cognition and social relationships (Kéri 1080). Individuals who suffer from PTSD

suffer from the persistent re-experience of the traumatic events, constant avoidance of stimuli

associated with the trauma accompanied by the numbing of general responsiveness and increased

arousal (Kéri 1080). Researchers found that 61% of asylum seekers were diagnosed with PTSD.

Immigrants to European countries are often disadvantages in socioeconomic terms, may have

experienced severe stress before and during migration, and they may be victims of discrimination

and marginalization afterwards (Spallek et al. 63). Therefore, migration is one among several

factors that contribute to the heterogeneity of suicide risk in European countries and that the

suicide risk of immigrant populations depends to a considerable degree on cultural factors, and

on the suicide risk in the countries of origin (Spallek et al. 63).

Conclusion: Possible Solutions to the Syrian Refugee Crisis

The Syrian Refugee Crisis has proven to be a multilateral and extremely complex conflict

that EU member countries are rushing to address. There are many possible solutions to this

problem, some of which are already being implemented. The first possible solution is the

relocation scheme, proposed by the Commission, across twenty-three member states (Park 7).

This solution builds on a previous voluntary quota system that called member states to resettle

Dunn 22

forty thousand migrants from Greece and Italy (Park 7). Critics of this approach argue that free

movement inside the Schengen zone nullifies national resettlement quotas (Park 7). The second

solution is that the EU and other global powers must provide more aid to Middle Eastern

countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan which have borne the primary responsibility of

Syrian refugees (Park 7). It is important to give these countries more monetary aid because they

are now struggling to provide basic food and shelter due to funding shortages (Park 8). The third

possible solution is the creation of “asylum centers” in North Africa and the Middle East in the

hopes of enabling refugees to apply for asylum without taking the dangerous journey across the

Mediterranean (Park 8). The European Commission has also proposed drawing up a common

“safe countries list” in the hopes that it would help expedite asylum applications and deportations

(Park 8). Adopted by the EU in April 2015, a ten-point plan on migration calls for a systematic

effort to capture and destroy vessels used by smugglers (Park 8). However, this focus fails to

recognize the larger “push factors” driving the emigration from the region (Park 8). The only

way to truly address the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Europe is to address the root causes of

migration: “helping to broker an end to Syria’s civil war (Park 8).

Dunn 23

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