South Sudan independence and the corrutpion challenges to overcome

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<ul><li> 1. Africas Newest Nation:Fresh Challenges to Overcome BT Costantinos, PhD Professor of Public Policy, School of Graduate Studies, Department of Public Administration and Management, College of Management, Information and Economic Sciences, AAU Lecture Notes Series IV, Addis Abeba, 2011 The Perils of and Trajectories for Resolving the Impact of Corruption on South Sudans Independence PhD Lecture and Seminar </li> <li> 2. 1. Introduction South Sudan became the 193rd member of the United Nations on 15 July 2011, six days after it became an independent state. After a tumultous half a century war, Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) Negotiations held under thh suspices of IGAD, South Sudan is the newest state in the world. The story is long and trying. The January 2005 the CPA formally ended war between the Khartoum government and the insurgent Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), Africas longest civil conflict. Yet as the late SPLM Chairman John Garang was sworn in as 1st Vice-President on 9 July, implementation laged badly. The main obstacles were the ancien regimes lack of will to embrace genuine power sharing and elections, and ultimately allow a southern self-determination referendum after the six-year interim period and lack of capacity in the South to establish and empower basic structures of governance. The members of the Security Council welcomed recognized that Sudan is in a critical pe- riod as it prepares for historic referenda in Abyei and Southern Sudan. Council members underlined their appreciation for the support that the United Nations Mission in the Sudan (UNMIS) is providing to assist the parties, especially noting that fewer than four months remain. The members of the Security Council called for the parties to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement to take urgent action to facilitate peaceful and on-time referenda that re- flect the will of the Sudanese people, to respect their results, and to resolve key remaining post-referenda issues. The members of the Security Council look to the Secretary-Generals 24 September high-level meeting to focus international attention and support on Sudan dur- ing this time. They also welcomed the Secretary-Generals intent to create a referenda moni- toring panel, in response to a joint request by the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peo- ples Liberation Movement, and requested that all parties provide full assistance to the panel once formed. UN Security Council, (2010) It is no secret that one of the outstanding political changes in Africa which more than not is attributable to the post 9/11 US foreign policy shift is the coming of South Sudan into the central stage of the world politics. Nobody knew that the fate of this people who led one of Africas longest liberation struggles in the modern history would change so dramatically as it did soon as the US changed its polices and alliances in the Arab and Islamic region. As a fact of history, the way to South Sudans independence wasnt any easy. To put it mildly, it was in defiance of many old regional political traditions and negatively held views about se- cessionism in the African continent that the new Republic of South Sudan (RSS) deservedly made it to become the worlds newest state. But as we follow some of the stories as they un- fold, one is left with the impression that there is more to this new nations politics than that meets the eye. In situations where public officials are seen to be using their positions to advance paro- chial interest and self-aggrandisement, a general loss of respect for authority and the law oc- curs and despondency in the general population develops. It is apparent that as the nation enters this new era of political pluralism, there is a need to overhaul the administrative ma- chinery and develop institutional alternatives to the hierarchical organisational structure. Nonetheless, the solutions, like the problems, can be seen in large part as elements, features and effects of political ideological leanings; taking shape and come into play as operation of a particular power doctrine. The article presents the methodology and research questions, Challenges to South Sudan Independence, Brutal lessons from Eritrea, East Timor, Kosovo for South Sudan, Kiir vows to fight corruption in South Sudan government, corruption and its impact in SSs develop- ment, Stemming threats of Corruption to good governance, Best practices in stemming the tide of Corruption and Conclusion1 | overcoming corruption challenges to SSs independence </li> <li> 3. 2. Statement of the problem South Sudan ceases to appear young when it comes to how it creates multi-millionaires overnights. Still classified as one of the worlds poorest state though oil producing, the coun- try surprising against all odds has the highest rate of freedom fighters turn public fund loot- ers. One may ask how come that such things be allowed to go unabated in an age where good governance and accountability are not only the dominant slogans of the new world order, but are in fact being taught on regular basis by the countless Western NGOs and their local counterparts to all management levels in the developing countries who heavily depend on USAID and EU development funds and partnership. In poverty ridden SS, a former soldier who is keenly diplomatic, cannot say if the gov- ernment is spending its money wisely. I dont know, he replies. We never see it. Their in- come doesnt reach us. Still, he has hopes for independence. Maybe the government will see us now, he says, because we are suffering. Back in Juba, the scourge of corruption in South Sudan is plainly visible for anyone who looks for it, and ultimately it will determine how quickly this nation, now among the worlds poorest, develops. The countrys secession from Sudan, against which it fought two civil wars over five decades, will do nothing to change this fact. President Salva Kiir and his deputy forever Dr. Riek Machar both continue in their silence as the debate on the 13 top corrupt South Sudanese boils. Sadly though, this worrisome silence comes against a background of a series of inter-communal killings dubbed as cattle rustling. (Justin Ambago Ramba, 2011)3. Methodology and research questions 3.1. Hypothesis While it is of fundamental importance that SS itself defines approaches to, and processes of, participation, democracy and good economic governance, it is also nec- essary that such approaches be synthesised with universal principles, which assure both peaceful political contestation and policy participation. Without this, the process may well result in varying degrees of political and economic liberalisation, but not in a functioning market driven economy and democracy, which again raises some funda- mental questions. 3.2. The research questions focused on what brought about the current non-democratic dy- namics in SSs recent history, viz. 3.2.1. Why is this poor nation promoting corruption? 3.2.2. Do market economies and democracy have indigenous SS roots? 3.2.3. What are the strategic options for fighting corruption that enhance sustainabil- ity of the growth and human security? Hence, a series of literature review and interview instruments that reflect the range of questions were developed and administered to collect a wide range of views from key informants and knowledgeable civic personalities of varying lifestyles and the interna- tional community. This think piece is a teaching material and dialogue starter article based on the various assessments undertaken in the recent past by the author princi- pally and by other scholars. While permission will be requested for the lengthy quota- tions, the conclusion remains that of the author4. Challenges to South Sudan Independence A Troubled Divorce (NYT, 2011) Conflicts remain over how the two sides will share the souths sizable reserves of crude oil and what to do about the Abyei region, which straddles the north-south border and is claimed by both. Less than six months after South Sudan broke away from Sudan, tensions between the neighbours have crystallized into fears of direct confrontation. While the two nations continue to discuss how to split lucrative oil revenues and the fate of the contested region of Abyei, a spreading rebellion inside Sudan prompted the Sudanese government to accuse the south of providing military support to the rebels. Salva Kiir, the president of South Sudan, rejected accusations by the Sudanese government that his country was arming2 | overcoming corruption challenges to SSs independence </li> <li> 4. Sudanese rebels as utterly baseless and malicious. In November 2011, Mr. Kiir denounced the Sudanese government for threatening what he called a military invasion of South Su- dan. Mr. Kiir has accused the Sudanese government of bombing the South Sudanese area of Guffa, killing at least seven people and potentially moving insurgencies on both sides of the border closer to an international conflict. Many residents in the Sudanese provinces of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile fought alongside the south during its civil war with the north. But the 2005 peace treaty placed the two provinces in Sudans territory, leaving South Sudan to hold a referendum to decide its own fate. In January, the South Sudanese voted almost unanimously to secede from the rest of the country. Their fellow combatants in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile remained on the other side of the border, and an armed rebellion soon began. In return, the Sudanese military has clamped down hard on the rebellion, filling the skies over Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile with Antonov bombers, some of which have flown over South Sudanese territory, too. A satellite imaging project organized by the Enough Pro- ject, an advocacy group, has published what it says is evidence of mass graves in the rebel- lious regions, and the United Nations has said the military activity could amount to war crimes. The United States, a close partner of South Sudan, had made strong overtures to the government in Sudan, saying that if it cooperated peacefully with South Sudans transition to independence, economic sanctions on the country could be lifted. But in early November, President Obama called for the sanctions to be extended over what he called hostile actions on the part of the Sudanese government that posed an unusual and extraordinary threat to American foreign policy. As the split approached, Mr. Bashir seemed to be steering his coun- try back toward war. The north occupied Abyei in May in overwhelming numbers, forcing nearly 100,000 southern Sudanese to flee. Heavy fighting also broke out soon after in Kadugli, the capital of Southern Kordofan a northern Sudanese state where many of the people are aligned with the southern Sudanese.5. Brutal lessons from Eritrea, East Timor, Kosovo for South Sudan Eritrea emerged from its long war of independence and seceded from Ethiopia under a referendum in 1993 only to plunge once again into military conflict, first with Yemen and Sudan and then, more devastatingly, with its old adversary, Ethiopia and recently with Dji- bouti. (Christopher Torchia, 2011) When East Timor voted for independence in 1999, militia loyal to the departing Indone- sian rulers went on a rampage that took more than 1,000 lives. War engulfed Kosovo in the late 1990s after it said it was splitting from Serbia, and some 10,000 people died. Then, as the grieving and the euphoria quieted, the hard and often divisive work of nation building began. The struggle continues, more than a decade later. If, as is widely expected, Southern Sudan has opted for independence in the weeklong referendum that ended Saturday, it will become the latest land to grasp statehood in the wake of violent upheaval. How well will it work? A half-century ago, the world had dozens of examples to study as countries around the globe won their independence from European colonial powers. Nevertheless, today the addi- tion of a new country to the world map is something unusual. Therefore, while comparisons can only be imprecise, the first steps of East Timor and Kosovo offer some guidance about the challenges facing the battered yet exultant people of Southern Sudan. "The expectations of independence are always very high," said Australian academic Damien Kingsbury, noting that the administrators of a new country inevitably lack skills and resources. "The first few years are almost always pretty shaky." (Ibid) Since declaring independence in 2008 with Western support, it has been recognized by well under half the UN membership. Some have concerns about separatist movements on their own turf and worry about setting self-damaging precedents. Spain faces Basque and Catalan separatism. Russia has Chechnya, China has Tibet, India has Kashmir. For a country like Kosovo, "It leaves you in international limbo," said Tim Judah, author of two books about the new country of 1.8 million. "Youre not a state among equals." In East Timors case, Indonesia, emerging from a long dictatorship, agreed under pressure to a UN-backed3 | overcoming corruption challenges to SSs independence </li> <li> 5. referendum in the former Portuguese colony that it had invaded and occupied in 1975. After East Timorese voted overwhelmingly to separate, the rampage condoned by Indonesia de- stroyed much of the territorys limited infrastructure.5. Corruptions chokehold threatens new nation: Those in government, largely former bush commanders in the guerrilla Sudan Peoples Liberation Army and their friends and families, along with current SPLA higher-ups, enjoy a good life. This has been going on for years, since the 2005 peace deal gave South Sudan autonomy and paved the way for Saturdays secession. One could argue leaders have seemingly done a lot in a short period, not least of which is create a government. Most of the wasted money comes from South Sudans oil wealth. It currently receives 50 per cent of the revenues the other half goes to Sudan. It amounts to about $2 billion an...</li></ul>


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